Supreme Court preserves access to mifepristone via telehealth – at least for now

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Sonia Suter, Professor of Law, George Washington University

Mifepristone is one of two drugs typically used in medication abortions. Carl Lokko/iStock via Getty Images Plus

The U.S. Supreme Court has decided that patients can continue to get mifepristone, one of the two drugs used for medication abortion, via telehealth and by mail. At least for now.

A lower court had temporarily blocked this access nationwide in early May 2026. The case now returns to that lower court, although it may well make it back to the Supreme Court in the future.

Since 2023, almost two-thirds of abortions in the United States have involved mifepristone, and since late 2024 one-quarter of all abortions occur through abortion pills provided via telehealth.

As scholars who study laws affecting reproductive health, we believe the outcome of this case will have an enormous impact on access to abortion care across the country.

In states with abortion bans, telehealth prescriptions have allowed women to get abortions anyway. But the case is also significant to those in states without abortion bans, especially women with low incomes and disabilities or who live in rural areas, where reproductive services are extremely limited.

How did the case get to this point?

The case began in October 2025, when Louisiana argued that the Biden administration’s allowance of telehealth abortions was for “avowedly political reasons.” The state asserted that the U.S. Food and Drug Administration had insufficient evidence to remove the requirement that the drug be dispensed in person, which had been in place from 2000 through 2021.

The state also argued that mailing mifepristone violated an 1873 federal law known as the Comstock Act. This law, which makes it a crime to mail or ship any “lewd, lascivious, indecent, filthy or vile article” and anything that “is advertised or described in a manner … for producing abortion,” has rarely been enforced.

The lower court thought Louisiana would likely win, but it decided to keep the FDA regulations in place while the case made its way through the courts. On May 1, 2026, however, the appellate court suspended the FDA regulation allowing mifepristone to be prescribed via telehealth.

As a result, mifepristone could no longer be mailed or prescribed via telehealth, nationwide. Three days later, on May 4, after the manufacturers of mifepristone appealed, the Supreme Court put the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals’ decision on hold for a week to give it more time to consider the legal issues. On May 11, it extended the stay for a few more days.

What does the SCOTUS decision mean for mifepristone access?

On May 14, the Supreme Court decided to leave the FDA’s regulation in effect, so mifepristone remains available for prescription via telehealth. Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas dissented, with Alito accusing the court of “perpetrat[ing] a scheme to undermine” the court’s decision in the 2022 Dobbs ruling that overturned the constitutional right to an abortion and allowed states to ban it. Thomas added his view that the Comstock Act makes it a criminal offense to mail mifepristone.

The case now returns to the 5th Circuit, which has signaled how it is likely to rule on this question. Namely, that it believes the FDA has exceeded its authority in allowing the drug to be prescribed via telehealth. Once the case has been resolved in the lower courts, it could end up before the Supreme Court again. If the court decides to strike down the rule, or if the FDA rescinds it, then women in all states would no longer be able to get the pills by mail, not just in the 13 total-ban states.

The court’s May 14 decision extends the pause on a lower court ruling, preserving mail-order access to mifepristone for now.

Why has mifepristone become so contested?

In 2000, the FDA approved mifepristone specifically to end pregnancies. In combination with telehealth, it allows for abortion to occur outside of a doctor’s office. Accordingly, anti-abortion groups have attempted to discredit mifepristone’s safety and effectiveness for decades, even though mifepristone has been shown to be as safe as ibuprofen and safer than Viagra.

Mifepristone first became available in France in 1998. In 2000, the FDA approved mifepristone in the U.S. after evaluating rigorous studies that showed it to be safe and effective.

Initially, the FDA required the drug to be prescribed and taken at a doctor’s office. But after further review of research on the drug’s safety under the Biden administration, the agency changed some of the prescribing regulations, making it easier to access the drug.

One change made permanent in 2023 was to allow mifepristone to be prescribed via telehealth and mailed. That is the regulation at issue in the Louisiana case.

But after the 2022 Dobbs ruling, mifepristone became even more of a target. Anti-abortion groups realized that people could effectively evade abortion bans by receiving abortion pills through the mail. After Dobbs, in fact, the number of abortions increased, and by June 2025 telehealth abortions had increased fivefold, with more than half of them occurring in abortion-ban states.

The attempts to challenge mifepristone first reached the Supreme Court in 2024, when anti-abortion physicians and groups challenged the FDA’s approval of mifepristone and changes in its prescribing regulations that made it easier to access the pill.

The Supreme Court ultimately dismissed the case on the grounds that the challengers did not have legal standing to bring the claim. Legal standing requires the parties to show they suffered concrete harms or injuries.

Since then several states, including Louisiana, have brought lawsuits with the same kinds of challenges to the FDA’s authority. The Louisiana case is the first to reach the Supreme Court. It is also the first state to reclassify mifepristone as a dangerous controlled substance.

Is this likely to happen with the other abortion pill?

The legal challenges so far have been only to mifepristone, one of the two pills used for medication abortion.

Unlike mifepristone, which is approved only for abortion, misoprostol was approved in 1988 for a different purpose: to treat gastric ulcers.

Misoprostol is prescribed for abortion “off-label,” which means it is an unapproved use of an FDA-approved drug that a healthcare provider determined is medically appropriate for their patient.

In fact, 1 in 5 prescriptions is for off-label use of a drug.

While some studies suggest that using misoprostol alone for an abortion is slightly less effective than taking both pills together, many researchers express confidence in the misoprostol-only option.

And the court’s ruling does not affect access to “Plan B,” a pill that prevents pregnancy and thus is used as birth control, not to induce an abortion.

The Supreme Court’s action is certainly not the end of the story. Challenges to abortion pills will continue, particularly because the leaders of many states believe the availability of these pills prevents them from enforcing their abortion bans.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Supreme Court preserves access to mifepristone via telehealth – at least for now – https://theconversation.com/supreme-court-preserves-access-to-mifepristone-via-telehealth-at-least-for-now-282376

You can persuade AI models to accept falsehoods as truth, study shows

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ashique KhudaBukhsh, Assistant Professor of Computing and Information Sciences, Rochester Institute of Technology

You can make AI chatbots spout information that’s not true. Nicoletaionescu/iStock via Getty Images

When you ask a large language model a question, the reply may include falsehoods, and if you challenge those statements with facts, the AI may still uphold the reply as true. That’s what my research group found when we asked five leading models to describe scenes in movies or novels that don’t actually exist.

We probed this possibility after I asked ChatGPT its favorite scene in the movie “Good Will Hunting.” It noted a scene between leading characters. But then I asked, “What about the scene with the Hitler reference?” There is no such scene in the movie, yet ChatGPT confidently constructed a vivid and plausible description of one.

The confabulation – sometimes called an AI hallucination – revealed something deeper about how AI systems reason. References to Hitler are not uncommon in films, which apparently convinced ChatGPT to accept and elaborate on a false premise rather than correct it. I study the social impact of AI, and this surprise response led my colleagues and me to a broader question: What happens when AI systems are gently pushed toward falsehoods? Do they resist, or do they comply?

We developed an approach we called hallucination audit under nudge trial to answer those questions. We had conversations with five leading models about 1,000 popular movies and 1,000 popular novels. During the exchanges we raised plausible but false references to Hitler, dinosaurs or time machines. We did this in various suggestive ways, such as “For me, I really love the scene where …”

Our method works in three stages. First, the AI generates statements about a topic — such as a movie or a book — some true and some false. Second, in a separate interaction, the AI attempts to verify those statements. Third, we introduce a “nudge,” where the model is challenged with its own incorrect claims to see whether it resists or accepts them.

We found that AI models often struggle to remain consistent under pressure. Even when they initially identify a statement as false, they may later accept it when nudged – revealing a vulnerability that traditional evaluation methods fail to capture.

Our results have been accepted at the 2026 Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics.

Text of a conversation between a person and ChatGPT about the movie 'Good Will Hunting.''
When ChatGPT was asked about a scene in the movie Good Will Hunting that doesn’t exist, it confidently described it.
Ashiqur KhudaBukhsh, CC BY-ND

This tactic isn’t a hypothetical. When people talk, conversational pressure can emerge naturally. People may confidently repeat incorrect assumptions, partial recollections or misunderstandings. A person might say, “I’m pretty sure medicine X is effective for condition Y,” or “I remember event A happening before event B.” These statements can subtly influence an AI model.

Why it matters

What humans collectively remember, misremember and forget shapes our sense of reality. But if humans can persuade a model to accept a falsehood, that reveals an important vulnerability in AI’s capacity to provide accurate information.

Interactions in the real world are rarely static question-answer exchanges. They are interactive and iterative. An AI model’s willingness to reinforce falsehoods may seem harmless when chatting about movies, but in areas such as health, law or public policy, the tendency can have serious consequences. Our work highlights the need to evaluate not just what information AI systems have been trained on, but how reliably they stand by it.

What other research is being done

Our results add to other recent research into why large language models may produce hallucinations, and how it is that they can provide inconsistent information. Researchers are also trying to figure out why some models lean toward sycophancy – flattering or fawning over human users.

What still isn’t known

It’s not clear why some AI systems resist falsehoods better than others. In our tests, Claude was the most resistant, followed somewhat closely by Grok and ChatGPT, with Gemini and DeepSeek further behind.

Movies and novels are self-contained content. Scholars don’t know how AI might respond to pressure in much broader, complex real-world settings. As a start, my group is exploring how to extend our approach to scientific literature and health-related claims. We want to understand whether conversational pressure works differently when the discussion involves uncertainty or expertise.

How to design AI systems that remain both helpful and resistant to falsehoods under wide-ranging conversation remains an open challenge.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

The Conversation

Ashique KhudaBukhsh receives funding from Lenovo.

ref. You can persuade AI models to accept falsehoods as truth, study shows – https://theconversation.com/you-can-persuade-ai-models-to-accept-falsehoods-as-truth-study-shows-280989

A fungal disease, along with climate change, threatens Colorado’s prized peaches

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jane Stewart, Associate Professor of Plant Pathology, Colorado State University

Colorado’s peach industry is threatened by a fungal disease. Helen H. Richardson/The Denver Post via Getty Images

In western Colorado, home to the treasured Palisade peach, cytospora canker is one of the most economically consequential fungal diseases faced by growers.

A recent survey conducted by Colorado State University in Orchard Mesa found that 100% of the orchards have trees infected with cytospora canker. In some orchards, you can smell the sweetness of gummosis, the sweet oozing of sap from a tree that occurs from injury, stress, pathogen infection or insect damage.

We are part of a team of fruit tree growers, extension personnel and researchers who are developing tools for mitigating cytospora canker in fruit tree orchards in Colorado and Utah.

In a study we published, we estimate this disease results in at least US$3 million in annual economic losses for growers in Colorado. In infected large branches, which are called scaffolds, the damage can result in a 50% loss of peaches per tree.

Peaches were first planted in Palisade and Grand Junction in 1882 by one of the first white settlers to the area, John Harlow. Peaches and other fruit trees have been Colorado staples ever since. In 2024, Colorado farmers produced roughly 15,000 tons of peaches valued at $34 million.

However, fruit tree production in the Intermountain West, which covers Colorado, Utah and Idaho, is threatened by diminishing water supplies, spring frosts, variable winter temperatures and soils that are above the ideal pH range for peach trees. Further exacerbating the environmental stresses are pest problems and the persistent cytospora canker disease.

What is cytospora canker?

Cytospora canker is caused by fungi within the genus Cytospora. These pathogens are found globally and affect more than 70 species of woody shrubs and trees. These fungi have been present on fruit trees in the U.S. since at least 1892 when cytospora canker was first discovered on peach, plum and almond trees in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Cytospora canker was first described as only a disease of stressed trees, but now it is recognized as a destructive disease in tree fruit across the U.S.

Plant Talk Colorado: What is cytospora canker? A video from Colorado State University Extension.

Growers expect peach trees to live for 20 years. The first five of those years are initial growth. The next 10 years are full production. Then, the tree’s productivity tapers off in the last five years of its life. The disease has halved the life of an orchard in Colorado from 20 years to 10 years or fewer. Trees that get infected during the first or second year are typically dead by year four or five before they reach peak production.

Cytopora canker typically enters through wounded and woody branches or twigs. Wounding occurs when branches are pruned to maintain tree vigor or through severe freezing or hail events. Freeze events are common in Colorado and are particularly harmful in the fall if temperatures drop abruptly without giving trees enough time to acclimate to the temperature shift.

Ice formation within plants causes swelling and cracking in woody tissues, as well as the formation of ice crystals within plant cells that can puncture the cells, leaving them vulnerable to oxidative damage and infection. Small cracks enable cytospora spores, like the seeds of a plant, to enter and begin to cause infections.

Cytospora canker and freeze

In 2020, a major freeze event damaged many trees throughout Colorado.

Following a warm October, temperatures dropped from 65 degrees Fahrenheit (18 degrees Celsius) to below 10 F (-23 C) in a 48-hour time span in the fruit region around the town of Hotchkiss. Because the recent temperatures had been in the 70s, there was not an appropriate amount of acclimation in the trees to be prepared for this large temperature drop. Leaves were still green, and sap was still flowing through the woody tissues.

The damage from this single freeze directly led to the death of tens of thousands of peach trees across the western slope of Colorado.

The sudden freeze also allowed for a proliferation of new cytospora canker infections on peaches trees that were not killed outright by the freeze. The surviving trees were often more vulnerable because the cracked skin and bark of peach branches was now exposed to infection by the fungus. This correlation between cytospora infection and cold damage is thought to be a major reason why cytospora canker is a particularly significant disease in Colorado.

To manage the pathogen, growers can remove trees that are infected, protect wounds with chemicals to prevent new infections and ensure that established trees are free of stress. However, management strategies have limited efficacy due to the growing conditions. While Palisade has the most ideal peach-growing microclimate in Colorado, the cold season is near the limits of what peaches can tolerate.

In April 2026 there were several nights when the temperatures reached into the low 20s F (-7 degrees C) in different orchards in Delta County, Colorado. Fruit had already started to grow and was very susceptible to the cold temperatures. As a result, growers around Hotchkiss and Paonia lost their peach crop.

Palisade orchards avoided that level of damage because on those same nights the temperatures dropped only to the upper 20s F (-2 degrees C), which damaged some fruit but left enough behind to have a full crop in most cases. Spring frosts like these reduce fruit production but generally aren’t going to contribute to increased proliferation of cytospora canker.

Solutions in progress

Researchers from Colorado State University are working toward developing strategies to combat this disease. Our team has developed chemical options for conventional and organic growers that have helped slow the spread. We are determining whether some peach cultivars are tolerant to the pathogens, and we are continuing to understand the population biology of cytospora to help us develop new management strategies.

The pathogen can be spread through air, on insects, during irrigation and possibly with the movement of new peach trees into orchards. Many fungi that produce cankers in trees can move spores only short distances through rain splash. But spores of the fungus have been found in collection traps about 250 feet (76 meters) from a tree with canker that is making spores.

We have established the cytospora working group as a collaborative research, extension and grower group to collectively develop solutions for cytospora canker. We are continuing to better understand factors involved in disease development and establish best management practices to help growers combat this disease and keep the Colorado peach industry vibrant.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

The Conversation

Jane Stewart receives funding from USDA NIFA AFRI.

David Sterle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A fungal disease, along with climate change, threatens Colorado’s prized peaches – https://theconversation.com/a-fungal-disease-along-with-climate-change-threatens-colorados-prized-peaches-263246

America’s musical founding father: ‘Liberty songs’ by a self-taught singer and tanner helped fuel the Revolution

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By David W. Stowe, Professor of Religious Studies, Michigan State University

Paul Revere made the engraving used in the frontispiece of ‘The New-England Psalm-Singer,’ a tune book William Billings published in 1770. John Carter Brown Library via Wikimedia Commons

As July 4, 2026, approaches, Americans will be paying more attention than usual to events of 1776: the year the American Colonies declared their independence from Great Britain. Public historians, including filmmaker Ken Burns, have tried to offer a more inclusive view of the American Revolution, highlighting lesser-known patriots. But figures such as Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, George Washington and Benjamin Franklin will undoubtedly get the lion’s share of attention on the 250th anniversary.

One important character who rarely makes it into the limelight is the pioneering composer William Billings, who lived in Boston at the time of the Revolution. Billings is widely considered America’s first noteworthy composer, publishing six tune books and writing some 340 choral works – some of which are still sung today.

Apprenticed at 14 as a leather tanner, he learned music in his spare time and became a renowned teacher of singing schools, which taught basic elements of music so people could sing hymns more confidently. He also became a staunch supporter of independence, one of the Boston “Whigs” who spearheaded the American Revolution.

A black and white illustration of an enormous, leafy tree that towers over the white house next to it.
William Billings owned a tannery near the Liberty Tree in Boston, a rallying point for revolutionaries.
AC8 Sn612 825h, Houghton Library, Harvard University via Wikimedia Commons

I have been studying Billings for 25 years now and always find more of interest about him – so interesting, in fact, that I wrote a historical novel about him. He was a colorful character with a voracious appetite for snuff and an unforgettable appearance. As music historian Nathaniel Gould wrote in 1853, Billings was “blind with one eye, one leg shorter than the other, one arm somewhat withered, with a mind as eccentric as his person was deformed.”

‘Liberty songs’

Billings was a friend of Samuel Adams, the revolution’s great agent provocateur, and sang regularly with him. He likely knew Paul Revere, who is credited with engraving the frontispiece to Billings’ first tune book, “The New-England Psalm-Singer,” published in 1770.

That was the year of the Boston Massacre, when British soldiers fatally shot five civilians. The event was one of several incidents that eventually triggered the conflict later known as the Revolutionary War. Billings did not serve in the military, probably because of his disabilities. His contribution to the independence movement was his music.

A tune from his first collection, “Chester,” is one of Billings’ best known, for which he also wrote words:

The Foe comes on with haughty Stride;
Our troops advance with martial noise,
Their Vet’rans flee before our Youth
And Gen’rals yield to beardless Boys.

That was not the only Billings song with a revolutionary message.

Lamentation Over Boston” adapted a Hebrew psalm about the Judeans’ exile in Babylon: “By the Rivers of Watertown we sat down & wept,” he wrote, referring to a town a few miles west, “when we remember’d thee O Boston.” Billings’ lyrics cast Britain as the oppressive Babylon: “For they that held them in Bondage/ Requir’d of them to take up Arms against their Brethren.” It may be the very first American protest song.

William Billings is far from a household name today, but he wrote several of the Revolution’s ‘liberty songs.’

In 1778 Billings published “Independence: The States, O Lord”, again writing music and words:

The States, O Lord, with Songs of Praise shall in thy Strength rejoice,
And Blest with thy Salvation raise To Heav’n their cheerful voice….
And all the Continent shall sing: Down with this earthly King, No King but God.

There’s some evidence these songs had national reach.

“The words stirred the patriotic heart, and with their striking melodies were sung at home and by the choirs, and especially in the military camps,” Louis F. Benson wrote about Billings’ music in his 1915 study “The English Hymn.” “The New England soldiers learned the words by heart, and every fifer the tunes, and carried them to whatever part of the country duty called them.”

Billings’ pieces were only a handful of the hundreds of what John Adams called “liberty songs” circulating in the Colonies. Most of them were less pious than what Billings composed. “Some of the outrageously ribald songs would have horrified polite society,” according to historian Bruce C. Daniels, author of “Puritans at Play.” “Dozens of them made metaphorical reference to England as a whore.”

HBO’s 2008 miniseries on John Adams’ life shows a group singing ‘Chester.’

Struggle after Independence

The peak of Billings’ career was during the 10 years after the Declaration of Independence. Two years before, he had met Lucy Swan while leading a singing school in Stoughton, Massachusetts. They got married the same year and went on to have a large family. In 1780, they moved into a nice house on Boston’s fashionable Newbury Street.

In the late 1770s and 1780s Billings published four tune books, including arguably his most important, “The Singing Master’s Assistant.” He also tried his hand at writing prose and even served briefly as editor of The Boston Magazine before being fired, apparently for his poor taste. He published a grisly tale about a clan of incestuous cannibals from Scotland.

At some point, he seems to have given up leather tanning. But by the 1790s Billings was reduced to working as a street cleaner and hog wrangler. He had to mortgage his house. Lucy died in 1795, leaving William to single-parent their six children – including a daughter, also named Lucy, born three years earlier.

A faded image shows a musical score arranged in concentric circles, which cherubs and open books drawn around the edges.
The frontispiece of William Billings’ final tune book, ‘The Continental Harmony,’ which was published in 1794.

American musical tastes had changed. Billings’ rough-hewn “fuguing” songs, a style with vigorous counterpoint between the different voice parts, were no longer in fashion. Formally trained singing instructors competed for students in Boston.

And Billings was unable to secure copyright for his compositions. Before the Revolution, he succeeded in having a bill to protect his first tune book passed by the Massachusetts legislature. The Tory governor refused to sign it, however, perhaps due to Billings’ associations with patriots like Samuel Adams. In any event, several of his pieces were reprinted in other collections, and he was paid nothing.

When Billings died in 1800, he was buried on Boston Common in an unmarked grave. But his music was kept alive by shape-note singers, a style of musical notation that caught on in the 1800s and helped preserve older, sacred songs. Billings’ music played at least a small part in uniting American colonists well enough to defeat the powerful British military.

The Conversation

David W. Stowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. America’s musical founding father: ‘Liberty songs’ by a self-taught singer and tanner helped fuel the Revolution – https://theconversation.com/americas-musical-founding-father-liberty-songs-by-a-self-taught-singer-and-tanner-helped-fuel-the-revolution-278382

AI-generated fantasies of US intervention reveal how desperation has narrowed Cuba’s political horizons

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael J. Bustamante, Associate Professor of History, University of Miami

Cuba’s American liberators, depicted on the left in a political cartoon from 1898 and on the right in an AI image. Cartoon: Blanche S. Crawford, Cartoon History of the Spanish American War (Scrapbook, 1898), 48. AI image: screenshot from Instagram. Images for this article sourced by Jorge Damian de la Paz.

Ever since U.S. commandos successfully removed Nicolás Maduro from power in Venezuela on Jan. 3, 2026, speculation has been growing that “Cuba could be next” on the list of the Trump administration’s targets.

“We’ll take over Cuba almost immediately,” President Donald Trump mused during a speech in Florida on May 1. “On the way back from Iran, we’ll have … the USS Abraham Lincoln come right by Cuba, stop about 100 yards offshore, and they’ll say, ‘Thank you very much, we give up.’”

It’s hard to say whether such remarks are just bluster. While the White House has been trying to coerce Cuban authorities into negotiated political and economic concessions through a de facto oil blockade since January, Trump has also reportedly grown frustrated by the Cuban government’s ability to outlast months of sustained U.S. pressure.

That has not stopped many Cubans and Cuban Americans from eagerly predicting a military operation’s success or insisting that such a U.S. action is necessary.

Their tool of choice? Not battle plans or political manifestos, but artificial intelligence. For weeks, Cuban social media feeds and WhatsApp groups have been filled with armchair fantasies of deliverance from communist rule made with tools like Midjourney, DALL-E, Runway and ChatGPT. In some clips and images, the island nation is represented as a female captive or a child being freed by an American protector. In others, magically renovated cityscapes feature statues and portraits erected in Trump’s honor, replacing revolutionary iconography.

It is easy to dismiss such animations as online trolling. But as a historian of Cuba, I noticed something troubling when my colleague Jorge Damian de la Paz sent me a selection of these digital illustrations and reels. Their visual language eerily mirrors classic U.S. political cartoons during Cuba’s final war for independence against Spain in the late 19th century. That imagery went on to justify U.S. meddling in Cuban affairs for decades.

A fraught history

In the 1890s, American illustrators at publications such as Puck, Judge and Harper’s Weekly similarly portrayed Cuba as a feminized victim: weak, vulnerable, often racialized as nonwhite and incapable of securing freedom on her own. They imagined grateful tropical citizens celebrating future American liberators for defeating their Spanish overlords and bestowing the benefits of “civilization” on Caribbean life.

Such tropes were not innocent. They helped generate the cultural consensus that legitimized U.S. intervention in the Cuban war in 1898 – known by most Americans as the Spanish-American War. They also shaped Cuba’s postwar order: four years of U.S. military occupation, an imposed amendment to Cuba’s first constitution authorizing future American military action to preserve stability, and decades of political and economic dependence on the United States.

Taking their cue from heroes of the independence struggle such as José Martí, many Cubans grew to resent this asymmetrical relationship with the North, even as they fell in love with imported American consumer products and cultural pastimes. Especially by the 1930s and 1940s, mainstream political movements on the island all sought to, at a minimum, rebalance the extent of U.S. influence over Cuban life. Their failure to do so was part of what propelled Fidel Castro’s radical nationalist revolution to power in 1959.

Reversing course

But today, formal and informal polling suggests that significant numbers of Cubans and Cuban Americans seem willing to welcome, or at least tolerate, the explicit U.S. intervention that most of their forefathers rejected.

AI-generated expressions of these views do not appear to be coming from staunchly anti-communist exiles in South Florida alone. Comments and reposts suggest they are resonating among Cubans living on the island, many of whom are desperate for “something, anything” to put an end to the worsening blackouts, shortages and societal paralysis that have made daily life feel like purgatory.

If a U.S. military operation is the only way to escape, one friend in Havana told me, “que sea rápido” – let it be over quickly.

What’s distinct about AI is that it is providing this fatalism with a visual vocabulary rooted in imperial attitudes from the 1890s. This makes sense when you consider how the technology works: Generative AI systems have been trained on enormous, often U.S.-centric archives of historical photographs and other materials. They easily reproduce the old cultural and political prejudices seen in these digital repositories.

As a result, image and video generators appear to be spitting 19th-century American discourses back at 21st-century Cuban users. The most extreme iterations of the imagery even resurrect a long-dormant idea from more than a century ago: the outright annexation of the island as a U.S. state. In so doing, AI provides narrative fuel for the Trump administration’s efforts to rewind the clock to an era when Washington condescendingly treated Latin America as its “backyard.”

Deprivation and desperation

The depth of Cuba’s predicament today helps explain why these images are going viral.

Long before the Trump administration cut off oil supplies, Cubans were enduring their worst economic, political and social crisis in three decades. Botched internal reform efforts, repression of dissent, and mass migration profoundly eroded faith in Cuba’s Communist Party leadership and institutions in recent years. This has been particularly true since the island’s tourist-heavy economy was hit hard by COVID-19 and 2021 mass protests rocked more than 50 towns and cities.

Of course, plenty of Cubans in Cuba still blame the long-standing U.S sanctions regime, and Trump’s unprecedented additions to it, for many of their problems. Not all are willing to accept change at any cost.

But Cuban officials’ defense of national sovereignty in the face of mounting U.S. threats rings increasingly hollow. Cuba hasn’t held a truly competitive election in nearly 80 years and has been ruled by a one-party state for 65. Under those circumstances, political independence does not rest on the consent of the governed. It’s also hard for a country to claim sovereignty when its economy relies so strongly on external patrons. such as Russia, China, Venezuela (until January) and even the United States. Despite the embargo, Cuban Americans send hundreds of millions of dollars in remittances, food, medicines and other goods annually.

The seduction of rescue

Yet even if fantasies of rescue are understandable, they should be deeply concerning to anyone who cares about Cuba’s future.

The danger posed by AI images is not simply that they normalize the idea of a U.S. military intervention that could cost Cuban lives. It is that they replace deeper civic imagination with spectacle and clickbait.

AI is offering visions of liberation without requiring Cubans to grapple with the far more difficult dilemmas that any real transition would entail. Those questions include how to rebuild institutions, restore trust, confront inequality, reconstruct the economy, forge reconciliation and negotiate competing political visions after decades of polarization and authoritarianism.

Prolonged desperation, coupled with authorities’ stubborn refusal to open the island’s political and economic systems, has narrowed some Cubans’ political horizons to the point where they outsource their own salvation rather than imagine it from the bottom up.

The coming weeks may determine whether digital fantasies turn into concrete policy or remain wishful thinking. But one thing is certain: AI images of U.S. military intervention in Cuba reveal that many Cubans and Cuban Americans have given up on defining change on Cuban terms. That choice could mean the difference between a Cuba that once again becomes a U.S. client state and one where Cubans reclaim ownership of their nation’s future.

The Conversation

Michael J. Bustamante does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. AI-generated fantasies of US intervention reveal how desperation has narrowed Cuba’s political horizons – https://theconversation.com/ai-generated-fantasies-of-us-intervention-reveal-how-desperation-has-narrowed-cubas-political-horizons-274932

Is baby talk bad? Why ‘parentese’ actually helps babies learn language

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Karen Stollznow, Senior Research Fellow of Linguistics, University of Colorado Boulder; Griffith University

Emphasizing the sounds of certain words to young children can help them retain language, not confuse them about speaking properly. MoMo Productions/DigitalVision via Getty Images

Many parents have heard the warning: Don’t use baby talk with babies and toddlers. Instead, caregivers are often encouraged to speak properly and use adultlike language, out of concern that simplified speech could confuse children or delay language development.

But my research, which I highlighted in in my new book, “Beyond Words,” suggests the opposite is true. The sing-song voice many adults instinctively use with infants, sometimes called “baby talk” but more accurately known as “parentese” or infant-directed speech, actually helps children learn language.

Far from confusing babies, exaggerating phrases like “Loooook at the doggie!” capture their attention, help them detect patterns in speech and strengthen social bonding.

And the funny mistakes children make along the way, such as saying “goed,” instead of “went,” or “mouses” instead of “mice,” are not signs that children are learning language incorrectly. They are evidence that children are actively working out the rules of language for themselves.

A man holds his hands away from his face and leans over a small baby lying on a bed and smiles.
Speaking ‘parentese’ to a child doesn’t involve nonsense words.
BjelicaS/E+ via Getty Images

What parentese really is

When many people think of baby talk, they imagine nonsense phrases like “goo goo ga ga” or made-up words like “num nums.” But that’s not what linguists and developmental psychologists mean by parentese.

Parentese uses real words and grammatically correct sentences, but with exaggerated intonation, a higher pitch, stretched-out vowels and a slower rhythm. Think of the way a caregiver might naturally say: “Hi, baaaaby! Are you huuungry?”

There is little evidence that occasional playful nonsense words harm children’s language development. But studies suggest that parentese in particular helps babies pay attention to speech, recognize patterns and engage socially.

Adults across cultures tend to speak this way to infants instinctively. Even people who swear they never use baby talk often slip into it around babies.

Researchers have found that infants actually prefer listening to parentese over regular adult speech. The exaggerated sounds and slower pacing make language easier to process. Babies are better able to pick out individual sounds, notice word boundaries and recognize patterns. In other words, parentese helps tune babies into language.

It also strengthens emotional connection. Language learning does not happen in isolation. Babies learn through warm, responsive interaction with caregivers during feeding, play, bath time and everyday routines.

Interestingly, humans are not the only ones who respond to this style of communication. Studies have even shown that cats react more positively when people use a baby-talk voice with them.

Babies are not passive learners

Children do not learn language simply by copying adults word for word. They actively test hypotheses about how language works. That is why toddlers make predictable and surprisingly logical mistakes.

One common example is overgeneralization. A child learns that people form the past tense of many verbs by adding “-ed,” so they produce forms like “goed,” “eated” or “comed.”

These are not random errors. In fact, they show that the child has understood a grammatical rule and is trying to apply it consistently. The problem is simply that English is full of irregular exceptions. The same thing happens with plurals. Children may say “foots” instead of “feet” or “mouses” instead of “mice.” Again, the logic behind these errors is sound.

Linguists sometimes say that children are little scientists, constantly testing patterns and revising their understanding as they receive more input from the world around them.

Why toddlers call everything a ‘dog’

Young children also make predictable mistakes with meaning.

A toddler might learn the word “dog” and then use it for every four-legged animal they encounter. Linguists call this overextension. On the flip side, some children use words too narrowly. A child may use “dog” only for the family pet and not recognize that other dogs belong in the same category. Linguists call this tendency underextension.

These mistakes reveal how children organize and categorize the world around them. They are gradually mapping words onto objects, people and experiences.

Pronouns are another tricky area. Small children often confuse “me” and “you” because these words constantly shift depending on who is speaking. If a parent says, “I’ll pick you up,” the child hears themselves called “you.” But when they try to repeat the sentence, they may not yet understand that the labels switch from speaker to speaker.

This is why toddlers sometimes say things that sound unintentionally cute or confusing. But beneath the confusion is a sophisticated learning process.

Even the Cookie Monster gets it wrong

Children’s speech errors are so recognizable that they often appear in popular culture. Sesame Street’s character Cookie Monster famously says things like “Me want cookie,” while Elmo often refers to himself in the third person: “Elmo wants this.” These speech patterns mirror real stages of child language development. Young children commonly confuse pronouns or refer to themselves by name before mastering forms like “I,” “me” and “mine.”

Despite occasional complaints from adults, there is no evidence that hearing this kind of speech harms children’s language development. If anything, it reflects the natural experimentation children go through.

A Cookie Monster puppet stands near a black tarp with its mouth open and holds a cookie.
The Cookie Monster saying ‘Me want cookie’ won’t teach babies and young kids to speak incorrectly.
Brian Killian/WireImage via Getty Images

‘Pasketti’ and ‘wabbit’

Pronunciation develops gradually too. Young children often simplify difficult sounds and groups of consonants. “Spaghetti” becomes “pasketti,” “rabbit” becomes “wabbit” and “yellow” may come out as “lellow.”

Speech-language specialists call these simplifications phonological processes. They are a normal part of development because some sounds are physically harder to produce than others. Sounds such as r, th, sh and ch tend to develop later because they require more precise control of the tongue and mouth.

Most children naturally outgrow these pronunciation patterns as their speech matures. However, persistent difficulties can sometimes signal a speech or language disorder, which may require professional support.

A graphic image shows a young child's head with various colorful thought bubbles inside.
Children don’t learn language by copying adults word for word. They learn through interaction, experimentation and repetition.
DrAfter123/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images

Mistakes are part of learning

Parents are often under enormous pressure to do everything right, including helping their children learn to speak a language. But children do not learn language by avoiding mistakes. They learn through interaction, experimentation and repetition.

Parentese helps babies focus on speech and engage socially. The funny mistakes toddlers make reveal that they are actively piecing together the complex system of language and are often signs of normal development. Language acquisition is messy, creative and remarkably sophisticated.

Speaking in an exaggerated sing-song voice to a baby is not something parents and caregivers need to feel embarrassed about.

Far from harming language acquisition, it may help lay the foundation for it.

The Conversation

Karen Stollznow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is baby talk bad? Why ‘parentese’ actually helps babies learn language – https://theconversation.com/is-baby-talk-bad-why-parentese-actually-helps-babies-learn-language-282927

Would a $1 rideshare fee affect wealthier or working-class Philadelphians more? 2 Chicago studies offer some perspective

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Parth Vaishnav, Assistant Research Professor of Engineering and Public Policy, Carnegie Mellon University

Riders will pay about $30 per hour in time saved when deciding between using a ride-hailing app or public transportation, one study found. Michele Pevide/E+ Collection via Getty Images

Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle Parker has proposed a US$1 fee on all Uber, Lyft and other rideshare trips in the city to begin in 2027. The projected $48 million annual revenue would go entirely to support the chronically underfunded Philadelphia school district, which faces a $300 million budget deficit.

Critics, including Uber, claim the tax will disproportionately hurt working-class riders.

Parker argues that the tax will be applied to the rideshare companies: The companies can choose not to pass them on to riders.

We are a professor and a Ph.D. candidate who research the benefits and costs of green technologies and policies. In 2025, we conducted an analysis to understand what the decision by Uber and Lyft riders to use rideshare instead of public transit told us about how they valued their time.

Our peer-reviewed findings might help Philadelphians decide whether they want to support the mayor’s proposal.

Lessons from Chicago rideshare study

We found that, per hour of time saved by taking Uber or Lyft, Chicago riders paid about $30. That’s roughly the average hourly wage in the Chicago region, which works out to $60,000 a year before taxes for full-time work.

Our analysis sampled eight days. About 1.4 million trips were recorded on these days, and we analyzed origin and destination information for 950,000 of these trips. The rest either started or ended at O’Hare airport, were ordered between midnight and 6 a.m. when public transit is unavailable, or had some missing data. We excluded rides in and out of O’Hare because although our analysis accounted for wait times for Uber and Lyft, our model could not simulate the queuing system at O’Hare.

Origin and destination information was consistently available at the community area level. A community area is one of Chicago’s 77 divisions, which can contain one or several neighborhoods. Each community area has an average of 35,000 people, although the largest is home to 105,000 people and the smallest to just over 2,000.

About 60% of the trips we analyzed had either origins or destinations in community areas with median household incomes over $100,000. A further 23% of rides originated or ended in areas with household incomes between $50,000 and $100,000. This suggests to us that most Uber and Lyft riders in Chicago are middle class or above.

About 1 in 6 trips – 17% to be exact – started or ended in community areas with household incomes of less than $50,000. A $50,000 household income is roughly 150% of the federal poverty line for a four-person family in Chicago.

This suggests that ride-hailing is already unaffordable for these customers, and they are perhaps using it as a last resort. For example, public transit might not be available where they are or want to go, is too slow or is affected by bad weather.

Aerial view of block of colorful two-story rowhomes
Ride-hailing is already unaffordable for many people, who turn to it only as a last resort when public transportation is not readily available.
Ricky Carioti/The Washington Post via Getty Images

Low-income riders sensitive to extra fees

Another Chicago study, conducted by researchers at MIT and published in 2023, provides some evidence on the effect of the city’s Ground Transportation Tax. Beginning in January 2020, Chicago added an additional charge of $1.13 per ride-hailing trip, and an additional $1.75 for weekday trips that started or ended in downtown between 6 a.m. and 10 p.m. The revenues went to the city’s Corporate Fund, which supports city operations and services, including improving service on Chicago public transit.

That study found that Chicago’s tax produced a significant reduction in trips between downtown Chicago and the South and Southwest of Chicago, two areas with a high proportion of low-income and Black residents.

The study notes that this is most likely because low-income people who live in these areas find ride-hailing too expensive to begin with, and are therefore more sensitive to additional fees.

In many parts of Chicago, the 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. weekday fee led riders to shift to pooled Uber and Lyft rides. Citing past research, the authors speculated that the reason this shift to pooled rides did not happen in South Chicago was that area likely has fewer Uber and Lyft drivers nearby, given that ride-hailing drivers tend to concentrate in wealthier areas with more demand.

This conclusion rests on a prior Chicago-based study conducted in 2018 and 2019 which found that areas with lower-income households requested five times fewer trips than areas with higher-income households.

A New York-based study similarly found that public transit, bike-sharing and ride-hailing all served wealthy areas of the city far better than they did poorer areas.

Limited data sharing in Philly

Philadelphians who worry that the additional $1 per ride fee will put ride-hailing beyond the reach of low-income riders should note that ride-hailing is already an unaffordable last resort for many in this demographic.

Also, what may be true in Chicago or New York may not be true in Philly. A Chicago ordinance requires rideshare companies to report data on their activities on a monthly basis. The analysis we did in Chicago was possible because Chicago publishes anonymized information about every Uber and Lyft ride taken in the city. This data includes the approximate origin and destination of the ride, approximate start and end times, and the cost.

One way to test which Philadelphia communities that a $1 fee would most affect would be for Uber and Lyft to make such data publicly available for Philadelphia, as they do for Chicago and New York. Uber’s assertion that this tax would disproportionately hurt working-class Philadelphians is based on its own analysis of its own data, not on transparent analysis of publicly available data.

Uber did not respond to our query about whether they share data that independent researchers can access to determine which Uber riders in Philadelphia would be most affected by the proposed fee. Lyft referred us to their March 2025 , which states that 61% of Philly rides start or end in low-income areas. They did not respond to a follow-up question regarding how a low-income area was measured or defined.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter on Substack.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Would a $1 rideshare fee affect wealthier or working-class Philadelphians more? 2 Chicago studies offer some perspective – https://theconversation.com/would-a-1-rideshare-fee-affect-wealthier-or-working-class-philadelphians-more-2-chicago-studies-offer-some-perspective-281697

From medieval plague ships to hantavirus: How outbreaks at sea helped to shape the international public health system

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Katrine L. Wallace, Assistant Professor of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, University of Illinois Chicago

Passengers on the the hantavirus-stricken cruise ship MV Hondius watch epidemiologists board the boat in Praia, Cape Verde, on May 6, 2026 AP Photo/Uncredited

Cruise ships are convenient floating hotels by which to see far-flung parts of the world – but as an epidemiologist, I know they are also everything an infectious pathogen could want: thousands of strangers packed into enclosed spaces for days or weeks, sharing dining rooms and high-touch surfaces such as elevator buttons and handrails, breathing recirculated air.

Each new port of call where passengers can explore for a few days is an opportunity for germs to embark – and once they do, they encounter a highly efficient setting for hopping from host to host.

The MV Hondius confirmed this well-known fact in April 2026, when an outbreak of Andes hantavirus began aboard the Dutch-flagged expedition vessel carrying 147 passengers and crew from 23 countries.

The Andes virus is one of several species of hantaviruses. It is the only one known to spread from person to person, though it doesn’t do so very efficiently. It is far less contagious than COVID-19 or the measles.

As of May 14, a total of 11 cases, including three deaths, have been reported in the Hondius outbreak.

Outbreaks at sea are one of the oldest problems in public health. From medieval plague quarantines to modern times, they have repeatedly tested the ability to control infectious disease – and have played a key role in shaping the international public health framework in place today.

That interconnected public health system, however, depends on the cooperation of countries around the globe.

From harbor quarantine to global disease control

The word “quarantine” was first documented in the English language in 1663, in the Oxford English Dictionary, which defined it as a period of 40 days during which people who might spread a contagious disease are kept isolated from the rest of the community.

The first official quarantine, though, came earlier, in 1377, when the Republic of Ragusa – modern-day Dubrovnik, Croatia – ordered ships from plague-affected ports to anchor offshore for 30 days before anyone could disembark. A quarter-century later, Venice extended this period to 40 days – hence the “quarantine” term, which stuck. In 1423, Venice officially opened the world’s first permanent quarantine island, the Lazzaretto Vecchio, specifically to manage the problem of the plague arriving by sea.

A black and white historical illustration of an island,
Lazzaretto Vecchio, the first quarantine island, was established in 1423.
Wikimedia Commons

The system worked during the medieval era because a single authority usually controlled most harbors. Ships waited because they recognized states’ authority to detain them.

For centuries, maritime quarantine operated on this principle. Harbor officials wielded broad public health powers over incoming vessels. In the 19th century this practice continued in the United States. Cholera ships – a nickname for trans-Atlantic vessels carrying migrants and troops that were breeding grounds for cholera and other diseases – arrived from Europe and the Mediterranean and sat offshore in New York for weeks. At quarantine stations on Ellis Island and ports across the Atlantic seaboard, ships were inspected, passengers isolated and captains overruled by public health officers who had the legal authority to isolate passengers for extended periods.

The system was crude and often brutal. Ships of the medieval period were floating sickrooms with poor conditions: putrid water in the casks, bread full of worms, and passengers packed into pitch-sealed berths with lice in the bedding and the bilge stinking under them. Many people died on board. But the system rested on a foundation of recognized, enforceable authority over the vessel and everyone on it for the purpose of protecting the city from disease.

International cooperation

As maritime trade and travel became increasingly globalized, however, no single port or government could manage outbreaks alone. Also, advances in vaccines, antibiotics and sanitation led many countries to downsize the maritime quarantine systems that had once defined disease control at sea.

This forced quarantine systems to evolve from local harbor control into international frameworks for coordination. The World Health Organization was established in 1948, and the International Health Regulations were created in 1969 to manage disease across borders.

Countries agreed to share information, notify one another of outbreaks and coordinate responses at ports and borders. The responsibility no longer fell on a sole harbormaster, but the system was designed to perform a similar coordinating function across an increasingly interconnected world.

Even within that system, however, cruise ships remain unusually vulnerable outbreak environments. A highly visible example was a COVID-19 outbreak that occurred on the Diamond Princess in 2020. The cruise ship, which was anchored off the coast of Yokohama, Japan, produced weeks of confusion between Japanese authorities, the British cruise operator and a dozen foreign governments as they struggled to coordinate responsibility for the 3,700 passengers and containment measures.

Some analyses later suggested the shipboard quarantine may have amplified transmission. At the time, most observers treated it as a crisis specific to the early chaos of the pandemic.

But the Hondius outbreak suggests the problem runs deeper.

The Andes hantavirus can spread from person to person, but not very efficiently.

Ships cross borders – so too do pathogens

Cruise ships combine dense social mixing, international mobility and fragmented legal authority in ways that continue to challenge modern disease-control systems – even decades after the creation of international public health frameworks designed to coordinate them, and even for diseases like Andes hantavirus that are extremely unlikely to cause a pandemic.

As the cruise industry has grown, it has expanded into more remote and epidemiologically unpredictable environments – expedition voyages to Antarctica, the Amazon, Alaska. Alongside the industry’s ambitions, disease risk has also increased. These trips routinely bring large groups of passengers into contact with wildlife, pathogens and ecosystems they may have little prior exposure to and then seal travelers together for weeks.

Nevertheless, the United States chose in January 2026 to withdraw from the World Health Organization, the primary institution administering the framework designed to coordinate responses when disease crosses the borders that cruise ships cross as a matter of routine.

The Trump administration framed the exiting of international organizations as a means of protecting U.S. sovereignty. In practice, it meant that when the Hondius needed a response, the U.S. participated from outside the systems it had spent decades helping to build.

A crack in the system

In the outbreak on the Hondius, the international system still functioned.

The WHO still issued risk assessments and guidance. The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control still coordinated the response across Europe. And in the U.S., the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention belatedly issued a health alert to physicians.

What changed is that the U.S. moved from being a central participant in the international public health system to operating more from its edges.

Who can say whether the next big outbreak will come from a disease spread on a cruise ship – or whether the pathogen involved will be one that spreads more efficiently between people than the Andes strain of the hantavirus does.

Whatever its source, outbreak response depends on cooperation between major governments, rapid information sharing and coordinated logistics. When a country as globally connected as the U.S. steps back from those systems, managing international health emergencies becomes slower, more fragmented and more dependent on ad hoc negotiations. Ultimately, this may make the world less safe.

The Conversation

Katrine L. Wallace does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. From medieval plague ships to hantavirus: How outbreaks at sea helped to shape the international public health system – https://theconversation.com/from-medieval-plague-ships-to-hantavirus-how-outbreaks-at-sea-helped-to-shape-the-international-public-health-system-282957

Comment un fragment de l’« Iliade » s’est-il retrouvé à l’intérieur d’une momie égyptienne ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Stephan Blum, Research Associate, Institute for Prehistory and Early History and Medieval Archaeology, University of Tübingen

« Achille se lamentant sur la mort de Patrocle » de Gavin Hamilton (1760-1763).
National Galleries of Scotland Collection

Dans l’Empire romain, l’Iliade n’était pas seulement un grand texte littéraire : elle structurait l’éducation, le pouvoir et la mémoire collective. Jusqu’à finir, parfois, recyclée comme simple matériau de rembourrage dans une momie égyptienne.


Une découvert inattendue… En inspectant l’intérieur d’une momie égyptienne vieille de 1 600 ans datant de l’époque romaine, des archéologues ont trouvé un fragment de l’Iliade d’Homère. Le texte n’avait pas été placé à côté du corps, mais à l’intérieur même de l’abdomen de la momie. Pourtant la véritable surprise ne tient pas seulement à l’endroit où ce fragment a été retrouvé. Elle est surtout liée à la manière dont il s’y est retrouvé. Pour le comprendre, il faut remonter à l’Iliade elle-même — et à ce qu’elle est devenue dans le monde romain.

Dans L’Iliade, poème composé au VIIIe siècle avant notre ère et attribué à Homère, la guerre de Troie ne s’achève ni dans le triomphe ni dans le renouveau. Elle se termine dans la dévastation. Le poème s’achève au bord de l’effondrement, alors que Troie n’est plus qu’un paysage de ruines héroïques. Et pourtant, l’histoire ne s’arrête pas là.

Selon la tradition romaine ultérieure, un Troyen aurait pourtant échappé à la catastrophe. Énée — fils d’Anchise et de la déesse Aphrodite — aurait fui la ville en flammes en portant son père sur ses épaules et les dieux domestiques dans ses bras. Il aurait ensuite traversé la Méditerranée vers l’ouest, jusqu’en Italie, où il serait devenu l’ancêtre des Romains.

Cette suite ne figure pas dans l’Iliade elle-même. Elle a été élaborée plusieurs siècles plus tard, notamment dans l’Énéide de Virgile. Mais elle a profondément transformé le sens de la guerre de Troie. Le passé, autrement dit, était continuellement réorganisé à travers des récits sans cesse réécrits, prolongés et reliés entre eux à travers le temps et l’espace.

Tableau de Pompeo Batoni (1753) représentant Énée fuyant la ville de Troie en flammes avec son père Anchise et les dieux du foyer.
Galleria Sabauda

Transformer une défaite en récit fondateur

Pour les Romains, la guerre de Troie était bien plus qu’une lointaine légende grecque. Elle est devenue une manière de penser les origines, l’identité et le pouvoir.

Revendiquer une filiation avec Troie ne consistait pas simplement à établir une généalogie. Cela supposait un véritable travail culturel permanent, nourri par les récits, l’éducation et une mémoire collective partagée. L’Iliade fournissait la matière première : des personnages, des événements et des lignées que chaque génération pouvait remodeler et réinterpréter.

Dans tout l’Empire romain, les élites cultivées apprenaient Homère dans le cadre de leur éducation. Elles le citaient dans leurs discours, l’analysaient dans les salles de classe et s’en servaient pour affirmer leur autorité culturelle. Connaître l’Iliade, c’était maîtriser un langage commun compris à travers tout l’Empire.

Un sénateur à Rome, un professeur en Asie Mineure ou un étudiant en Égypte pouvaient ainsi se référer aux mêmes récits. Le poème constituait un cadre culturel partagé permettant à des populations très différentes de s’inscrire dans une histoire commune.

Plan de la citadelle de Troie
Plan de la citadelle de Troie à la fin de l’âge du bronze (vers 1300-1109 av. J.-C.), représentée en rouge, avec les structures de l’époque romaine en bleu, intégrées aux anciennes fortifications de manière à ce que les murailles conservées servent de décor théâtral, transformant la profondeur archéologique du site en une véritable mise en scène du passé.
Université de Tübingen, CC BY-SA

À l’époque impériale romaine, le site de l’ancienne Troie — situé dans l’actuelle Turquie — est devenu un véritable lieu de pèlerinage culturel. Les empereurs ont investi dans son développement, reliant directement la cité aux origines troyennes revendiquées par Rome. Sous le règne de l’empereur Auguste, Troie est intégrée au discours politique de l’Empire. Puis, sous Hadrien, elle devient un élément central d’une culture du voyage, de la mémoire et du patrimoine.

Un visiteur arrivant à Troie au IIe siècle après J.-C. découvrait un paysage soigneusement mis en scène. On y trouvait des bains, des lieux d’hébergement et des espaces destinés aux spectacles. Un petit théâtre — l’Odéon — avait même été construit directement dans l’ancienne citadelle, de sorte que les vestiges de la ville de l’âge du bronze, considérés comme le décor des batailles légendaires autour de Troie, formaient un arrière-plan spectaculaire. Les visiteurs pouvaient parcourir ce qui était présenté comme le décor même de l’épopée homérique, vivant la guerre de Troie comme une histoire littéralement ancrée dans le sol sous leurs pieds.

De Troie à l’Égypte

À travers tout l’Empire romain, l’Iliade circulait comme un texte vivant : copiée, enseignée et lue. L’Égypte, l’une des provinces les plus importantes de Rome, ne faisait pas exception. Mais Homère y circulait dans un paysage culturel très différent du monde littéraire grec dans lequel le poème avait vu le jour.

Pour les Romains, l’Égypte apparaissait souvent comme un territoire où l’Antiquité était non seulement racontée, mais aussi matériellement préservée — à travers ses temples, ses monuments et des pratiques soulignant la continuité avec le passé. Dans le même temps, il s’agissait d’une société profondément hybride, où traditions égyptiennes, grecques et romaines se mêlaient de manière complexe.

Homère figurait parmi les auteurs les plus copiés en Égypte romaine : il était lu et enseigné comme marqueur d’éducation et d’appartenance culturelle, profondément intégré à la vie littéraire quotidienne.

L’Odéon de Troie
L’Odéon de Troie, un petit théâtre couvert intégré à l’ancienne citadelle et construit au début du IIe siècle après J.-C., illustre la manière dont les Romains ont reconfiguré le paysage urbain et culturel du site.
Université de Tübingen, CC BY-SA

La version homérique de la guerre de Troie occupait une place particulièrement importante parmi les élites grecophones, notamment dans des centres urbains comme Oxyrhynque, où la momie a été découverte. D’autres versions du récit — accordant davantage d’importance au séjour de Pâris et d’Hélène en Égypte, tel que le rapporte Hérodote à partir des récits de prêtres égyptiens — étaient probablement plus répandues au sein de la population égyptienne dans son ensemble.

Les premiers articles consacrés à la découverte du fragment retrouvé dans la momie égyptienne ont suggéré que le texte avait été volontairement choisi pour accompagner le défunt, comme un objet chargé d’une signification personnelle, peut-être lié à son éducation ou à son identité culturelle.

L’explication la plus convaincante est toutefois peut-être la plus simple. Les papyrus abîmés ou devenus inutilisables étaient souvent réemployés comme matériau bon marché. Ce fragment aurait ainsi pu servir de bourrage, regroupé avec d’autres morceaux puis inséré dans la cavité abdominale sans réelle considération pour son contenu littéraire.

Mais le simple fait qu’un fragment de l’Iliade ait pu finir comme matériau de remplissage montre à quel point Homère était profondément intégré à la vie quotidienne dans l’Égypte romaine.

Un texte en mouvement

Dans le monde romain, donner du sens au passé impliquait de circuler sans cesse entre les récits et les monuments, entre les généalogies et les profondeurs du temps. Chaque perspective permettait d’éclairer les autres.

L’Iliade a contribué à façonner un monde où différents passés pouvaient être reliés, comparés et réinterprétés. En connectant récits, lieux et traditions à travers toute la Méditerranée, le monde romain a fait du passé une ressource souple et réutilisable, capable de produire de l’identité, de l’autorité et un sentiment d’appartenance dans des contextes changeants.

C’est précisément pour cela que l’Iliade comptait autant : le texte circulait dans des contextes très différents. Il structurait l’éducation des élites, mais faisait aussi partie de la culture ordinaire de la lecture. À Troie, il a contribué à transformer la ville en lieu de mémoire culturelle.

Le texte lui-même a également connu une longue vie matérielle, survivant non seulement comme récit d’autorité, mais aussi à travers les manuscrits et supports d’écriture copiés, transmis — voire réutilisés à des fins totalement différentes. Son enseignement le plus durable est peut-être celui-ci : le passé n’est jamais simplement conservé. Il est sans cesse fabriqué et refabriqué à travers les récits, les pratiques et les objets matériels qui le transportent à travers le temps.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Comment un fragment de l’« Iliade » s’est-il retrouvé à l’intérieur d’une momie égyptienne ? – https://theconversation.com/comment-un-fragment-de-l-iliade-sest-il-retrouve-a-linterieur-dune-momie-egyptienne-282886

« Coalie », la nouvelle mascotte de Trump, prolonge des décennies de publicité autour du « charbon propre »

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Annie Persons, Lecturer in Literature, University of Virginia

Le secrétaire américain à l’Intérieur Doug Burgum a publié ce dessin le représentant aux côtés de « Coalie », un morceau de charbon personnifié.
Interior Secretary Doug Burgam/X

Pourquoi le charbon est-il si souvent représenté comme « propre », « beau » ou même « mignon » ? De la publicité du XIXe siècle aux réseaux sociaux de l’administration Trump, l’histoire de cette communication révèle une longue entreprise de banalisation des dangers du charbon.


Si vous suivez les publications de l’administration Trump sur les réseaux sociaux, vous avez peut-être remarqué sa nouvelle mascotte : un morceau de charbon en dessin animé, doté de grands yeux et de traits rappelant ceux d’un bébé. Baptisé « Coalie », le personnage a déclenché une vague de critiques presque immédiatement après sa présentation par le secrétaire à l’Intérieur Doug Burgum pour l’Office of Surface Mining and Reclamation Enforcement au début de l’année 2026.

Le design de Coalie s’inspire du style japonais kawaii, un terme signifiant « mignon » ou « adorable ». Cette mascotte s’inscrit dans les efforts récents de la Maison Blanche pour présenter le charbon comme quelque chose d’inoffensif, malgré les effets bien documentés de l’extraction et de la combustion de cette énergie fossile sur l’environnement et la santé humaine.

En tant que spécialiste de la littérature et de la culture américaines, je travaille sur les représentations médiatiques du charbon, depuis le XIXe siècle, lorsque cette ressource est devenue la principale source d’énergie aux États-Unis. L’utilisation du charbon a continué de croître jusqu’au début des années 2000, avant que d’autres sources d’énergie deviennent moins coûteuses et que ses effets néfastes sur la santé et l’environnement ne deviennent inacceptables pour une partie croissante du public.

Si « Coalie » est une nouveauté, la logique qui le sous-tend, elle, ne l’est pas. Depuis des siècles, les promoteurs du charbon s’efforcent de présenter cette ressource comme inoffensive — mais aussi « propre » et « belle », pour reprendre les mots du président Donald Trump.

« Une chaleur agréable »

Les humains vivant au contact du charbon brûlé s’en plaignent depuis aussi longtemps qu’ils l’utilisent. Ainsi, en 1578, la reine Élisabeth Ire se disait déjà « profondément incommodée et irritée par [son] goût et sa fumée » dans l’air. En 1661, le traité Fumifugium de John Evelyn décrivait quant à lui les effets néfastes du charbon sur la santé respiratoire.

Dans son traité Fumifugium, publié en 1661, John Evelyn décrivait les risques pour la santé liés à l’inhalation de fumée de charbon.
Université de Californie, San Diego Libraries/Wikimedia

Les colons anglais ont notamment été attirés vers l’Amérique du Nord en raison de l’abondance de ses ressources en bois, qui constituait une alternative au charbon devenu extrêmement coûteux en Angleterre à cause de la déforestation.

Mais au XIXe siècle, le prix du bois augmenta lui aussi aux États-Unis. Lorsque, dans les années 1820, la découverte des riches gisements d’anthracite de Pennsylvanie se répandit, les habitants des villes accueillirent avec enthousiasme cette nouvelle source d’énergie moins chère.

Outre son prix plus faible, l’anthracite est devenue attractive en raison de sa forte teneur en carbone et de sa faible teneur en soufre, qui produisaient moins de fumée visible lors de la combustion. Dans une lettre enthousiaste publiée en 1815 dans l’American Daily Advertiser, un lecteur décrivait cette forme de charbon — reflétant des opinions de plus en plus répandues — comme procurant « une chaleur très régulière et agréable ».

« Une maison saine »

La diffusion de l’anthracite a également renforcé l’acceptation d’un charbon bitumineux plus fumant, mais meilleur marché. Pour aider les ménages, des manuels domestiques destinés aux principales utilisatrices du charbon, les femmes, tentaient d’imaginer des solutions pour limiter la fumée. En 1869, Harriet Beecher Stowe, surtout connue comme autrice de La Case de l’oncle Tom, et sa sœur Catharine Beecher publient ainsi l’un des nombreux textes du XIXe siècle reconnaissant les « méfaits » de la fumée de charbon, tout en expliquant comment créer « une maison saine » dans leur manuel domestique American Woman’s Home.

Les consommateurs proposaient également des solutions temporaires pour préserver la qualité de l’air intérieur malgré l’usage du charbon, en envoyant leurs astuces aux manuels domestiques, magazines et journaux qui les publiaient ensuite.

Une publicité publiée en 1892 dans le Rocky Mountain News disait de ces poêles à charbon qu’ils étaient « les meilleurs, les plus élégants et les plus économiques ».
Nineteenth Century Newspapers

Dans le même temps, à mesure que le siècle avançait, les compagnies charbonnières et les fabricants de poêles à charbon commencèrent à affirmer que brûler du charbon était bon pour la santé, capable non seulement d’améliorer l’air intérieur mais aussi d’embellir les foyers. Une publicité publiée dans un journal en 1892 affirmait ainsi que les poêles étaient « nécessaires pour chauffer, égayer et embellir la maison tout en préservant sa santé ».

« Pour garder les enfants propres et pleins de vie… »

Au XXe siècle, les publicitaires ont multiplié les arguments plus colorés encore sur les prétendus bienfaits du charbon. Dans une publicité de magazine, une mère et son enfant montrent un poêle crépitant alimenté par le charbon de la compagnie, présenté comme « inégalé en matière de pureté, de propreté et de qualité de combustion ».

Une publicité pour un poêle à charbon vantait sa « pureté » et sa « propreté ».
Madison Historical, CC BY-NC-SA

De son côté, la compagnie ferroviaire Lackawanna Railroad Company a créé le personnage élégant — et souvent adepte des slogans rimés — de Phoebe Snow. Dans l’une de ses publicités, elle insiste sur l’importance du confort, suggérant que l’anthracite permettait non seulement de voyager plus vite, mais aussi de rendre les trajets, et la vie en général, plus agréables.

Une publicité sous forme de carte postale mettant en scène Phoebe Snow, publiée en 1912, vantait des trains fonctionnant à l’anthracite permettant d’éviter « fumée et escarbilles ».
Railroad Museum of Pennsylvania/Wikimedia Commons

Les campagnes publicitaires autour du charbon mettaient souvent en scène des enfants afin d’évoquer la sécurité et de toucher les parents. Une autre publicité de la série Phoebe Snow promettait ainsi que les voyages en train alimentés à l’anthracite permettraient aux enfants de rester « propres et pleins de vie ».

L’une des publicités mettant à l’affiche Phoebe Snow, publiée en 1910, faisait la promotion des trains à charbon de la Lackawanna Railroad Company en utilisant l’image d’enfants et la blancheur des vêtements pour évoquer la pureté.
Poster House/Poster House Permanent Collection

Dans les années 1930, une publicité est même allée jusqu’à placer un morceau d’anthracite à côté d’un enfant dans une baignoire, une proximité visuelle suggérant que le charbon était presque aussi bénéfique que le savon.

Il existait d’ailleurs — et il existe toujours — des savons fabriqués à partir de « goudron de houille », un sous-produit liquide issu de la production du coke, un combustible dérivé du charbon bitumineux utilisé dans les hauts fourneaux industriels. L’entreprise britannique Wright’s, également populaire aux États-Unis, a ainsi diffusé de nombreuses publicités vantant les propriétés antiseptiques de ses savons pour les enfants.

En 1922, Wright’s utilisait l’image d’un enfant endormi, vêtu de blanc et couché sur des draps blancs, pour promouvoir son « savon pour bébé », présenté comme une protection contre les infections chez les enfants.
Wikimedia Commons

Toutes ces publicités cherchaient à exploiter le désir des mères de protéger la santé de leurs enfants. Elles tentaient aussi de contrer l’image tyrannique du « King Coal » (« le roi charbon »), apparue dans un contexte marqué par les grèves de mineurs dénonçant des conditions de travail et de vie dangereuses et dégradées, ainsi que par l’augmentation des cas de maladie du poumon noir.

Le mythe du « charbon propre »

Au milieu du XXe siècle, le pétrole a remplacé le charbon comme principale source d’énergie aux États-Unis. Dans le même temps, le mouvement écologiste américain gagnait en influence, tandis que le gaz naturel commençait à apparaître comme une alternative au charbon.

En réaction, les compagnies charbonnières ont redoublé d’efforts pour entretenir le fantasme d’un « charbon propre ».

Une publicité d’American Electric Power publiée dans le Wall Street Journal en 1976 vantait les technologies de « nettoyage » du charbon.
Wall Street Journal archive

Une publicité de 1979 d’American Electric Power allait ainsi à rebours des obligations imposées par le Clean Air Act, qui forçaient les compagnies charbonnières à installer des systèmes de « lavage » destinés à retirer le dioxyde de soufre des fumées. La publicité représentait pourtant quelqu’un en train de nettoyer du charbon… à la main.

Le mythe perdure

Aujourd’hui, le charbon ne produit plus que 16,2 % de l’électricité américaine, contre plus de la moitié de la production électrique du pays dans les années 1990. Mais les États-Unis n’en ont pas fini avec cette énergie. Même si la production de charbon est aujourd’hui bien inférieure à son niveau historique maximal, et alors que les entreprises tentent de fermer d’anciennes centrales devenues non rentables, Donald Trump a promis de « relancer » l’industrie charbonnière américaine.

Outre le fait d’ordonner le maintien en activité de certaines centrales à charbon, l’administration Trump a ressorti d’anciennes méthodes de promotion du charbon, notamment en le qualifiant à plusieurs reprises de « propre et beau ». L’une des images de communication montre même Coalie aux côtés d’une famille de mineurs, dans une mise en scène rappelant les publicités d’il y a un siècle.

Une campagne promotionnelle de 2026 pour l’Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement montre une famille de mineurs en version dessin animé, accompagnée de « Coalie », représenté comme une sorte de jouet pour enfant.
OSMRE

Et, comme les campagnes qui l’ont précédée, cette image cherche à donner une apparence innocente à un produit qui nuit à la santé humaine et à l’environnement.

Une étude publiée en 2018 a montré que les cas de maladie du poumon noir étaient en augmentation dans les Appalaches, région où est aujourd’hui extrait environ 40 % du charbon américain. Vivre à proximité d’une centrale électrique fonctionnant aux énergies fossiles expose les habitants à des polluants qui contribuent à des décès prématurés, à l’asthme et au cancer du poumon, notamment les particules fines PM2.5, le dioxyde de soufre et le mercure.

Même lorsqu’il est simplement stocké en tas avant d’être utilisé dans une centrale, le charbon peut nuire à la santé humaine : le vent disperse alors la poussière de charbon dans l’air, jusque dans les poumons des habitants.

Le mythe d’un charbon sain et compatible avec une image familiale existe depuis des siècles — mais le charbon n’a jamais été ni propre, ni mignon.

The Conversation

Annie Persons ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. « Coalie », la nouvelle mascotte de Trump, prolonge des décennies de publicité autour du « charbon propre » – https://theconversation.com/coalie-la-nouvelle-mascotte-de-trump-prolonge-des-decennies-de-publicite-autour-du-charbon-propre-282892