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February 11, 2026

Le vieillissement n’est pas le même partout – pourquoi l’inflammation peut être un problème lié au mode de vie

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Samuel J. White, Associate Professor & Head of Projects, York St John University

Les Orang Asli vieillissent différemment. (Azami Adiputera/Shutterstock.com)

Pendant des années, les scientifiques ont cru que l’inflammation augmentait inévitablement avec l’âge, alimentant silencieusement des maladies comme les maladies cardiaques, la démence et le diabète. Une nouvelle étude menée auprès de populations autochtones vient ébranler cette idée, au point de bouleverser notre conception du vieillissement.

Depuis des décennies, les scientifiques ont identifié l’inflammation chronique de faible intensité, appelée « inflammaging », comme l’un des principaux facteurs responsables des maladies liées à l’âge. Imaginez que le système immunitaire de votre corps soit en hyperactivité, menant constamment des combats qui n’existent pas, usant progressivement vos organes et vos systèmes.

Mais l’inflammaging n’est peut-être pas une caractéristique universelle du vieillissement. Il pourrait plutôt être un effet secondaire de notre mode de vie dans la société moderne.

Cet article fait partie de notre série La Révolution grise. La Conversation vous propose d’analyser sous toutes ses facettes l’impact du vieillissement de l’imposante cohorte des boomers sur notre société, qu’ils transforment depuis leur venue au monde. Manières de se loger, de travailler, de consommer la culture, de s’alimenter, de voyager, de se soigner, de vivre… découvrez avec nous les bouleversements en cours, et à venir.

La recherche, publiée dans Nature Aging, a comparé les schémas d’inflammation dans quatre communautés très différentes à travers le monde. Deux groupes provenaient de sociétés modernes et industrialisées : des personnes âgées vivant en Italie et à Singapour.

Les deux autres étaient des communautés autochtones menant un mode de vie plus traditionnel : le peuple Tsimane de l’Amazonie bolivienne et les Orang Asli des forêts de Malaisie.

Les chercheurs ont analysé des échantillons sanguins prélevés sur plus de 2 800 personnes, en examinant un large éventail de molécules inflammatoires appelées cytokines. Leur objectif était de déterminer si un schéma observé dans des études antérieures, selon lequel certains signes d’inflammation augmentent avec l’âge et sont liés à des maladies, se retrouve également dans d’autres régions du monde.

Il s’avère que la réponse est à la fois oui et non.

Chez les participants italiens et singapouriens, les chercheurs ont observé un modèle d’inflammaging assez constant. Avec l’âge, les taux de marqueurs inflammatoires dans le sang, tels que la protéine C-réactive et le facteur de nécrose tumorale, augmentaient simultanément. Des taux plus élevés étaient associés à un risque accru de maladies chroniques, notamment les maladies rénales et cardiaques.

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Mais chez les populations Tsimane et Orang Asli, le modèle d’inflammaging était absent. Les mêmes molécules inflammatoires n’augmentaient pas de manière constante avec l’âge et n’étaient pas fortement liées aux maladies liées à l’âge.

En effet, chez les Tsimane, qui sont exposés à des taux élevés d’infections parasitaires et d’autres agents pathogènes, les niveaux d’inflammation étaient souvent élevés. Pourtant, cela n’a pas entraîné les mêmes taux de maladies chroniques que ceux observés dans les pays industrialisés.

Malgré des marqueurs inflammatoires élevés, les Tsimane présentent des taux très faibles de maladies telles que les maladies cardiaques, le diabète et la démence.

L’inflammaging n’est peut-être pas universel

Ces résultats soulèvent d’importantes questions. Une possibilité est que l’inflammaging, du moins tel qu’il est mesuré par ces marqueurs sanguins, ne soit pas une caractéristique biologique universelle du vieillissement. Il pourrait plutôt résulter d’un mode de vie moderne : alimentation riche, sédentarité et faible exposition aux infections.

En d’autres termes, l’inflammation chronique liée au vieillissement et à la maladie pourrait ne pas résulter simplement d’un processus biologique inévitable, mais plutôt d’un décalage entre notre physiologie ancestrale et l’environnement moderne.

L’étude suggère que dans les communautés ayant des modes de vie plus traditionnels, où les gens sont plus actifs, mangent différemment et sont exposés à davantage d’infections, le système immunitaire pourrait fonctionner différemment. Dans ces groupes, des niveaux d’inflammation plus élevés pourraient être une réponse normale et saine à leur environnement, plutôt qu’un signe de déclin physique lié à l’âge.

Il se pourrait aussi que l’inflammaging touche tous les humains, mais prenne des formes différentes qui ne sont pas détectées par la mesure des molécules inflammatoires dans le sang. Il pourrait se produire au niveau cellulaire ou tissulaire, où il reste invisible aux tests sanguins utilisés dans cette recherche.

Un homme mange un repas rapide — Une inflammation chronique de faible intensité peut être liée à un mode de vie.
(Nattakorn_Maneerat/Shutterstock)

Pourquoi est-ce important ?

Si ces résultats sont confirmés, ils pourraient avoir des conséquences importantes.

Tout d’abord, ils remettent en question la manière dont nous diagnostiquons et traitons l’inflammation chronique chez les personnes âgées. Les biomarqueurs utilisés pour définir l’inflammaging dans les populations européennes ou asiatiques pourraient ne pas s’appliquer dans d’autres contextes, voire parmi tous les groupes au sein des pays industrialisés.

Deuxièmement, ils suggèrent que les interventions sur le mode de vie visant à réduire l’inflammation chronique, telles que l’exercice physique, les changements alimentaires ou les médicaments ciblant des molécules inflammatoires spécifiques, pourraient avoir des effets différents selon les populations. Ce qui fonctionne pour les personnes vivant en ville pourrait être inutile, voire inefficace, pour celles qui ont un mode de vie traditionnel.

Enfin, cette recherche nous rappelle qu’une grande partie de nos connaissances sur la santé humaine et le vieillissement provient d’études menées dans des pays riches et industrialisés. Les résultats obtenus auprès de ces groupes ne peuvent pas être automatiquement transposés à l’échelle mondiale.

Les chercheurs sont clairs : cette étude n’est qu’un début. Ils exhortent les scientifiques à approfondir leurs recherches à l’aide de nouveaux outils capables de détecter l’inflammation non seulement dans le sang, mais aussi dans les tissus et les cellules, où se déroule peut-être le véritable processus du vieillissement. Tout aussi important, ils appellent à des recherches plus inclusives, couvrant toute la gamme des expériences humaines, et pas seulement les populations riches et urbanisées du monde.

À tout le moins, cette étude offre une leçon importante. Ce que nous pensions être une vérité universelle sur la biologie du vieillissement pourrait en fait être une réalité locale, façonnée par notre environnement, notre mode de vie et notre façon de vivre.

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

– ref. Le vieillissement n’est pas le même partout – pourquoi l’inflammation peut être un problème lié au mode de vie – https://theconversation.com/le-vieillissement-nest-pas-le-meme-partout-pourquoi-linflammation-peut-etre-un-probleme-lie-au-mode-de-vie-260625

February 11, 2026

Pourquoi les jeunes Suédois sont-ils si doués en anglais ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Una Cunningham, Professor Emerita, Department of Teaching and Learning, Stockholm University

En Suède, l’apprentissage de l’anglais ne se limite pas à ce qui se passe à l’école. (LightField Studios/Shutterstock)

Le suédois est une langue vivante parlée par environ 10 millions de personnes, principalement en Suède et en Finlande. Mais les jeunes Suédois maîtrisent souvent aussi l’anglais.

La Suède se classe régulièrement parmi les premiers pays dans les classements de maîtrise de l’anglais. Les jeunes Suédois parlent en fait si bien l’anglais que d’autres pays les regardent avec envie.

Bien que l’anglais n’ait pas de statut officiel en Suède, la maîtrise de cette langue est une exigence formelle pour progresser dans les études, et souvent aussi pour l’emploi et les activités sociales. Le programme scolaire national suédois souligne que « la langue anglaise nous entoure dans notre vie quotidienne et est utilisée dans des domaines aussi divers que la politique, l’éducation et l’économie ».

Comme beaucoup de langues nationales en Europe, le suédois partage de plus en plus son espace avec l’anglais. Les espaces publics sont depuis longtemps tapissés d’enseignes et de publicités en anglais, ou en suédois et en anglais.

Les jeunes Suédois ne manifestent guère d’intérêt pour l’apprentissage d’autres langues étrangères : l’anglais est considéré comme suffisant.

L’anglais est la langue par défaut pour les locuteurs suédois dans toutes les situations où l’on pense que quelqu’un ne maîtrise pas parfaitement le suédois, tant lors de voyages internationaux qu’à la maison en Suède lorsqu’ils s’adressent à des touristes ou à des migrants. En fait, les migrants rapportent qu’ils ont du mal à amener les Suédois à parler suédois avec eux.

Les jeunes Suédois passent naturellement à l’anglais et parlent de plus en plus anglais entre eux. Beaucoup de jeunes envisagent une vie hors de Suède et considèrent l’anglais comme la langue de leur avenir.

L’anglais à l’école et au-delà

Dans les écoles secondaires suédoises, l’enseignement de l’anglais vise à aider les élèves à parler anglais avec assurance. Les compétences en communication en anglais (écoute, expression orale, lecture et écriture) sont enseignées et évaluées, avec des tests nationaux qui commencent en sixième année (à l’âge de 12 ans). L’accent est mis sur les connaissances linguistiques implicites (être capable d’utiliser la langue) plutôt que sur les connaissances linguistiques explicites (connaissance de la langue).

La précision linguistique précise n’est pas un objectif explicite du programme d’études. Par conséquent, les jeunes, bien que souvent compétents à l’oral grâce à une exposition généralisée à l’anglais, peuvent manquer de connaissances en grammaire et en conventions, ce qui leur permet de communiquer efficacement, mais pas toujours avec une précision totale.

Ce manque potentiel de précision n’empêche pas les jeunes Suédois de se tourner vers l’anglais. En dehors des salles de classe, les étudiants suédois utilisent davantage l’anglais que beaucoup de leurs pairs à l’étranger. L’anglais conserve un attrait important en raison de sa place prépondérante dans les médias et la publicité, de la popularité de la culture britannique et américaine, et de la prévalence des artistes suédois utilisant l’anglais dans leurs compositions musicales.

De plus, de nombreux jeunes ont tendance à utiliser l’anglais sur les réseaux sociaux, notamment pour les jurons et les expressions argotiques. La langue que les jeunes Suédois rencontrent le plus en ligne est l’anglais. La consommation médiatique des jeunes en Suède – de Netflix à YouTube, de TikTok à Snapchat – se fait principalement en anglais.

Fille assise sur son lit regardant son téléphone — La plupart des contenus sur les réseaux sociaux avec lesquels les adolescents suédois interagissent sont en anglais.
Ground Picture/Shutterstock

De nombreux influenceurs suédois créent des contenus en anglais. Les jeux vidéo en Suède ont toujours été majoritairement en anglais.

Bien que les écoles exposent les élèves aux aspects formels de la langue et leur offrent la possibilité de recevoir des corrections, ceux-ci acquièrent généralement en parallèle l’anglais de manière informelle en dehors de la salle de classe.

Cette utilisation de la langue anglaise repose sur les intérêts personnels des élèves, tels que les jeux vidéo, le sport, la musique pop et la lecture. Les élèves ne cherchent pas activement à développer leur anglais, mais acquièrent du vocabulaire, améliorent leur prononciation et approfondissent leurs connaissances des structures de la langue anglaise en s’adonnant à diverses activités.

La volonté d’utiliser l’anglais n’est pas la même chose qu’une solide connaissance de la langue. La plupart des élèves tirent profit de la combinaison de l’apprentissage en classe et de l’exposition à la langue en dehors de l’école pour développer pleinement leurs compétences en anglais.

Idéalement, les enseignants devraient reconnaître et intégrer cette utilisation de la langue dans leur enseignement. Le nouveau programme d’anglais du secondaire supérieur reflète cette approche en soulignant l’importance de sensibiliser les élèves à la manière dont la langue peut être apprise en dehors de l’école.

Ce qui se passe à l’école ne représente qu’une petite partie de la manière dont les jeunes apprennent l’anglais en Suède. L’enseignement formel et l’utilisation informelle de la langue offrent beaucoup plus ensemble que séparément.

– ref. Pourquoi les jeunes Suédois sont-ils si doués en anglais ? – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-les-jeunes-suedois-sont-ils-si-doues-en-anglais-275612

February 11, 2026

Understanding the difference between apathy and depression can be lifesaving for people with brain disorders

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Aderonke Agboji, Assistant Professor, University of Northern British Columbia

People with brain disorders, including Parkinson’s disease and dementia, are often misdiagnosed as having depression, when in fact what they’re experiencing is apathy. This can delay an accurate diagnosis, which has negative outcomes for patients as well as for their families and caregivers.

Apathy and depression may look alike from the outside, but they arise from different neurobiological pathways and have different implications for treatment, functioning and quality of life for those affected.

Understanding and identifying the differences is crucial. My recent research focused on developing a simple assessment tool to differentiate apathy from depression.

We will see more cases as people age

Brain disorders, particularly Alzheimer’s disease and other dementias, as well as Parkinson’s disease, are common in Canada.

According to a 2017 Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) report, an estimated 3.6 million Canadians have been diagnosed with brain disorders. More recently, the Canadian Brain Research Strategy estimates that one in five Canadians is affected by these conditions, with a total estimate of more than 7.5 million people currently living with brain conditions.

As the Canadian population ages due to demographic shifts and improved survival rates from once-fatal illnesses, the number of people living with these disorders will increase significantly.

As of January 2025, dementia alone affected 771,939 Canadians aged 65 and older. The prevalence of dementia increases with age. The likelihood of a diagnosis more than doubles every five years after age 65. We can therefore expect more than 1.7 million Canadians to be living with dementia by 2050.

Similarly, Parkinson’s disease currently affects more than 100,000 Canadians aged 40 and older, with about 38 new diagnoses each day. Current projections predict that by 2050, the rate may rise by nearly 70 per cent.

A growing body of evidence suggests Canada is not prepared for this reality. Expert reviews and health-system assessments highlight persistent barriers to care including limited specialist access, long diagnostic wait times, insufficient standardized care pathways and infrastructure gaps (for example, limited neuroimaging capacity) that constrain early and equitable diagnosis and treatment.

Why we must do better

The lack of Canada’s preparedness for the rapidly growing number of people with brain disorders is harmful in many ways. These include delayed diagnosis and missed opportunities for early intervention, as well as an unsustainable reliance on emergency departments when crises occur.

Fewer than half of Canadians currently living with dementia receive a formal diagnosis. In many regions, wait times for specialist assessments exceed one to two years, further delaying care planning and symptom management. These delays cause significant stress and strain on patients and their family members, many of whom are left to provide a high level of unpaid caregiving without sufficient supports or resources.

As a result, family caregivers often experience both mental and physical health issues that can profoundly reduce their quality of life and place further strain on existing health-care systems. One of the biggest sources of stress is a lack of diagnosis or misdiagnosis.

The key to diagnosis

One of the biggest barriers in accessing timely and accurate diagnoses is the fact that symptoms of brain disorders, particularly apathy, can present very similarly to symptoms of depression. While depression may accompany brain disorders, focusing too narrowly on the symptoms can lead to inappropriate care plans and unsuitable medications, as depression becomes the primary diagnosis while underlying brain disorders remain undetected and undiagnosed.

Understanding apathy is central in addressing current gaps treatment and prognosis. Research shows that symptoms traditionally associated with depression, such as reduced activity and social withdrawal, commonly manifest in people who have brain disorders but it does not always involve sadness or hopelessness, which are core features of depression.

Large international studies show that apathy on its own is linked to a higher risk of cognitive decline and dementia, even when depression is not present, meaning it’s an important warning sign that can be missed if symptoms are mislabelled. When apathy is mistaken for depression, people may receive treatments that worsen their apathy, leading to decreased daily functioning, higher caregiver stress, increased safety risks and poorer health over time.

What we can do to improve?

To improve differentiation between apathy and depression in people with brain disorders, we need targeted assessment tools that detect motivational decline separately from mood symptoms. Research shows that standard depression scales alone often fail to identify apathy because they focus on emotional distress rather than motivation and initiative.

One solution is to adopt a brief apathy-specific tool that is quick to administer in both care settings and at home. This tool consists of three questions:

Have you dropped many of your activities and interests?
Do you prefer to stay in your room/home rather than going out and doing new things? and
Do you feel full of energy?

If the answers are “Yes” to question one or question two (or both) and “No” to question three, apathy — not depression — should be suspected.

Another important solution is to put training and awareness at the centre of clinical practice, education and caregiver support to improve care and quality of life for people with brain disorders.

Research shows that many clinicians, caregivers and health professionals lack specific training on how to recognize and differentiate apathy from depression, which contributes to misdiagnosis and suboptimal care.

Increasing education about apathy including how it presents, why it differs from mood disorders and how to use appropriate assessment tools helps clinicians make more accurate diagnoses and develop tailored care plans.
Training should also extend to multidisciplinary teams and family caregivers, because apathy often goes unrecognized in routine interactions and can be misinterpreted as laziness, resistance or depression.

In brain disorders where cognitive changes complicate the overlap of symptoms, differentiating between apathy and depression is essential to optimal living. Using appropriate screening tools to distinguish these symptoms can lead to better, more personalized care, improved use of health-care resources and, most importantly, can be lifesaving for people navigating complex brain disorders.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Understanding the difference between apathy and depression can be lifesaving for people with brain disorders – https://theconversation.com/understanding-the-difference-between-apathy-and-depression-can-be-lifesaving-for-people-with-brain-disorders-273750

February 11, 2026

Burned out by smartphones, young people are choosing flip phones, cameras and MP3 players instead

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emma G Duerden, Canada Research Chair, Neuroscience & Learning Disorders, Associate Professor, Western University

Alarm clocks, maps, books, flashlights, watches, radios, MP3 players, Palm Pilots, remote controls, cameras, handheld recorders and other devices have all been gradually absorbed into a single one: the smartphone.

This convergence has brought unparalleled convenience into our fast-paced lives. Free internet-based calls and messaging, navigation, documentation, entertainment and even authenticator apps required to access work email have become essential daily functions and tasks.

For most of us, smartphones are no longer optional; they’re constant companions that have restructured how we work, communicate and move through the world.

Yet, as smartphones have become increasingly central to everyday life, a counter-trend has begun to take shape. In an effort to combat the attentional drain of smartphones, teens and young adults are deliberately reintroducing single-purpose technologies into their lives.

No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

Read more from Quarter Life:

Revival of single-use devices

Single-use devices include basic mobile phones with limited functionality (“dumb phones”), standalone digital and film cameras, MP3 players and iPods, e-readers such as Kindles and even paper planners and physical alarm clocks.

Several overlapping factors appear to be fuelling this move to digital minimalism. One is digital burnout and choice overload. Smartphones collapse multiple roles into a single interface, making it difficult to disengage from them. Persistent notifications and algorithmically curated feeds intensify this effect.

Rather than abandoning technology altogether, people are increasingly seeking to use it with greater intention. Instead of accumulating thousands of photos and screenshots on their phones, many young adults are purchasing cameras to capture the important moments, people and places in their lives.

Likewise, there’s a resurgence in iPod and MP3 player sales. These devices allow people to listen to music without advertisements, notifications or algorithmic recommendations.

Patterns of smartphone use help explain why such alternatives are appealing. Not surprisingly, mobile phone use has increased year after year for Canadian adults from 3.2 hours a day in 2019 to 5.65 hours 2023.

A 2022 Statistics Canada report found just over half of Canadians said they checked their smartphone first thing in the morning, and the last thing before bed. Forty-three per cent said they typically check their smartphone at least every 30 minutes.

Canadian adolescents are among the most digitally dependent, with a smartphone penetration rate of 87 per cent in 2021 and about 88 per cent of those aged 15 to 24 reporting that they check their phones at least once every hour.

Mobile phones and screens are deeply embedded in daily life globally. Worldwide, the average person now spends nearly six to seven hours a day looking at screens, with most of that time spent on mobile devices at almost four hours a day on phones alone.. In countries like the Philippines, Brazil and South Africa, daily mobile screen time regularly exceeds five hours.

By comparison, those in the United States and United Kingdom tend to spend slightly less time on their screens, but still a significant proportion of their waking hours engaged with digital devices.

A new trend or old habit?

The turn toward single-purpose devices may appear to be a reaction to smartphones specifically, but efforts to unplug from technology long predate them.

Organized “cellphone free” days were already being promoted as early as the 2000s, already fuelled by unease with “always available” connectivity. What has changed in recent years is not the desire to step back, but who is being most affected and what they are stepping away from.

Today’s single-use movement is being driven largely by people who are deeply embedded in digital work and culture: international workers, those who are self-employed, professionals, those working in creative industries, students and parents.

Research on digital disconnection shows that people are most likely to disengage when they experience persistent time pressure, cognitive overload, blurred work–life boundaries or emotional fatigue from constant exposure to online content.

In that sense, the turn to dumb phones, dedicated cameras or e-readers is less about nostalgia and more about an attempt to use digital tools that help us focus and create, rather than platforms that are designed to constantly capture our attention.

Stepping back from screens

Reducing screen time and social media use can have profound benefits on cognition and well-being. One study found that limiting social media use to around one hour per day reduced symptoms of anxiety, depression and fear of missing out, while improving sleep among young people aged 17 to 25.

Another study blocked internet access on participants’ smartphones for two weeks. A staggering 91 per cent of participants reported improvements in their mental health, life satisfaction and ability to sustain attention, with the effects comparable to reversing 10 years of age-related cognitive decline.

Participants spent more time socializing, exercising and spending time in nature, all of which are associated with improved well-being.

Research on forced digital disconnection also offers insight into the immediate effects of removing internet-enabled devices. In Swedish detention centres, for example, inmates are issued basic mobile phones with no internet access. Ethnographic research shows this eliminated compulsive phone checking and made communication slower and more deliberate.

While the context is extreme, it highlights that once devices designed for endless engagement are removed, patterns of attention and behaviour can change almost immediately.

Thinking of unplugging?

Voluntary forms of disconnection have started gaining traction. Digital detox retreats, for instance, offer a chance to step away from the constant pull of online life. Whether in off-grid cabins or rural retreats, these escapes allow time for reading, board games, cooking and nature walks. They offer a deliberate pause from the looming sense of urgency to be online and the pressure to perform for an audience.

If you’re curious about experimenting with single-purpose devices, a full break from smartphones isn’t necessary. Many people begin by identifying the functions that feel most disruptive, such as social media or constant messaging and relocating others to separate tools.

Simple steps include using an e-reader for reading, a standalone alarm clock to keep phones out of the bedroom or a dedicated music player for commuting.

A more moderate approach includes installing an app that can monitor screen time use, like Brick, or switching smartphone displays to greyscale to mitigate distractions and boost focus by removing colours that grab attention and trigger dopamine loops.

If all the hours spent scrolling were suddenly yours, an entire extra month a year, what would you do with that time? Perhaps it’s time to think about stepping off the feed and reclaiming the moments that are intrinsically meaningful and chosen by you.

Emma G Duerden receives funding from the Canada Research Chairs program.

Rubina Malik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Burned out by smartphones, young people are choosing flip phones, cameras and MP3 players instead – https://theconversation.com/burned-out-by-smartphones-young-people-are-choosing-flip-phones-cameras-and-mp3-players-instead-273545

February 11, 2026

Tumbler Ridge shootings highlight the need for mental health support for survivors and their community

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Margaret McKinnon, Professor and Homewood Research Chair in Mental Health and Trauma, Department of Psychiatry and Behavioural Neurosciences, McMaster University

Although mass shootings and gun violence have long plagued American communities, events like yesterday’s mass shooting at a high school in northern British Columbia are rare in Canada.

Following this tragedy, our communities may feel less safe and we may worry about family and loved ones.

The mental health and well-being of many Canadians will be impacted by this mass victimization event, including students and teachers present during the attack and their families, friends and peers. Supporters, including first responders and victim support providers, may also experience mental-health difficulties in the aftermath of the shooting.

Many survivors of mass shootings will experience symptoms of post-traumatic stress, anxiety and depression following the incident, with symptoms persisting one year or longer in a smaller group of survivors.

Reactions to traumatic events

Reactions to traumatic events may manifest as emotional, cognitive, interpersonal and physical symptoms.

Emotionally, individuals may become more irritable, experience trauma-related nightmares or struggle with feelings of guilt for not having done more to prevent or mitigate the event.

Cognitive reactions can involve difficulties with concentration, memory or making decisions.

Interpersonally, trauma survivors may find it harder to trust others who were not involved in the incident, or they may notice increased tension and conflict within family relationships.

Physical reactions can include gastrointestinal issues, headaches and difficulty sleeping.

Women, younger Canadians, and people belonging to racial and ethnic minorities are more likely to experience mental-health difficulties following exposure to gun violence.

The mental health and well-being of these groups, along with that of all survivors, should be carefully monitored, and early access to mental-health and well-being supports provided.

Community impacts

Communities are also impacted by mass shootings, including via mental distress associated with fear and anxiety and through school and business closures.

These impacts can persist past the immediate aftermath of the incident, pointing to the need for not only individual mental-health supports for survivors and supporters, but also public health interventions that can support the needs of the community.

Following mass victimization events like school shootings, promoting a sense of physical and emotional safety and providing opportunities for social support from family, friends and the community can assist in healing.

This may include providing for physical needs, such as blankets, and nourishing food, as well as promoting community connection through groups and organizations. Metaphorically speaking, it’s important for survivors and their supporters to remember to put their oxygen mask on first to best assist others.

Family support also contributes to recovery. Parents are encouraged to provide warmth and support, spend time and encourage talking to one another, and maintain routines and social connections as much as possible.

Support network resource

For a directory of mental health services across Canada, a mental health self-assessment tool and individual and community mental health tool kits, see
The Canadian Emergency Response Psychosocial Support Network (CanEMERG), which can can connect you with mental-health resources from coast to coast to coast.

CanEMERG was developed at McMaster University and is supported by financial contributions from the Public Health Agency of Canada.

Margaret McKinnon receives funding from the Public Health Agency of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, National Defence, Veterans Affairs Canada, the Canadian Institute of Military and Veteran Health Research, the Worker’s Safety Insurance Board, Homewood Health and Homewood Research Institute, the AllOne Foundation, the FDC Foundation, the True Patriot Love, the Military Casualty Support Foundation, the Cowan Foundation and St. Joseph’s Healthcare Hamilton.

– ref. Tumbler Ridge shootings highlight the need for mental health support for survivors and their community – https://theconversation.com/tumbler-ridge-shootings-highlight-the-need-for-mental-health-support-for-survivors-and-their-community-275766

February 11, 2026

Below freezing but still moving: How salamanders stay active in winter

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Danilo Giacometti, São Paulo Research Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow, NUPENS (USP)

A blue-spotted salamander on the forest floor surrounding Bat Lake, Algonquin Provincial Park, Ontario. (Danilo Giacometti), CC BY-NC-ND

It’s a cold night in a Canadian forest. Temperatures are below freezing, snow is on the ground and most animals remain hidden to avoid the harsh conditions. But one creature is braving the cold weather.

Blue-spotted salamanders (Ambystoma laterale) are on the move. These small amphibians have left their underground winter refuges and started migrating toward breeding pools, often risking freezing.

For animals whose body temperature closely follows the environment, like salamanders, freezing can be deadly, as the formation of ice inside the body can damage cells and disrupt vital functions. However, blue-spotted salamanders remain active and apparently unharmed under the freezing conditions.

As a group of biologists who study how temperature shapes animal behaviour and physiology, our team has been long fascinated by animals that keep active at low temperatures.

In a recent study, colleagues and I documented salamanders migrating with body temperatures below 0 C in the wild. Our findings highlight field-based evidence that these amphibians can function at sub-zero temperatures without freezing. In doing so, salamanders are possibly extending their breeding season.

Survival strategies

A blue-spotted salamander on top some moss — Many amphibians rely on different strategies to cope with winter.
(Danilo Giacometti)

Amphibians have a thin skin that is supported by many blood vessels. This allows them to breathe through their skin; however, it also means they lose a lot of water through evaporation, especially under warm conditions. That means both exposure to extremely cold (risk of freezing) and warm temperatures (risk of desiccation) can be harmful. Consequently, amphibians are often described as extremely vulnerable to environmental change.

At the same time, amphibians are not passive victims of their environment. Many species rely on different strategies to cope with winter, a season that can last several months in parts of Canada. As winters become more unpredictable, with frequent freeze–thaw cycles and reduced snow cover, understanding these strategies is key.

Amphibians generally survive winter through freeze tolerance or freeze avoidance. Freeze-tolerant species can survive even if parts of their bodies are frozen solid. The wood frog (Lithobates sylvatica) is a well-known example: during winter, the frogs allow ice to form in their tissues while their cells are shielded by large amounts of natural antifreeze, like glucose. As temperatures rise in spring, the frogs thaw and resume their normal activity.

Instead of tolerating ice formation, freeze-avoidant animals avoid freezing altogether by keeping their body fluids in a liquid state. This can be achieved by moving to underground refuges, or, as in the case of blue-spotted salamanders, through a physiological process called super-cooling.

An explainer on how the wood frog uses antifreeze to stay alive in the winter. (Smithsonian Channel)

Supercooling: staying liquid below zero

To understand how blue-spotted salamanders cope with early spring cold, we studied migrating individuals in Ontario’s Algonquin Provincial Park. We used infrared thermal cameras to measure salamanders’ skin temperatures (an approximation of body temperature) as they moved naturally across the forest floor to make their way to Bat Lake.

This approach allowed us to record body and forest floor temperatures without the need to handle the animals, which is relevant because direct contact can quickly alter their body temperature.

As freeze-avoiders, blue-spotted salamanders would likely die if their body fluids were to freeze. This makes their early spring movement particularly risky, but this is where super-cooling comes in. Super-cooling occurs when liquids inside the animal’s body remain unfrozen below their normal freezing point.

This strategy occurs through a combination of processes. The animal removes surfaces in its body where water molecules can collect and start crystallizing through gut evacuation and partial dehydration. Producing antifreeze (typically sugars) and accumulating them in certain body parts (like the liver) also help in the process, although this occurs in smaller proportions than in freeze-tolerant species.

Previous lab-based research had shown that blue-spotted salamanders could super-cool down to about -1.5 C. Our field measurements not only validated the importance of super-cooling under natural conditions, but also demonstrated that salamanders can remain active at temperatures far below their known minimum super-cooling point, with values as low as –3.6 C.

Since we recorded individuals actively moving over ice, our observations confirm that the animals were not frozen. These results show that salamanders can push their limits further in nature than expected from lab tests alone.

Why do salamanders take the risk?

Super-cooling is unstable. Contact with ice or sudden temperature changes can trigger rapid freezing. That means salamanders moving over ice are operating close to their physiological limit. Why take the risk, then?

The answer lies in timing. Blue-spotted salamanders breed in temporary ponds formed by snowmelt and spring rain, and their breeding season lasts only a few weeks. Arriving at the ponds early increases access to suitable egg-laying sites and reduces competition. Although waiting for consistently warm nights would be safer, it could also mean missing the breeding window altogether.

Early migration appears to be a trade-off: higher short-term risk of freezing in exchange for long-term reproductive success. This behaviour also shows that salamanders respond to small changes in environmental conditions, not just average temperatures.

Winter brings with it various challenges, and opportunities, for animals. Whether they hibernate, develop antifreeze or stay super-cooled, various species have developed fascinating ways of surviving the freezing temperatures.

Danilo Giacometti receives funding from the São Paulo Research Foundation (Brazil).

– ref. Below freezing but still moving: How salamanders stay active in winter – https://theconversation.com/below-freezing-but-still-moving-how-salamanders-stay-active-in-winter-274100

February 11, 2026

Teens see social media, more than school, as the place to learn about race and faith

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karl Kitching, Professor of Public Education, University of Birmingham

For most young people, learning about social and political issues doesn’t start with a textbook. It starts with a phone.

While debates intensify about whether to impose a social media ban on under-16s in the UK, it’s important to consider how social media can be a route for learning as well as potential harm.

Young people aged 14-15 are at a crucial stage in terms of their developing awareness of and engagement with political issues. Our research with more than 3,000 young people in year ten (ages 14 and 15) in schools across England found that 75% said they learned most about social and political issues online, including on social media.

This is far more than the 47% who (also) said they learned most about this at school. At the same time, though, only 21% said they were comfortable sharing their views on such issues online: 60% don’t share their views online.

Learning about race and faith equality doesn’t just mean learning about anti-racist movements like Black Lives Matter, for example. It also refers to the ways that young people, including those from diasporic and global majority backgrounds, develop their identities and values as citizens of the UK and the world.

Young people in our study described various ways they used online spaces to engage around race and faith issues. These included looking things up on established news sources like the BBC, and using news alerts on their phone. Apps like Instagram and TikTok were useful to some for updates from their extended family abroad, or to get direct information. This could include information from Gaza, for instance, where outside journalists have not been allowed in.

Some were wary of getting information from apps such as TikTok and YouTube, because they were regarded as potentially spreading false information and stereotypes about particular migrant communities, or presenting extremes. This wariness led them to crosscheck what they had seen on social media with news journalism that verifies its sources.

Further analysis of the survey – to be published in our forthcoming book – showed that most were cautious about sharing their views on social issues online. Statistically speaking, girls were also less comfortable than boys, and young people with Black, African and Caribbean backgrounds were less comfortable than their white peers sharing their views online.

But social media could also act as a sounding board for critically reflecting on, and emotionally processing events. For instance, a south-Asian Muslim girl felt that hearing other people’s opinions on an experience of discrimination can allow one to have multiple perspectives on what happened.

Learning from social media

Arguably, the fact that young people are often sceptical about what they see online is a positive outcome of their secondary online and media literacy education. But our research suggests that young people go online because they can’t get the information they need at school. Young people in rural areas, as well as those with Black, African and Caribbean backgrounds, raised particular concerns about school as a place to discuss race and faith issues. Those in lower-income areas also showed lower expectations that such issues would be discussed at school.

Government policy has for many years made it hard for schools to teach about race and faith equality in particular. One reason for this is that exam pressure in years ten and eleven (aged 14-16) leads schools to consign direct teaching about equality issues to years seven to nine.

But more fundamentally, the content of the curriculum, including history, is heavily geared towards a white British and European worldview. Citizenship education has been neglected in favour of traditional academic subjects, and so equality issues are addressed in occasional Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE) lessons.

Teenagers in discussion group — Teens are wary of sharing their views on race and faith both online and at school.
Rido/Shutterstock

More problematically, schools have had to walk a delicate line when it comes to talking about political issues. In recent years, schools have been warned that teaching white privilege as a fact in schools is unlawful, and that they must ensure they teach topics relating to Israel and Palestine neutrally.

We found education stakeholders including local authority advisers, teacher unions and community organisations are concerned about the lack of support for teachers to engage these and other issues accurately. This concern is something current policymaking, including the curriculum and assessment review, has not meaningfully addressed.

It’s not surprising, then, that only 38% of young people felt comfortable sharing their views at school. While this is a higher proportion than shared their views online, we would expect a much higher result from school if obstacles to sharing views there were removed. Such obstacles include concern about peer judgement, being disciplined, or because they felt they had to sideline their feelings, have a “thick skin” and focus on their studies to – paradoxically – get ready for “the real world”.

We need to carefully consider and balance young people’s rights both to protection and to information in school and online. Our recommendations call for much greater support for schools to negotiate race and faith issues, as taking away under-16s’ access to social media without greater school-based support could be more counterproductive than protective.

Karl Kitching works at University of Birmingham and has received funding from the Leverhulme Trust RPG-2022-063 for this research.

Aslı Kandemir works at the University of Birmingham. She receives funding from Birmingham City Council.

Shajedur Rahman works for the University of Birmingham and Milton Keynes College.

– ref. Teens see social media, more than school, as the place to learn about race and faith – https://theconversation.com/teens-see-social-media-more-than-school-as-the-place-to-learn-about-race-and-faith-274143

February 11, 2026

AI could mark the end of young people learning on the job – with terrible results

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vivek Soundararajan, Professor of Work and Equality, University of Bath

For a long time, the deal for a wide range of careers has been simple enough. Entry-level workers carried out routine tasks in return for mentorship, skill development and a clear path towards expertise.

The arrangement meant that employers had affordable labour, while employees received training and a clear career path. Both sides benefited.

But now that bargain is breaking down. AI is automating the grunt work – the repetitive, boring but essential tasks that juniors used to do and learn from.

And the consequences are hitting both ends of the workforce. Young workers cannot get a foothold. Older workers are watching the talent pipeline run dry.

For example, one study suggests that between late 2022 and July 2025, entry-level employment in the US in AI-exposed fields like software development and customer service declined by roughly 20%. Employment for older workers in the same sectors grew.

And that pattern makes sense. AI currently excels at administrative tasks – things like data entry or filing. But it struggles with nuance, judgment and plenty of other skills which are hard to codify.

So experience and the accumulation of those skills become a buffer against AI displacement. Yet if entry-level workers never get the chance to build that experience, the buffer never forms.

This matters for organisations too. Researchers using a huge amount of data about work in the US described the way that professional skills develop over time, by likening career paths to the structure of a tree.

General skills (communication, critical thinking, problem solving) form the trunk, and then specialised skills branch out from there.

Their key finding was that wage premiums for specialised skills depend almost entirely on having those strong general foundational skills underneath. Communication and critical thinking capabilities are not optional extras – they are what make advanced skills valuable.

The researchers also found that workers who lack access to foundational skills can become trapped in career paths with limited upward mobility: what they call “skill entrapment”. This structure has become more pronounced over the past two decades, creating what the researchers described as “barriers to upward job mobility”.

But if AI is eliminating the entry-level positions where those foundations were built, who develops the next generation of experts? If AI can do the junior work better than the actual juniors, senior workers may stop delegating altogether.

Researchers call this a “training deficit”. The junior never learns, and the pipeline breaks down.

Uneven disruption

But the disruption will not hit everyone equally. It has been claimed, for example, that women face nearly three times the risk of their jobs being replaced with AI compared to men.

This is because women are generally more likely to be in clerical and administrative roles, which are among the most exposed to AI-driven transformation. And if AI closes off traditional routes into skilled work, the effects are unlikely to be evenly distributed.

So what can be done? Well, just because the old pathway deal between junior and senior human workers is broken, does not mean that a new one cannot be built.

Young workers now need to learn what AI cannot replace in terms of knowledge, judgment and relationships. They need to seek (and be provided with) roles which involve human interaction, rather than just screen-based tasks. And if traditional entry-level jobs are disappearing, they need to look for structured programmes that still offer genuine skill development.

Woman across desk from two people holding a paper document. — ‘And I would like to work with some humans if possible.’
Jelena Zelen/Shutterstock

Older workers meanwhile, can learn a lot from younger workers about AI and technology. The idea of mentorship can be flipped, with juniors teaching about new tools, while seniors provide guidance and teaching on nuance and judgment.

And employers need to resist the urge to cut out junior staff. They should keep delegating to those staff – even when AI can do the job more quickly. Entry level roles can be redesigned rather than eliminated. For ultimately, if juniors are not getting trained, there will be no one to hand over to.

Protecting the pipeline of skilled and valuable employees is in everyone’s interest. Yes, some forms of expertise will matter less in the age of AI, which is disorienting for people who may have invested years in developing them.

But expertise is not necessarily about storing information. It is also about refined judgment being applied to complex situations. And that remains valuable.

Vivek Soundararajan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. AI could mark the end of young people learning on the job – with terrible results – https://theconversation.com/ai-could-mark-the-end-of-young-people-learning-on-the-job-with-terrible-results-275352

February 11, 2026

Democracy dies in broad daylight: the Trump administration’s frontal assault on the free press

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kristin Skare Orgeret, Professor of Journalism and Media Studies, Oslo Metropolitan University

When the billionaire owner of Amazon, Jeff Bezos, bought the Washington Post from the Graham family in 2013, he promised a “golden era to come”. In February 2017, one month into Donald Trump’s first term as US president, the paper adopted the motto: “Democracy Dies in Darkness”, reflecting the perceived threat posed by Trump’s authoritarian leanings and the suggestion that Moscow had interfered in the 2016 election.

That motto was turned against Bezos last week when it was announced that the Post was laying off one-third of its editorial staff, including its sports section and several of its foreign bureaus. The news was greeted with dismay in America’s journalistic circles. Marty Baron, a celebrated former executive editor of the Post, called the layoffs “among the darkest days in the history of one of the world’s greatest news organisations”.

But in the years since Bezos acquired the Post it has become a symbol of a global wave of democratic backsliding in the US which accelerated as the prospect of a second Trump presidency grew through 2024. After an initial period of investing in the Post and hiring more reporters, he has now overseen a long period of decline.

Political concerns began seriously to mount in 2024 when, in the run up to that year’s presidential election, the newspaper broke a 36-year precedent by refusing to endorse a candidate (which most readers, given the paper’s traditionally liberal leanings, had assumed would be Democrat Kamala Harris).

Since Trump has returned to the White House further evidence of this backsliding at the Post includes suppression of a cartoon critical of Trump’s relationship with US tech oligarchs by the Pulitzer Prize winning artist Ann Telnaes and a refocusing of the opinion pages to centre them on “personal liberties and free markets”. The changes have reportedly cost the Post many thousands of subscribers.

A cartoon showing American tech billionaires bowing before a statue of Donald Trump and offering bags of money. — The cartoon that led to Ann Telnaes quitting the Washington Post.
Facebook

But the malaise in US journalism is a much broader story than just the travails of the Washington Post. There’s a sustained campaign of cultural and structural violence against a profession that is under economic and political strain, yet essential to democracy.

Trump’s hostility toward certain sections of the press is not new. During his first term he used non-journalistic platforms to brand mainstream media outlets “the enemy of the people”. His hostility was directed at both institutional and personal level, launching attacks against individual journalists and their employers (the “failing New York Times”, his clash with CNN’s Jim Acosta, etc).

In his second term this hostility has intensified, its impact often obscured by the rapid pace of news emanating from the White House. We’re seeing press freedom in the US under attack on three distinct fronts: restricted access to information, threats to the safety of journalists and use of legal pressure to discourage dissenting voices.

Controlling the message

Restrictions began as soon as Trump was inaugurated for his second term in January 2025. Within a month, the Associated Press lost access to the Oval Office and Air Force One (in other words, to direct contact with the president) after refusing to adopt an executive order renaming the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America”.

Accreditation rules soon tightened. In October, the newly minted secretary of war Pete Hegseth announced that henceforth journalists reporting from inside the Pentagon would be allowed to only report official government pronouncements. Many mainstream reporters handed back their Pentagon accreditation in protest. In response, Hegseth announced what he called the “next generation of the Pentagon press corps”, mainly comprising journalist from far-right outlets.

Meanwhile the president’s verbal attacks on journalists have escalated, particularly targeting women and especially women of colour. Incidents such as the “quiet Piggy” remark (directed at Bloomberg journalist Catherine Lucey) exemplify a broader pattern of public humiliation of female journalists. Research suggests that such conduct contributes to the normalisation of hostility toward female journalists, who were already disproportionately quitting journalism.

‘Quiet piggy’: Donald Trump targets a female reporter on Air Force One.

Journalists covering protests also face heightened risks. During the “no kings” demonstrations in October 2025, multiple incidents were reported in which police used force against accredited reporters. In November 2025 the White House escalated the pressure, launching a “Hall of Shame” site naming journalists and outlets it said had misrepresented the administration.

‘Lawfare’

The Trump administration has also brought considerable legal pressure to bear on the news media over the first year of its second term. The US president has filed multiple lawsuits alleging bias on the part of one or another media organisation that had attracted his disfavour.

In July, Paramount reached a US$16 million (£11.69 million) settlement over a 60 Minutes interview with Kamala Harris in 2024 that the president accused of bias. At stake was a US$8.4 billion merger that required approval from the Federal Communications Commission, a public body headed by Trump loyalist Brendan Carr.

The president also has active suits against the Wall Street Journal and the BBC (an episode which led to the resignation of director general, Tim Davie, and its head of news, Deborah Turness). By the middle of 2025, Axios reported that Trump-related media and defamation suits had already matched the annual historical record.

Democratic backsliding

Taken together, these developments reflect a broader pattern of institutional stress affecting US democratic structures. The pressure on these established media organisations has created a situation in which they manage to survive with their independence eroded.

Comparative research consistently demonstrates that journalists are among the first actors targeted in such processes because of their frontline work. Control over information remains central to the success of an authoritarian government.

What, then, should journalists and media organisations do? Standing together matters. We saw that in 2018, when about 350 American newspapers jointly defended press independence against Trump’s “fake news” attacks. This prompted the US Senate to adopt a resolution supporting a free press and declaring that “the press is not the enemy of the people”.

But the danger is that this structural violence against the news media and its attempt to hold power to account becomes normalised. If the Trump administration’s contempt for the fourth estate continues to percolate through to the public at large, a population already struggling to tell truth from lies will be further blindfolded and darkness will fall over American democracy.

– ref. Democracy dies in broad daylight: the Trump administration’s frontal assault on the free press – https://theconversation.com/democracy-dies-in-broad-daylight-the-trump-administrations-frontal-assault-on-the-free-press-275629

February 11, 2026

‘It ain’t no unicorn’: meet the researchers who’ve interviewed 130 Bigfoot hunters

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jamie Lewis, Lecturer in sociology, Cardiff University

Frame 352 from the Patterson-Gimlin Bigfoot film in 1962. wikipedia

It was the image that launched a cultural icon. In 1967, in the northern Californian woods, a seven foot tall, ape-like creature covered in black fur and walking upright was captured on camera, at one point turning around to look straight down the lens. The image is endlessly copied in popular culture – it’s even become an emoji. But what was it? A hoax? A bear? Or a real-life example of a mysterious species called the Bigfoot?

The film has been analysed and re-ananlysed countless times. Although most people believe it was some sort of hoax, there are some who argue that it’s never been definitively debunked. One group of people, dubbed Bigfooters, are so intrigued that they have taken to the forests of Washington, California, Oregon, Ohio, Florida and beyond to look for evidence of the mythical creature.

But why? That’s what sociologists Jamie Lewis and Andrew Bartlett wanted to uncover. They were itching to understand what prompts this community to spend valuable time and resources looking for a beast that is highly unlikely to even exist. During lockdown, Lewis started interviewing more than 130 Bigfooters (and a few academics) about their views, experiences and practices, culminating in the duo’s recent book Bigfooters and Scientific Inquiry: on the borderlands of legitimate science.

Here, we talk to them about their academic investigation.

What was it about the Bigfoot community that you found so intriguing?

Lewis: It started when I was watching either the Discovery Channel or Animal Planet and a show called Finding Bigfoot was advertised. I was really keen to know why this programme was being scheduled on what certainly at the time was a nominally serious and sober natural history channel. The initial plan was to do an analysis of these television programmes, but we felt that wasn’t enough. It was lockdown and my wife was pregnant and in bed a lot with sickness, so I needed to fill my time.

Bartlett: One of the things that I worked on when Jamie and I shared an office in Cardiff was a sociological study of fringe physicists. These are people mostly outside of academic institutions trying to do science. I was interviewing these people, going to their conferences. And that led relatively smoothly into Bigfoot, but it was Jamie’s interest in Bigfoot that brought me to this field.

The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.

How big is this community?

Lewis: It’s very hard to put a number on it. There is certainly a divide between what are known as “apers”, who believe that Bigfoot is just a primate unknown to science, and those that are perhaps more derogatorily called “woo-woos”, who believe that Bigfoot is some sort of interdimensional traveller, an alien of sort. We’re talking in the thousands of people. But there are a couple of hundred really serious people of which I probably interviewed at least half.

Many people back them. A YouGov survey conducted as recently as November 2025, suggested that as many as one quarter of Americans believe that Bigfoot either definitely or probably exists.

Were the interviewees suspicious of your intentions?

Lewis: I think there was definitely a worry that they would be caricatured. And I was often asked, “Do I believe in Bigfoot?” I had a standard answer that Andy and I agreed on, which was that mainstream, institutional science says there is absolutely no compelling evidence that Bigfoot exists. We have no reason to dissent with that consensus. But as sociologists what does exist is a community (or communities) of Bigfooting, and that’s what interests us.

Bartlett: One of the things that at least a couple of people reacted to once the book was published was the way we phrased that. On the blurb on the back of the book we say something along the lines of “Bigfoot exists if not as a physical biological creature then certainly as an object around which hundreds of people organise their lives”. A couple of people took that to be some kind of slight against them. It wasn’t.

Do these people have any sort of shared personality traits or other things that connected them?

Lewis: The community is very white, male, rural and blue collar – often ex-military. I think Bigfooting is growing among the female population, but there’s a sense of the kind of ‘masculine hunter in the dark’ persona.

Bartlett: In America, you find a lot more veterans in the general population. But I think there’s also the issue of how they like to present themselves, because when you’re dealing with witness testimony, you’ve got to present yourself as credible. If you can say something like, “I was in the service” or “I was in the armed forces”, then at least you’re not likely to be spooked by a moose.

A bigfoot sign at the Natural Bridge Of Arkansas park.
Logan Bush/Shutterstock

What surprised you the most about them, did they challenge any stereotypes?

Lewis: Some were very articulate, which did surprise me a little. I guess that’s my own prejudice. I was also very surprised about how open people were; I expected them to not tell me about their encounters. But a fair few of them did. Many of them wanted to be named in the book. I was also surprised about how much empirical data they collect and how much they attempt to try and analyse and make sense of it. And how they were willing to admit that a certain idea was bunk or a hoax. I expected them to be defending bad evidence.

Bartlett: There are extracts of this in our book, people saying “I was fooled by these tracks for ages. I thought they were real and then I found this and that and the other out about it and I revised my opinion.” So that did surprise me too.

If they collect empirical evidence, does that make what they do science?

Bartlett: When you’re working in institutional science you’re working to get grants, you’re working to get good quality publications. You might want your name associated with particular ideas, but you do that through peer-reviewed papers and by working with PhD students who go off to other labs. In Bigfooting, you’ve got self-published books, you’ve got Bigfoot conferences, you’ve got YouTube channels, you’ve got podcasts and things like this, and they’re not necessarily a good way of making and testing knowledge claims. This is an aspect where Bigfooting is quite different to mainstream science.

It was interesting to study the fringe physicists and seeing where the common deviation from science was. And that’s a focus on individualism; the idea that an individual alone can collect and assess evidence in some kind of asocial fashion. The physicists I studied were quite clear that ideas like consensus in science were dangerous, when in reality consensus, continuity and community are the basis of most of science.

What is the most common form of evidence in this community?

Lewis: Witness testimonies. Without those reported testimonies, Bigfooting would not exist. A large part of the work of a Bigfooter is to collect and make sense of these testimonies. They get upset when these testimonies don’t have much weight within institutional science. They’ll make the comparison to court and how testimonies alone can put someone on death row. So they don’t understand why testimonies don’t have much weight in science. Beyond the testimony, footprint evidence is probably the most famous and also the most pervasive sort of trace evidence.

Photograph of an alleged Bigfoot footprint taken in Hoopa, California in September 1962 and featured in a Humboldt Times newspaper article.
wikipedia

Bartlett: One of the reasons footprints are so important is that there’s the legacy of the Yeti and footprint evidence which proved to be relatively persuasive, convincing some institutional scientists that there was something in the Himalayas. And then there was the fact that the sort of two major academic champions of Bigfoot were persuaded by the footprint evidence: the late Grover Krantz (around 1970) and Jeffrey Meldrum (in the 1990s).

Lewis: These days you also see camera traps, audio recorders even DNA testing of hairs and those sorts of things. They’re capturing anomalous sounds and often blurry images. Some believe that a Bigfoot communicates through infrasound, although that is certainly disputed within the community. So what you’re getting now is more and more different types of evidence.

How can you know whether an image or a sound really points to Bigfoot?

Bartlett: What they do is go out into the forest and record a sound, for example, and compare it to databases of birds and other animals. And they may find there is nothing that matches it. Is it something that doesn’t sound like a car or a person or a bear or a moose? In which case, there’s the space for Bigfoot. And it’s the same with images to some degree.

Would you say that this interpretation is the biggest weakness or contradiction in their evidence?

Lewis: It allows them to create space for Bigfoot. Because if you can’t match it to something else, what could it be? You have this absence and then from that absence you create a presence. They believe it’s a scientific argument. In fact, it’s kind of interesting how Bigfooters will always enrol other kinds of magical beasts to strengthen the case for Bigfoot. So, one sentence I hear quite a lot is “it ain’t no unicorn”.

What’s the hierarchy in this community? Who’s at the top?

Lewis: A-listers tend to be anyone associated with academia. So Andy’s already mentioned Jeff Meldrum, unfortunately he passed away very recently, but he was their route to contemporary academia. So in any conference, if Jeff Meldrum was speaking, he’d be last. Anyone who’s on TV, such as the Finding Bigfoot and the Expedition Bigfoot presenters would also be in the A-list category. And then you’ve got various different groups just below. For example, the Bigfoot Field Researchers Organization, which is probably the most well known group.

What could Bigfooters learn from scientists and vice versa?

Lewis: From reading books and from discussing it with people, there was a sense that Bigfooters are anti-science. We did not find that. What we argue in the book is that they’re not anti-science. In fact, I would say a lot of them are pro-science, but they’re counter establishment. I think academia should be thinking about these people as citizen scientists and what they’re doing as a kind of gateway into understanding your local area.

For example, they found an animal, I think it was a pine marten, on a camera trap that was not supposed to be in the area. So they are collecting lots of data. They are not irrational. It’s different from, for example, ghost hunting, because you don’t have to imagine there’s something entirely new in the world. It’s just an animal that exists out there that hasn’t been found. Implausible, yes. But not impossible. What they do lack, however, is academic discipline; anyone can be a Bigfooter.

Was there a specific encounter you heard about that was particularly compelling?**

Lewis: Did I get caught up in the moment? Sometimes, of course, you do, just as you do in a film. If you’re in the pitch dark night and you’re watching a horror film, you take it away with you for a while until you settle back down. I often went to bed buzzing, thinking I don’t know what I just heard; they were great stories at the end of the day. But I learned to separate the interview from my thoughts on the interview.

If you encountered Bigfoot in the woods, how would you go about convincing others?**

Lewis: A lot of Bigfooters would begin with qualifiers like, “My dad doesn’t believe in Bigfoot,” or “I have questioned myself for years thinking about this incident and what it was.” So, they would set themselves up as a rational, logical individual. That then created a connection between me and them. And of course, I’d probably be doing the same.

Bartlett: If I were to encounter Bigfoot, I would probably draw on all the techniques of proving that I’m a credible, hard-headed, rational person that we see in those witness encounters. I would expect to be disbelieved. And so therefore I would stress I was putting my credibility as an academic on the line here. So I’d deploy all those kinds of rhetorical techniques that are used by Bigfooters, aside from just the description of the encounter.

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– ref. ‘It ain’t no unicorn’: meet the researchers who’ve interviewed 130 Bigfoot hunters – https://theconversation.com/it-aint-no-unicorn-meet-the-researchers-whove-interviewed-130-bigfoot-hunters-274574