Supreme Court rules against Trump’s emergency tariffs – but leaves key questions unanswered

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Kent Jones, Professor Emeritus, Economics, Babson College

It has been raining tariffs … until now? Aaron Schwartz/Getty Images

President Donald Trump’s economic agenda took a major hit when the Supreme Court struck down many of his most sweeping tariffs. While Trump has options to restore some of the tariffs, he’s losing his most powerful tool to impose them almost at will as a bargaining chip with other countries.

In a 6-3 decision on Feb. 20, 2026, the court ruled that Trump’s use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 to unilaterally impose tariffs on other countries was unconstitutional. Since January 2025, Trump has used the act to impose tariffs on nearly every other country.

As a trade economist, I wasn’t particularly surprised by the ruling. In the oral arguments, several justices were openly skeptical about the president’s ability to claim virtually unlimited powers to set tariffs without specific congressional language to authorize them. While the ruling answers some questions about the legality of Trump’s tariffs, it leaves many others unanswered.

What are the tariffs the court ruled against?

The tariffs that the court ruled are illegal include the “reciprocal” tariffs Trump imposed to match the value of trade barriers set by other countries. They ranged from 34% on China to a baseline of 10% for the rest of the world.

They also include a 25% tariff on some goods from Canada, China and Mexico over those countries’ supposed failure to curb the flow of fentanyl into the U.S.

By striking down these tariffs, the Supreme Court will presumably force U.S. tariff schedules to revert to the status quo before they were imposed on April 2, 2025, or “liberation day,” as Trump called it.

Why did the Supreme Court rule against the tariffs?

Most of the tariffs Trump has imposed used the International Emergency Economic Powers Act to provide legal justification. While the law allows the president to respond to economic emergencies with measures such as embargoes and asset seizures, it does not specifically authorize the use of tariffs imposed unilaterally.

This was a major point made in the Supreme Court decision. In every other statute available to the president to use tariffs, there is specific language stating the way in which tariffs can be imposed, language that is absent in the International Emergency Economic Powers Act statute.

The majority decision, in which the court’s liberal justices were joined by three of its conservatives, determined that the president overreached his powers to set tariffs, based on Article 1, Section 8, of the U.S Constitution. Any delegation of tariff-making powers in an emergency to the president must be consistent with this provision.

It is also noteworthy that Trump openly declared that one of the benefits of the tariffs was how much revenue they bring in. But the majority decision noted that this represented an unauthorized presidential power to tax, which is also governed by the Article 1, Section 8, provision that assigns this power exclusively to Congress.

a white man in a suit gestures in front of a podium with the presidential seal on it
President Donald Trump, during a meeting with governors, called the ruling a ‘disgrace.’
AP Photo/Evan Vucci

What does this mean for Trump’s trade policy?

Trump used the International Emergency Economic Powers Act tariffs as leverage to negotiate numerous bilateral deals with U.S. trading partners. Now that the tariffs have been declared unconstitutional, many countries may demand that the deals be renegotiated.

The decision does not cover all of the administration’s tariffs, including national security tariffs imposed under Section 232 for specific industries such as autos, steel and aluminum, and Section 301, a statute that allows the president to impose tariffs against individual countries if they have imposed unfair or discriminatory trade actions against the U.S. This covers some of the tariffs on imports from China.

What other options does Trump have to achieve similar results?

Trump has often used or threatened to use International Emergency Economic Powers Act tariffs for political reasons, including against Brazil over its prosecution of a former president, Mexico over immigration and Canada over its plans to sign a trade deal with China, and other reasons.

The Supreme Court decision will make it more difficult for Trump to use tariffs and tariff threats in that way. One outcome is that constitutional limits the justices set on presidential tariff-making powers should constrain the justification of tariffs for political reasons.

The main avenues for new tariffs in response to the Supreme Court decision are sections 232 and 301. The president could potentially try to get Congress to pass new legislation expanding his tariff powers, but that seems unlikely in an election year.

However, it is important to understand that he chose to use the International Emergency Economic Powers Act as the mainspring of his trade policy because he interpreted it as providing him with full discretion in the unlimited power to impose tariffs without further congressional constraints.

In order to impose similar tariffs under Section 232, for example, each tariff order must be focused on a single industry, and the Commerce Department must issue a report documenting the emergency as it applies to that industry. Presumably, Trump will be preparing to use Section 232 for a large numbers of industries in addition to those currently covered by that statute.

For at least some of the countries with which Trump has already negotiated bilateral trade deals, many of their exports would not be covered by Section 232 tariffs, hence the likelihood that those countries will demand a renegotiation.

Will US companies get refunds for the tariffs they’ve already paid?

The Supreme Court decision appears not to address the question of tariff rebates, but many companies have already indicated that they will demand them.

In principle, any U.S. company in possession of tariff receipts documenting their payment of tariffs would be eligible for a refund if the Supreme Court approves this remedy.

What are the political consequences of this decision?

Since public opinion about Trump’s tariffs is already negative, the president will have to deal with a likely backlash against any attempts to replace the rejected tariffs with new ones.

It will be interesting to see how Republicans in Congress react to Trump’s tariff strategy in view of the upcoming midterm elections. For example, Republicans from states that border Canada may push back against further efforts to curb trade with their northern neighbor.

This may impose a further constraint on Trump’s tariff policy.

The Conversation

Kent Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Supreme Court rules against Trump’s emergency tariffs – but leaves key questions unanswered – https://theconversation.com/supreme-court-rules-against-trumps-emergency-tariffs-but-leaves-key-questions-unanswered-276561

The furore over Grok’s sexualised images has begun an AI reckoning

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dareen Toro, Research Leader, Defence, Security and Justice team, RAND Europe

Controversy over the chatbot Grok escalated rapidly through the early weeks of 2026. The cause was revelations about its alleged ability to generate sexualised images of women and children in response to requests from users on the social media platform X.

This prompted the UK media regulator Ofcom and, subsequently, the European Commission, to launch formal investigations. These developments come at a pivotal moment for digital regulation in the UK and the EU. Governments are moving from aspirational regulatory frameworks to a new phase of active enforcement, particularly with legislation such as the UK’s Online Safety Act.

The central question here is not whether individual failures by social media companies occur, but whether voluntary safeguards – those devised by the social media companies rather than enforced by a regulator – remain sufficient where the risks are foreseeable. These safeguards can include such measures as blocking certain keywords in the user prompts to AI chatbots, for example.

Grok is a test case because of the integration of the AI produced within the X social media platform. X (formerly Twitter) has had longstanding challenges around content moderation, political polarisation and harassment.

Unlike standalone AI tools, Grok operates inside a high velocity social media environment. Controversial responses to user requests can be instantly amplified, stripped of context and repurposed for mass circulation.

In response to the concerns about Grok, X issued a statement saying the company would “continue to have zero tolerance for any forms of child sexual exploitation, non-consensual nudity, and unwanted sexual content”.

The statement added that image creation and the ability to edit images would now only be available to paid subscribers globally. Furthermore, X said it was “working round the clock” to apply additional safeguards and take down problematic and illegal content.

This last assurance – of building in additional safeguards – echoes earlier platform responses to extremist content, sexual abuse material and misinformation. That framing, however, is increasingly being rejected by regulators.

Under the UK’s Online Safety Act (OSA), the EU’s AI Act and codes of practice and the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), platforms are legally required to identify, assess and mitigate foreseeable risks arising from the design and operation of their services.

These obligations extend beyond illegal content. They include harms associated with political polarisation, radicalisation, misinformation and sexualised abuse.

Step by step

Research on online radicalisation and persuasive technologies has long emphasised that harm often emerges cumulatively, through repeated validation, normalisation and adaptive engagement rather than through isolated exposure. It is possible that AI systems like Grok could intensify this dynamic.

In the general sense, there is potential for conversational systems to legitimise false premises, reinforce grievances and adapt responses to users’ ideological or emotional cues.

The risk is not simply that misinformation exists, but that AI systems may materially increase its credibility, durability or reach. Regulators must therefore assess not only individual results from AI, but whether the AI system itself enables escalation, reinforcement or the persistence of harmful interactions over time.

Safeguards used on social media with regard to AI-generated content can include the screening of user prompts, blocking certain keywords and moderating posts. Such measures used alone may be insufficient if the overall social media platform continues to amplify false or polarising narratives indirectly.

Woman working on laptop
Women are disproportionately targeted by sexualised content and the harms are enduring.
Kateryna Ivaskevych

Generative AI alters the enforcement landscape in important ways. Unlike static feeds, conversational AI systems may engage users privately and repeatedly. This makes harm less visible, harder to find evidence for and more difficult to audit using tools designed for posts, shares or recommendations. This poses new challenges for regulators aiming to measure exposure, reinforcement or escalation over time.

These challenges are compounded by practical enforcement constraints, including limited regulator access to interaction logs.

Grok operates in an environment where AI tools can generate sexualised content and deepfakes without consent. In general, women are disproportionately targeted in terms of sexualised content, and the resulting harms are severe and enduring.

These harms frequently intersect with misogyny, extremist narratives and
coordinated misinformation, illustrating the limits of siloed risk assessments that
separate sexual abuse from radicalisation and information integrity.

Ofcom and the European Commission now have the authority not only to impose fines, but to mandate operational changes and restrict services under the OSA, DSA and AI Act.

Grok has become an early test of whether these powers will be used to address
large-scale risks, rather than simply failures to remove content. narrow content takedown failures.

Enforcement, however, cannot stop at national borders. Platforms such as Grok operate globally, while regulatory standards and oversight mechanisms remain fragmented. OECD guidance has already underscored the need for common approaches, particularly for AI systems with significant societal impact.

Some convergence is now beginning to emerge through industry-led safety frameworks such as the one initiated by Open AI, and Anthropic’s articulated risk tiers for advanced models. It is also emerging through the EU AI Act’s classification of high-risk systems and development of voluntary codes of practice.

Grok is not merely a technical glitch, nor just another chatbot controversy. It raises a fundamental question about whether platforms can credibly self-govern where the risks are foreseeable. It also questions whether governments can meaningfully enforce laws designed to protect users, democratic processes and the integrity of information in a fragmented, cross-border digital ecosystem.

The outcome will indicate whether generative AI will be subject to real accountability in practice, or whether it will repeat the cycle of harm, denial and delayed enforcement that we have seen from other social media platforms.

The Conversation

Dareen Toro does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The furore over Grok’s sexualised images has begun an AI reckoning – https://theconversation.com/the-furore-over-groks-sexualised-images-has-begun-an-ai-reckoning-275448

Can losing weight improve psoriasis? What the evidence shows

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Morrow, NIHR Doctoral Fellow and Dermatology Specialist Registrar, University of Oxford

wisely/shutterstock

For many people living with psoriasis, the red, scaly skin patches are only part of the story. Another challenge is the uncertainty about whether there is anything they can do themselves to help manage their skin.

Treatments have improved greatly in recent years. Creams, tablets and injectable medicines can all help control symptoms. Even so, many people still ask a straightforward question in clinic: is there anything I can do alongside my medication that might make a difference? Weight often comes up in that discussion. Psoriasis is more common in people who are overweight or living with obesity.

Research now shows that, for people who are overweight, losing weight can improve both the severity of psoriasis and overall quality of life.

Doctors have long suspected that weight loss could help, but earlier research was inconsistent. Many studies were small, short term and did not always measure how people felt in everyday life. As newer weight loss treatments have become more widely available, it has been important to take another look at the evidence.

Body weight and psoriasis severity

To provide a clearer picture, my colleagues and I reviewed the highest quality studies available on weight loss support for people with psoriasis. In these studies, participants were randomly assigned to one of two groups. One group received structured support to help with weight management alongside their usual psoriasis care. The other group continued with usual care alone. Random assignment helps ensure that any differences seen are likely to be due to the support itself, rather than other factors.

The programmes varied. Some focused on reduced calorie diets. Others combined diet with exercise or behavioural support, such as coaching and goal setting to help people stick with changes. A small number included weight loss medicines. In all cases, researchers carefully measured both weight change and changes in the skin.

Man with psoriasis on leg does home exercises
Some weight loss programmes included exercise as well as reduced calorie diets.
NinaKulagina/Shutterstock

Across the studies, people who received weight management support lost about seven kilograms more on average than those who did not. Their psoriasis improved more as well. Doctors’ assessments of skin severity showed greater improvement, and participants were more likely to experience a substantial reduction in their plaques, which are the thick, inflamed patches of skin typical of psoriasis. They also reported better day to day wellbeing, suggesting the changes were noticeable in everyday life, not only in clinical measurements.

Two patterns stood out. Greater weight loss was generally linked with greater improvement in psoriasis. People who started with more severe psoriasis often saw larger benefits.

This does not mean weight is the sole cause of psoriasis. Psoriasis is a complex condition involving the immune system, which is the body’s defence against infection, and it is influenced by both genetics and environmental factors. However, body fat is biologically active. It produces chemicals that promote inflammation, which is the body’s response to injury or illness. These chemicals circulate in the bloodstream and can affect many organs, including the skin. Reducing excess weight may lower this background inflammation and help calm the overactive immune response seen in psoriasis.

No single diet emerged as clearly superior. The studies used different approaches, yet the common factor linked with skin improvement was weight loss itself. This suggests there is no single diet that everyone must follow. Instead, supported and sustainable weight loss appears to be the key factor.

Happy mature man with a weight scale and a measuring tape
The common factor linked with skin improvement was weight loss.
Ljupco Smokovski/Shutterstock

For patients, this is important. People with psoriasis were involved in shaping how we interpreted the findings. Some said they had wondered whether changing their diet or losing weight might help, but were unsure whether there was solid evidence. Others said they would feel more motivated knowing that weight management could benefit both their general health and their skin.




Read more:
Five things I wish everyone knew about weight loss – by an expert in nutrition


For clinicians, clearer evidence also helps. Conversations about weight can be sensitive. Without strong data, it can be difficult to raise the topic in a confident and constructive way. Bringing together the available trial evidence provides a stronger basis for these discussions when they are relevant to the person.

Another treatment tool

There are still limits to what we know. Most of the studies lasted only a few months. Psoriasis is a long term condition, and maintaining weight loss over time can be difficult. We cannot yet say with certainty how long the skin improvements last over several years.

Weight management is also shaped by many factors, including access to affordable healthy food, safe places to exercise, mental health and other medical conditions. Support needs to be practical, realistic and free from judgement.




Read more:
Obesity care: why “eat less, move more” advice is failing


Even with these limits, a consistent picture emerges when the trials are considered together. Adding structured weight management support to usual psoriasis treatment is likely to improve skin severity and quality of life for many people who are overweight.

This does not replace medical treatment. It also does not mean that everyone with psoriasis needs to focus on weight. But for those who are interested, there is now clearer evidence that weight loss can form part of overall care.

For someone living with psoriasis, that knowledge can change how much control they feel they have. Alongside prescribed treatments, there may be another tool available that benefits both the skin and overall health.

The Conversation

Sarah Morrow receives funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) and has previously received funding from the British Skin Foundation.

ref. Can losing weight improve psoriasis? What the evidence shows – https://theconversation.com/can-losing-weight-improve-psoriasis-what-the-evidence-shows-276113

Why Islamic finance could provide an ethical model for funding the green transition

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Abdul Wase Samim, PhD Candidate, Aston University

Lois GoBe/Shutterstock

In recent years, green finance has become a key policy in developed countries. The term refers to the loans and investments that fund the transition to a low-carbon economy. But one of the main challenges in this area is the gap between environmental claims and realities – so-called “greenwashing”.

Because of this, alternative finance models that emphasise a direct link between capital and actual economic activities have been receiving more attention. The Islamic financial system is one such alternative. In this system, financing (in other words, lending) is legitimate when it is linked to real economic activities that benefit people and society.

Islamic finance, with its core values of fairness and social responsibility, could be a means of enhancing credibility and transparency within green finance. In other words, its principles could be seen as more than just an ideological or faith alternative to the conventional system.

Unlike other models, Islamic finance emphasises a direct link between financing and actual assets or activities. Profits must come from work – simply lending money to make a profit is not permitted. This allows for a clearer definition of green projects, helping to ensure that resources are spent on activities with a specific economic and social purpose.


Ever wondered how to spend or invest your money in ways that actually benefit people and planet? Or are you curious about the connection between insurance and the climate crisis?

Green Your Money is a new series from the business and environment teams at The Conversation exploring how to make money really matter. Practical and accessible insights from financial experts in the know.


The requirement for transparency, the prohibition on excessive uncertainty, speculation, and the emphasis on social responsibility mean that the “green” claim must be linked to observable and measurable financial activities.

Green finance and green sukuk

One of the most tangible links between Islamic finance and green finance is green sukuk (Islamic bonds). Conventional bonds are based on a debt commitment – the investor provides money and receives regular fixed interest payments before the debt is repaid. But sukuk represent real ownership or a real interest in an asset or project.

In simple terms, sukuk’s investors will focus on real economic activities rather than an abstract financial contract. For example, the invested capital could be directed into projects like renewable energy, sustainable infrastructure, solar power plants, wind energy initiatives, water treatment facilities or clean technology. This means earning profit from a tangible work in real financial projects.

Conversely, with a conventional bond, a significant part of the invested capital might go into “non-real” projects. For example, a stakeholder might use the invested capital to buy shares. They might expect the shares to increase in value and they could then sell them for a profit. The earnings here would come from the fluctuations in the share price, not from real economic activities like industries, production or entrepreneurship.

Through green sukuk, assets and economic activities must be environmentally focused – things like solar power plants, wind projects or clean transport initiatives. This makes the project’s greenness an intrinsic part of the financial instrument.

ESG (environmental, social and governance) sukuk is expected to surpass US$70 billion (£52 billion) globally this year. Green sukuk could play a bridging role in the UK – the country is a global hub for both green and Islamic finance.

The UK’s green sukuk market would not have to replace the green bond market. But it could complement it, particularly for investors (both Muslim and non-Muslim) who value transparency and a direct link between capital and environmental impact.

wind and solar farms side by side against a blue sky and mountains in the distance.
In green sukuk, there must be a direct link between the investment and climate-friendly activities.
hrui/Shutterstock

Islamic fintech (financial technology) also has a role. Fintech is not just about digitising financial services; by using technology to make transactions cheaper, more convenient and more secure, it changes how finance products are accessed, monitored and trusted.
Islamic fintech operates in accordance with Islamic finance principles and values.

In green finance, Islamic fintech allows crowdfunding, asset tokenisation (turning real assets into digital currency), and rapid information sharing with investors. This can cut costs and increase transparency, and provide a foundation for individual investors and small institutions such as credit unions to access investment opportunities.

Islamic fintech’s main difference lies in its ethical framework. Conventional fintech mainly focuses on speed, scalability and profitability. But from the outset, Islamic fintech is shaped by ethical limitations – things like avoiding speculation, emphasising transparency and linking crowdfunding to projects that make profits from real economic activities.

The UK has strong fintech infrastructure, flexible and supportive financial regulation and a prominent place in Islamic finance. This environment gives the country a unique opportunity to test ethical finance in a modern and secular context. This in turn could create more opportunities for green finance projects.

Measuring, monitoring and verifying the environmental impact of projects over time are significant challenges. Initially, most green financial commitments are clear, but determining whether a project reduces carbon and improves sustainability is time consuming and costly.

In these situations, AI can also play a role. Ethical AI in this context means that algorithms are used for analysis and accountability within green projects. Machine-learning algorithms, for instance, can continuously analyse the environmental data for projects financed through green sukuk and identify deviations between goals and results. This reduces the risk of greenwashing and can increase investor confidence.

To comply with Islamic finance, the use of AI must serve specific ethical purposes. This means AI decision-making should not compromise transparency, justice or accountability. This view is consistent with emerging UK approaches to AI regulation, which emphasise trustworthy AI aligned with the public interest.

Applying Islamic finance does not have to be an identity or political project. Rather, it can be a practical and ethical framework for financing the green transition. In short, it can complement current financial systems to address some of humanity’s most pressing economic and environmental challenges.

The Conversation

Abdul Wase Samim does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Islamic finance could provide an ethical model for funding the green transition – https://theconversation.com/why-islamic-finance-could-provide-an-ethical-model-for-funding-the-green-transition-274691

How immigrants hoping for a better life in Britain came to be viewed as ‘colonisers’ or ‘invaders’

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Peplow, Associate Professor in Modern British History, University of Warwick

Discussions of migration in Britain often portray immigrants as “invaders”. This is evident in from the narrative around migrants arriving on small boats, to recent comments by Jim Ratcliffe, the billionaire co-owner of Manchester United.

Ratcliffe, who relocated to the tax haven of Monaco in 2020, blamed immigrants for the country’s economic challenges and claimed the UK had been “colonised”. After a public backlash, he apologised “that his choice of language has offended some people”.

A look at the history of immigration policy and rhetoric shows how this narrative came to play such a big role – and why it is so harmful.

Britain’s history is intertwined with empire and colonialism. The UK was forged as a nation-state alongside, and partly to facilitate, the growth of a global empire sustained through violence, brutality and war. It also led to immigration from Britain’s current and former colonies.

Although empire-related immigration began hundreds of years earlier, it accelerated after the second world war. Thousands of workers were recruited from the Caribbean and south Asia, as well as from Ireland and continental Europe, to relieve labour shortages and help staff the newly-formed National Health Service.

The 1948 British Nationality Act essentially allowed the entry of all subjects of the British empire. However, this did not reflect widespread acceptance of mass immigration. Rather, it was an attempt to maintain control over Britain’s colonial territories by formalising a specifically imperial identity for them.

Groups such as those onboard the ship Empire Windrush arrived under these conditions. However, increased immigration fuelled local anxieties, and controls were gradually tightened. Britain’s colonial and Commonwealth citizens were now recast as “immigrants”. This did not stop people from wanting to move to the UK, drawn by family or cultural ties – forged by a history of empire.

Themes of invasion

Immigration in the following decades was greater in scale and different than previous migration movements. Alongside this, a rhetoric of invasion began to solidify, one that is still politically influential today.

This narrative developed off the back of national myths that emerged during the second world war. The war was seen as a “people’s war” for Britain – a small, isolated island overcoming foreign enemies. Historians like Paul Ward argue that such national myths shaped ideas of a socially and ethnically homogenous British national identity. One that apparently needed “defending against foreign invasion”.

We can see this theme in key historical moments, such as Enoch Powell’s 1968 “Rivers of Blood”, one of modern Britain’s most notorious speeches. Powell recounted supposed conversations with white Britons fearful of being ruled by immigrants and their descendants.

A similar message was created in response to the so-called Kenyan Asian crisis (1968) and Uganda Asian crisis (1972).
These newly-independent countries were attempting to remove Britain’s imperial influences, including by expelling people of Asian descent whose families had been brought there by colonial governments.

The panic in Britain of a possible “invasion” of African Asian immigrants led to the 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act passing in just three days. This act restricted the rights of Commonwealth citizens to migrate to the UK.

The mood around immigration was hardening. Shortly before becoming prime minister, Margaret Thatcher appeared on television in 1978 sympathising with voters afraid of being “rather swamped by people with a different culture”. Immediately afterwards, Thatcher’s Conservatives gained a 11-point poll lead over Labour.

Thatcher’s governments overhauled the UK immigration system. The 1981 British Nationality Act removed citizenship for Commonwealth citizens, formally ending the link between British nationality and a shared history of empire.

Views today

In the last two decades, immigration from within and outside of the European Union has been a key response to the economic and demographic challenges of Britain’s ageing population. Workers from overseas have been recruited to fill gaps in areas such as hospitality, health and social care.

Similarly, Britain’s involvement in conflict zones, such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya led to increased applications from people seeking asylum in the UK. In response, anti-immigration sentiment has only grown. Ukip’s infamous “breaking point” poster portrayed refugees fleeing the Syrian conflict as a mass of people headed towards British shores, setting the tone for a debate that ultimately led to Brexit.

Such attitudes have continued as immigration from non-EU countries has grown since Brexit. Many contemporary anxieties around immigration stem from beliefs that a traditional British way of life is under threat. But these views are often based on information that is inaccurate or distorts general demographic change.

The suggestion that immigration is acting like a form of colonisation risks legitimising the “great replacement” far-right conspiracy theory. A recent study found that nearly a third of people in the UK believe this view, which contends that white populations are being deliberately replaced by people of colour.

Immigrants, meanwhile, have experienced not the privileges of colonisers, but discrimination. Immigration benefits Britain in various ways. Most migrants to the UK make a net positive contribution to the economy over their lifetime, paying more in taxes than they consume in public services. Yet they have faced increasing levels of hostility, policies designed to make their life in the UK harder, violence and other systemic disadvantages.

Recent years have seen the consequences of these views, in the form of more overt racism, and violent protests. The “invasion” or “coloniser” narrative is not just rhetoric – it can have harmful, physical consequences.

The Conversation

Simon Peplow has received funding from the AHRC and Institute of Historical Research.

ref. How immigrants hoping for a better life in Britain came to be viewed as ‘colonisers’ or ‘invaders’ – https://theconversation.com/how-immigrants-hoping-for-a-better-life-in-britain-came-to-be-viewed-as-colonisers-or-invaders-275860

Bones of St Francis of Assisi go on display for the first time – here’s why it took 800 years

Source: The Conversation – UK – By William Crozier, Duns Scotus Assistant Professor of Franciscan Studies, Durham University

St Francis of Assisi, who founded the Franciscan order, is one of Catholicism’s most revered saints. After Christ and the Virgin Mary, he is the most depicted figure within Catholic art, literature and film.

The patron saint of the environment, St Francis is best known for his love of animals and the natural world. Famously, he preached to the birds and referred to all creatures – including the stars and planets – as his beloved “brothers and sisters”.

When Francis died in 1226, fears that his body would be stolen meant that it was placed in an iron cage and buried so deep beneath the basilica in Assisi, Italy, that its whereabouts remained a mystery for 600 years. Aside from his fame for miracles and holiness, and subsequent canonisation in 1228, the reason Francis’s body was hidden was what it contained.

Two years before his death, it is said Francis experienced a vision of a crucified Seraphim (a six-winged angel) which marked his body with the stigmata – the wounds of the crucified Christ. The first recorded case of stigmata, medieval sources tell us that unlike later stigmatics, Francis did not just have holes in his hands and feet, but rather growths resembling nails.

St Francis’s earliest biographer Thomas of Celano wrote: “His hands and his feet seemed to be pierced by nails, the heads of the nails appearing on the insides of his hands and the upper side of his feet, and their points protruding on the other side … [His torso] was scarred as if it had been pierced by a spear, and it often seeped blood.”

Finding the the missing body

Numerous efforts to locate St Francis’s body over the centuries all failed. In 1818, though, excavations deep within the basilica’s foundations finally revealed the iron cage and the simple coffin containing the saint’s bones.

These were examined by ecclesial and scientific authorities which affirmed their authenticity. The last time the bones were examined was in 1978, when they were placed inside a nitrogen-filled perspex box to aid their preservation. An underground chapel was constructed to allow pilgrims to see St Francis’ tomb, though crucially not the bones themselves.

To commemorate the 800th anniversary of his death – known as the transitus – St Francis’s remains will go on extended display for the first time. From February 22 to March 22 2026, the perspex box containing his bones will rest at the foot of the main altar in the basilica in Assisi.

Hundreds of thousands of pilgrims are expected to come and see the bones, with their display opening a year-long series of events – both in Assisi and around the world – honouring the anniversary. The date itself falls on October 4 2026.

The 800th anniversary also marks a moment of national celebration for Italy. Giorgia Meloni welcomed the Vatican’s decision to allow the remains to go on display, noting that, “St Francis is one of the foundational figures of Italian identity”.

St Francis’s Canticle of the Creatures – a hymn which he composed as he lay dying – is one of the earliest works of Italian literature, with the oldest surviving copy being found in a 790-year-old manuscript housed in the Franciscan convent in Assisi.

The legacy of a much-loved saint

St Francis’s teachings have exerted a profound impact on modern Catholicism, particularly its teaching on the environment.

Pope Francis – who took the name in honour of the Italian saint – made the Canticle of the Creatures the cornerstone of his 2015 encyclical Laudato Si. The Catholic church’s first “green encyclical”, it praised the natural world as our “beautiful mother” and affirmed the church’s commitment to promoting environmental justice.

Likewise, a major joint document issued last July by the bishops of Asia, Africa and South America drew heavily on St Francis’s thinking, rejecting what it called the “false solutions” advanced by many western governments to address the climate crisis.

At the press conference marking the document’s publication, one of its authors, the Franciscan Cardinal Jaime Spengler, said: “From the heart of the Amazon, we hear a cry: how can we allow a market without ethical regulations decide the fate of the planet’s most vital ecosystems?”

When St Francis’ bones go on display, they will serve as a powerful reminder not only of his enduring relevance for Catholic spirituality, but also the vital role he has played in helping the contemporary Catholic church to become one of the leading advocates for meaningful climate reform.

The bones of St Francis will be on display at the Basilica of St Francis of Assisi, Umbria, Italy, from February 22 to March 22 2026


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The Conversation

William Crozier does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Bones of St Francis of Assisi go on display for the first time – here’s why it took 800 years – https://theconversation.com/bones-of-st-francis-of-assisi-go-on-display-for-the-first-time-heres-why-it-took-800-years-273600

If I Had Legs I’d Kick You: Rose Byrne is raw, magnetic and unfiltered as a woman in crisis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laura O’Flanagan, PhD Candidate, School of English, Dublin City University

Director Mary Bronstein’s discomfiting new film, If I Had Legs I’d Kick You, is a compelling watch. Centred by a career-defining performance from Rose Byrne that has gained her an Oscar nomination, the film is a dark treatise on motherhood, swirling in blame, shame and an increasing sense of dread.

Byrne’s Linda is an exhausted and perpetually worried mother, wife and therapist harbouring both guilt and resentment. She is looking after her seriously sick child, who is almost never shown on screen. Linda is not a woman unravelling, she is unravelled – the remnant pieces disintegrating in front of our eyes through a series of escalating awful events.

Her life is literally falling apart: her daughter’s health is not improving, her work as a therapist is difficult and unfulfilling, her husband (Christian Slater) is away for work and barely interested. Then the ceiling of her apartment falls in.

Byrne is magnetic, searingly raw and unfiltered as a woman pushed to the edge. She is ferociously committed to her performance and has never been better onscreen. She moves with emotional precision, careful and considered, never slipping into cliched melodrama or histrionics.

Throughout the film, Byrne is shown in close-up – in all interactions, the camera is focused on her. In this way, the director brings the audience fully into Linda’s mind and point of view. Every unsympathetic dismissal (even from her own therapist, a grim-faced Conan O’Brien), every moment of blame, is keenly felt and depicted without apology.

Linda’s daughter’s doctor (played by Bronstein) has an impatient callousness which compounds the anxiety. Linda’s daughter is around ten years of age, and portrayed primarily through sound off-screen: grating, insistent and impossible to ignore. Her cries, her arguing, her screams and the beeping of her medical equipment create an uncomfortable and urgent soundtrack, which draws viewers even further into Linda’s intense and stressful reality.

Even welcome moments of levity are tinged with a darkness which restricts their impact. Linda’s therapy clients provide some light relief, but a pervading heaviness hangs in the air, particularly in disturbing scenes with Caroline (an excellent Danielle Macdonald). An anxious, needy and demanding patient, Caroline is also a struggling mother, like Linda.

An unfortunate incident with a hamster builds in dark hilarity, only for the laughter to curdle. Linda becomes locked in a battle of wills with a motel receptionist (Ivy Wolk), whose jobsworth insistence around the sale of wine is exaggeratedly maddening – and leads to Linda’s unlikely connection with a charming motel employee, James (A$AP Rocky in fine form).

This is an urgent, important and admirable cinematic portrayal of motherhood, but I can’t say I enjoyed watching it. Its treatment of maternal anger and ambivalence without softening the edges is confronting and somewhat triggering. But this may have been Bronstein’s directorial intention.

Modern cinema has become less interested in saccharine, idealised depictions of mothers and more concerned with their inner lives, however messy. Recent films such as Nightbitch and Die My Love forego maternal sentimentality and tidy redemption, instead showing mothers as complex and imperfect human characters raising children.

Based on some of Bronstein’s real-life experiences of caring for a sick child, If I Had Legs I’d Kick you shines a glaring and uncomfortable light on aspects of motherhood which are usually kept in the shadows: the thankless drudgery, the loss of selfhood, and all the resentment and resultant guilt these carry with them.

Linda is drowning in despair and shame, unable to find help, empathy or even a break. Her experience of motherhood is harrowing and messy, and the film dares its audience to confront the strain both of looking after a sick child and of fierce maternal attachment.

Like its depiction of Linda’s life, If I Had Legs I’d Kick You is imperfect and at times overwhelmingly chaotic. At its core, this is a dark and unsettling film which will start conversations about the complexities of motherhood. Byrne’s unrelenting and towering central performance makes it a compelling and unforgettable watch, albeit a challenging one.


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The Conversation

Laura O’Flanagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. If I Had Legs I’d Kick You: Rose Byrne is raw, magnetic and unfiltered as a woman in crisis – https://theconversation.com/if-i-had-legs-id-kick-you-rose-byrne-is-raw-magnetic-and-unfiltered-as-a-woman-in-crisis-275990

Liverpool’s ‘blue people’: the older adults redefining what ageing looks like

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Krisztina Rudolf, PhD candidate , Liverpool John Moores University

Lucigerma/Shutterstock

Liverpool is not one of the “blue zones” – a term used for regions of the world where people tend to live unusually long lives, such as parts of Sardinia, Okinawa and Ikaria.

Healthy life expectancy in Liverpool is only about 56 years. However, overall life expectancy is much higher there, with many people living into their late 70s and beyond. This means many residents spend their final working years and a large part of retirement managing chronic illness or disability.

Ageing is inevitable but losing independence is not. As a PhD researcher studying muscle ageing, I work with adults in their 70s whose strength, mobility and resilience challenge common assumptions about later life – despite many of them living with long-term health conditions.

Jackie has three prolapsed discs in her spine and osteopenia, a condition where bone density is lower than normal and fracture risk is higher. Norma lives with a stoma following bowel cancer surgery. Mike jokes that his medical notes make him sound like “a wreck”.

But then you see the three of them train together five times a week.

During lockdown, when gyms closed and isolation threatened their health, they converted Mike’s garage into a makeshift training space so they could keep moving and stay independent. “We thought, we’ve got to do something,” Mike told me.

They embrace effort. They run parkrun, climb stairs deliberately, and value the feeling of being challenged – slightly breathless but capable. I think of them as Liverpool’s “blue people”. Their experience suggests that ageing well depends less on where you live, and more on how you live.




Read more:
Small improvements in sleep, physical activity and diet are linked with a longer life


I met them through Research Roasters, a science cafe connecting scientists and the public around health and ageing. They volunteered for studies on muscle health and physical function in later life, and helped shape how they were designed and delivered. They helped refine participant information and consent materials, introduced me to community groups and offered feedback on study design.

Their experiences reflect a core biological reality. Skeletal muscle is not just what helps us move. It is the body’s largest metabolic organ, essential for regulating blood sugar, maintaining body temperature and preserving independence.

Muscle maintenance

Muscle ageing starts earlier than many people realise. From our 30s, strength begins to decline – often faster than muscle size. People can look healthy while their muscle function is deteriorating.

One simple way to glimpse this is through movement. Try standing up from a chair and sitting back down five times as quickly as possible without using your hands. If it feels slow, difficult or unstable, it may signal reduced muscle quality.




Read more:
How low can you go (and still build muscle)? Why strength training matters at any age


This matters because muscle function predicts future health. Poor muscle quality increases fall risk, slows recovery and raises the likelihood of conditions such as type 2 diabetes.

At the microscopic level, muscle quality is shaped by proteins. These generate force, produce energy and repair damage. Unlike genes which remain relatively stable, proteins are constantly renewed. During physical activity, muscles rebuild and reorganise their protein machinery to meet demand. When muscles are not challenged, this renewal slows. The system becomes less responsive and function declines.

In my research, we use “dynamic proteome profiling” to track how thousands of muscle proteins are produced and renewed in older adults. This approach measures how quickly proteins are built, repaired and replaced inside muscle tissue.

Participants complete strength and mobility tests, wear activity monitors and provide small muscle samples, supported by a multidisciplinary team of researchers and clinicians. We analysed thousands of proteins and also grew their muscle stem cells in the lab, to understand how muscle adapts to activity.

The results do not show simple deterioration. Older muscle is different, but remains adaptable. Protein turnover may be slower and some repair processes less efficient, but muscles still respond to activity by building the proteins needed for strength, energy production and resilience.

Even later in life, muscles can adapt when they are used. This helps explain why our participants became stronger and more capable despite existing health conditions. Their experience highlights a crucial point. Ageing is strongly influenced by how muscles are used across the lifespan.

Blue people

Ray’s gym is a community fitness space in Liverpool where many of our participants train regularly. Not a formal research site, it is where the group work out, supporting each other and maintaining the strength and mobility that underpin their independence. The environment encourages effort, personal progress and accountability.

Members are not defined by their age. They are people working towards goals that matter to them – often, simply staying independent and in control of their lives.

This challenges common narratives about blue zones, which emphasise location, diet or lifestyle traditions as the main drivers of longevity. Those factors matter, but they can create the impression that healthy ageing is largely determined by where you live, rather than what you do. Liverpool’s “blue people” suggest something different.




Read more:
People in the world’s ‘blue zones’ live longer – their diet could hold the key to why


Their strength comes not from perfect health but ongoing adaptation. They challenge their muscles and stay engaged with their bodies. Muscle quality is not fixed – it reflects the demands placed on it.

The implications are significant. Healthy ageing does not require relocation to longevity hotspots or adherence to exotic diets. It begins with recognising muscle as the organ that underpins independence, and maintaining it through regular activity.

Research is helping us understand the biology behind this process. New studies and recruitment cycles reflect growing efforts to understand how muscle health can shape independence across the lifespan.

The people taking part are already showing what this looks like in practice. They are not reversing ageing, but they are maintaining capability. In doing so, they offer a realistic and accessible vision of growing older well.

Most of us can become a “blue person” by investing in the organ that most strongly shapes whether we age with independence as well as longevity: muscle.

The Conversation

Krisztina Rudolf does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Liverpool’s ‘blue people’: the older adults redefining what ageing looks like – https://theconversation.com/liverpools-blue-people-the-older-adults-redefining-what-ageing-looks-like-276023

How artists are tracking environmental change through poetry, film and sound

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Fiona Brehony, PhD Candidate, Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, The Open University

The Victoria North urban regeneration sits alongside newly flattened land in Manchester, UK. Fiona and Leon Brehony, CC BY-NC-ND

As Elaine, an artist in her 80s, stood at her window in north Manchester, she noticed new apartment blocks dominating the nighttime skyline: “The moon is no longer in view; I have to crane my neck out of the window in order to see it. Or to see the reflection of the moon.”

I have been meeting with the Many Hands Craft Collective – a group of older artists, knitters and poets – most Tuesdays for almost a year. The group has been gathering at the community room in Victoria Square, Manchester, for over a decade.

They have been reflecting on Manchester’s massive building boom as Victoria North – Britain’s largest regeneration project – transforms their neighbourhood with 15,000 new homes. City centre construction is also reshaping skylines they’ve known for decades.

Together, we have created a film tracking how urban regeneration transforms their world. The film explores their relationship with the elements through shifting light, redirected wind and changing rain.

People who have lived here for decades – reading wind patterns, tracking seasonal light, noticing atmospheric shifts – hold memories that city planners cannot see. Residents’ observations also reveal how wildlife experience urban change – birds, insects and nocturnal animals are all affected by altered light and wind.

Construction alters wind, blocks views of the moon and stars, and changes the subtle conditions residents have learned to read over lifetimes. Observations from these artists show that heritage is not just about preserved buildings or recorded rivers, but about the knowledge people carry.

As a film-maker and sound artist, I study the connections between people and the natural world. In 2008, when Manchester City Council rehoused my 82-year-old grandmother after she had lived in the same house for 60 years, she wrote poetry to process her loss.

“Bodies, not walls, carry memories,” she wrote. Her words inspired The Flowering (2020), my first poetic documentary exploring urban regeneration through the memories the body holds. This influenced my research into how cities transform.

In Manchester, the River Irk flows through Victoria North. New riverside properties rise while the river itself needs care. For two centuries it powered mills, was contaminated by dye works, then was eventually culverted (channelled into underground pipes, hidden from view). Yet the river flows on, and so does the memory it carries.

The artists at Many Hands carry intergenerational knowledge about how this urban environment has changed. Our conversations about riverside properties blocking sunlight led the group to reflect on how construction changes light in their own streets. Views of the moon disappeared, high-rise buildings shifted wind and rain, and the sound of water tapping against windows stopped.

My PhD project analysed atmospheric transformations alongside the river itself: how these numerous new buildings and developments change homes as well as waterways.

As climate change forces cities to adapt, observations accumulated over decades – how rain moves through streets, how wind patterns shift, how rivers sound differently with the seasons – could inform climate-responsive urban design. Yet regeneration often displaces the very people who carry this knowledge before it is even recognised.

Materials and memory

To retrace the Irk’s history, we worked with clay and natural materials from the river – silt, stones, industrial brick fragments. An artist called Dot recalled seeing blue pigeons from old dye works, with feathers stained from chemical colours.

As the clay stiffened as it dried, conversations turned to how cities are built. Victorian brick from the 1890s still stands solid, while new apartment exteriors are designed for 20-year lifespans.

Poetry emerged from the conversations: “Sand, soil, silt, leaves, clay, decaying plants, coal and dust, ash chemical waste” and “human hearts holding on to heritage, ours. Made of natural materials, hands, rain, wind, sunlight”. Different perspectives recognise people and rivers as bodies carrying memory through change.

Sound and poetry

As a group, we reconstructed waterwheels to explore how the Irk powered mills. One artist, Jean, suggested recording with hydrophones (special microphones that work underwater) in kitchen sinks. Water through household pipes connected us directly to the river, flowing through our fingertips. Playing hydrophone recordings for the first time, Jean said it sounded like being deaf – without her hearing aids, it was like being underwater.

This revealed a crucial insight: listening is shaped by our bodies. Jean’s deafness meant she heard the river differently, noticing frequencies and vibrations others might miss. Kitchen sink hydrophones create access where it did not exist, bringing culverted, fenced or distant rivers into homes through soundwaves in domestic pipes.

These conversations evolved into Two Worlds, a sound installation created with composer and sound artist Simon Knighton. This piece of sound design informs the film score and explores how people coexist with the environment. The Irk pulsates different rhythms depending on where you listen. Harsh urban concrete or gentler upstream flows are heard differently by each set of ears.

As we wrote poetry together after discussing how some long-forgotten waterways have been buried beneath streets, Rose asked: “What happens to a river when it becomes a road?”

woman holds white fabric with printed words, people sit on chairs in background
Editing poetry and screen-printing words on fabric was part of the collaborative process.
Fiona Brehony, CC BY-NC-ND

Rose’s question lies at the heart of my research: when cities develop, what environmental knowledge disappears?

Manchester has lost multiple rivers to culverting, development and roads. Older residents carry knowledge younger generations never knew existed. As climate change requires us to expose or “daylight” culverted rivers for flood management, these memories could guide restoration.

Many Hands’ Material River, a collection of films and poetry printed onto fabric, is on display within the River Stories exhibition until March 23 2026 in Manchester Histories Hub at Manchester Central Library.


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The Conversation

Fiona Brehony receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC).

ref. How artists are tracking environmental change through poetry, film and sound – https://theconversation.com/how-artists-are-tracking-environmental-change-through-poetry-film-and-sound-258838

La Cedeao sans les États du Sahel : comment cette scission met à l’épreuve la libre circulation et la légitimité régionale

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Amanda Bisong, Policy Leader Fellow, School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute

Il y a un an, les nouveaux gouvernements du Niger, du Mali et du Burkina Faso ont officiellement quitté la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cedeao) après avoir créé l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES). Cette décision faisait suite aux tensions diplomatiques liées aux coups d’État militaires dans ces trois pays. À la suite des ces événements, l’organisation les avait suspendus et leur avait imposé de lourdes sanctions.

Les répercussions de la scission de la Cedeao continuent de se faire sentir. Un domaine sera particulièrement touché: la migration et la libre circulation dans la région.

La Cedeao a mis en place plusieurs protocoles de libre circulation. Ils permettent de voyager sans visa. En principe, ils donnent aux citoyens le droit de résider et de s’établir dans la région.

Nos travaux sur la gouvernance migratoire en Afrique de l’Ouest, au niveau régional et dans des contextes particuliers comme le Niger, nous permettent de nous forger une opinion sur l’impact de cette rupture.

Nous soutenons qu’à ce stade, la libre circulation reste possible sur le plan technique. Mais la situation évolue vite. Examiner ces évolutions sous l’angle de la mobilité met en évidence la fragilité institutionnelle plus profonde de la CEDEAO, pourtant créée pour renforcer la coopération entre les États de la région.




Read more:
50 ans de la Cedeao : comment incarner la voix des peuples


La Cedeao sans les États de l’alliance du Sahel

Au niveau régional, les dirigeants ont montré leur engagement continu en faveur de la sauvegarde de la libre circulation. Selon le président de la Commission de la Cedeao, Omar Touray, qui s’est exprimé le jour où le retrait de l’AES est entré en vigueur, « nous restons une communauté, une famille.

Les cartes d’identité nationales et les passeports portant le logo de la Cedeao des citoyens du Burkina Faso, du Mali et du Niger continueront d’être reconnus. Jusqu’à nouvel ordre, il en sera de même pour tous les droits protocolaires liés au droit de circulation, de résidence et d’établissement. Les États de l’Alliance du Sahel, pour leur part, ont offert pour l’instant un accès sans visa à la Cedeao. Mais il ne s’agit là que d’une solution temporaire.

En décembre 2025, le chef militaire burkinabé Ibrahim Traoré a lancé la première carte d’identité biométrique AES au Burkina Faso. Elle est destinée à remplacer les documents de la Cedeao d’ici cinq ans.

En matière de circulation, les choses bougent déjà sur le terrain. Entre des conditions d’entrée plus strictes, de nouveaux modèles de passeports et des systèmes d’identification, les citoyens qui traversent les frontières sont confrontés à une incertitude croissante et à des coûts plus élevés. Pourtant, les mouvements transfrontaliers restent une nécessité pour travailler et subvenir à ses besoins.




Read more:
Confédération du Sahel : risques et défis d’une nouvelle alliance


Malgré les changements induits par le départ des pays de l’AES de la Cedeao, une autre difficulté pèse sur la libre circulation : la politique d’externalisation des frontières de l’Union européenne (UE). Dans l’ensemble de la région, le financement de l’UE pour l’externalisation des frontières se poursuit. L’UE accorde du soutien financier complémentaire pour les infrastructures de contrôle des migrations et des frontières, comme au Sénégal par exemple. Elle soutien aussi divers projets de renforcement des capacités aux frontières en cours.

Il convient de noter que cette tendance a été partiellement inversée par les États de l’AES. Un exemple frappant est l’abrogation de la tristement célèbre loi 2015-36 sur le trafic de migrants au Niger. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’une loi nigérienne, sa mise en œuvre a été fortement soutenue par les projets de renforcement des capacités de l’UE et a effectivement criminalisé un secteur de la mobilité qui existait depuis longtemps. En abrogeant cette loi, le nouveau gouvernement nigérien a mis fin aux effets néfastes de celle-ci sur l’économie, les droits des migrants et la libre circulation dans la région.

Dans l’ensemble, le retrait de l’Alliance du Sahel affecte déjà la mobilité régionale. Au-delà des droits à la libre circulation, le retrait de l’Alliance du Sahel a également des effets très concrets sur le cadre institutionnel de la Cedeao, en termes de légitimité, d’autorité institutionnelle et de protection des droits des migrants.

Légitimité et défis financiers

La Cedeao est confrontée à une crise de légitimité croissante. Le retrait des pays de l’Alliance des États du Sahel a mis en évidence la faiblesse de la Cedeao à réagir aux changements anticonstitutionnels au sein des gouvernements. Les réponses ont souvent été tardives et sélectives, et les sanctions, lorsqu’elles ont été imposées, ont eu des effets néfastes pour les populations locales.

Le départ de ces pays, qui ont tous connu des coups d’État, a confirmé la perception largement répandue d’une application sélective des normes par l’organisation. Cela a alimenté le scepticisme du public.

En outre, l’inefficacité des processus, la faible utilisation des capacités existantes et la mauvaise communication des résultats ont entraîné depuis le début de faibles taux de mise en œuvre des projets et programmes de la Cedeao. Par exemple, plusieurs États membres n’ont pas supprimé l’obligation de séjour de 90 jours, pourtant adoptée en 2014.

Par conséquent, les citoyens ne voient pas les avantages concrets de l’intégration régionale. De nombreux Africains de l’Ouest continuent de la considérer comme un simple « club de chefs d’État ».

Le fossé entre l’organisation et ses citoyens est également dû à la forte dépendance de la Cedeao vis-à-vis des bailleurs de fonds externes. La réduction des contributions des États membres, souvent due au non-paiement de la contribution à la Cedeao, a privé la commission des ressources de base nécessaires. Elle a été contrainte de réduire le nombre de réunions et d’engagements essentiels à la mise en œuvre des politiques. En conséquence, les priorités régionales sont souvent déterminées par les intérêts des bailleurs de fonds plutôt que par les besoins des citoyens.




Read more:
L’Alliance des États du Sahel : un projet confédéraliste en questions


Des améliorations récentes ont été observées, notamment avec l’augmentation des paiements de certains pays tels que le Nigeria. Mais le système de collecte des contributions reste faible et peut être facilement contourné par les États membres. Cette faiblesse a toujours freiné la mise en œuvre des protocoles sur la libre circulation. Elle risque d’en affaiblir davantage l’application.

Enfin, l’éclatement de de la Cedeao entrave également l’accès à la justice, notamment pour les migrants. Un groupe d’associations de défense des droits des migrants a saisi collectivement la Cour de justice de la Cedeao en 2022. Il dénonce notamment les violations des droits des migrants à la libre circulation au Niger. En mars 2025, la Cour a rejeté toutes les affaires concernant le Niger, le Mali et le Burkina Faso.

Que nous réserve l’avenir ?

Les mouvements au sein de la région se poursuivront, car ils répondent à une nécessité économique. Comme nous l’avons montré dans nos recherches précédentes, quelle que soit la législation en vigueur, les migrations se poursuivront. Et les décideurs politiques le savent.

Mais à quel prix pour les migrants et les citoyens ordinaires si ces faiblesses institutionnelles persistent ? La Cedeao doit affronter sa crise de légitimité. Elle doit mettre en œuvre des réformes significatives et renouer avec les réalités de la vie quotidienne en Afrique de l’Ouest. C’est à cette condition qu’elle pourra offrir un cadre solide de protection des migrants et des personnes en déplacement dans la région.

Sans changement décisif, le fossé entre le discours de l’organisation sur une « Cedeao des peuples : paix et prospérité pour tous » et son impact continuera de s’élargir.

The Conversation

Franzisca Zanker bénéficie d’un financement de l’Union européenne (ERC, PolMig, 101161856). Les points de vue et opinions exprimés sont toutefois ceux de l’auteur uniquement et ne reflètent pas nécessairement ceux de l’Union européenne ou du Conseil européen de la recherche. Ni l’Union européenne ni l’autorité octroyant le financement ne peuvent en être tenus responsables.

Leonie Jegen received funding from the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.

Amanda Bisong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. La Cedeao sans les États du Sahel : comment cette scission met à l’épreuve la libre circulation et la légitimité régionale – https://theconversation.com/la-cedeao-sans-les-etats-du-sahel-comment-cette-scission-met-a-lepreuve-la-libre-circulation-et-la-legitimite-regionale-276428