Géopolitique des JO d’hiver : sous la glace des sports de glisse, le feu des confrontations internationales

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Cyrille Bret, Géopoliticien, Sciences Po

Onéreux, contraints par le réchauffement climatique, survalorisant les pays riches du Nord : au moment où l’Italie de Giorgia Meloni ouvre les JO d’hiver 2026, dans un contexte marqué notamment par les contestations de la présence d’agents de l’ICE (la fameuse police de l’immigration des États-Unis) et par la polémique désormais récurrente sur l’absence des sélections nationales russe et biélorusse, le grand événement hivernal quadriannuel est confronté à de nombreuses crises internationales…


Les XXVe Jeux olympiques (JO) d’hiver seront bien plus que sportifs !

Comme les autres grandes compétitions sportives internationales fortement médiatisées, à l’instar de la récente Coupe d’Afrique des nations de football au Maroc ou de la Coupe du monde de l’été prochain aux États-Unis, au Mexique et au Canada, ils seront géopolitiques, malgré leur neutralité politique officielle.

De même que les éditions précédentes des JO estivaux comme hivernaux, les XXVᵉ Jeux olympiques d’hiver mettront aux prises les stratégies de soft power des États-Unis (232 athlètes en Italie), de la Chine (125 athlètes) et de leurs rivaux (120 athlètes japonais et 71 de Corée du Sud). Comme pour les JO d’été, le palmarès des médailles sera considéré comme un attribut de puissance.

Organisés par la ville de Milan et la station de montagne de Cortina d’Ampezzo du 6 au 22 février 2026, ils constituent déjà un enjeu international, comme en attestent les nombreuses polémiques qu’ils ont déjà générées : le déploiement en Italie du service états-unien de lutte contre l’immigration, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), fait débat en Europe, car il est autorisé par un gouvernement Meloni proche de la présidence Trump ; les « éléphants blancs » – ces infrastructures sportives édifiées spécialement pour l’événement et qui risquent de ne plus être utilisées une fois les JO passés –, coûteux financièrement et écologiquement, défraient une nouvelle fois la chronique et irritent les opinions européennes, soucieuses de protection de l’environnement ; en outre, l’apparition dans l’affaire Epstein du nom de Casey Wasserman, président du Comité d’organisation des prochains JO d’été, qui se tiendront à Los Angeles en 2028, suscite le trouble ; classiquement, l’exclusion de la compétition des comités olympiques russe et biélorusse est au centre de l’attention, ainsi que la participation d’un contingent de neuf Israéliens, qui a déjà donné lieu à diverses actions de protestation ; enfin, les autorités italiennes sont vigilantes dans le cyberespace pour éviter intrusions, disruptions et sabotages. Autrement dit, des risques hybrides pèsent sur la très théorique trêve olympique.

Aussi importantes soient-elles, ces polémiques ne donnent pas la mesure des enjeux géopolitiques structurels propres aux Jeux olympiques d’hiver. Ceux-ci sont aujourd’hui confrontés à plusieurs défis mondiaux proprement politiques. Certains sont communs avec les JO d’été et les grandes Coupes du monde (bonne gouvernance, empreinte environnementale, exploitation commerciale, etc.). D’autres leur sont spécifiques : sous le blanc des pistes de ski et de patinage, le feu de la géopolitique contemporaine couve.

Une compétition condamnée à court terme par le réchauffement climatique et les transformations sociétales ?

La viabilité des Jeux olympiques d’hiver est aujourd’hui remise en cause non seulement par les militants écologistes, mais aussi par les citoyens et les édiles des villes potentiellement candidates à l’organisation de ces compétitions.

Non seulement les domaines skiables traditionnels s’amenuisent en Europe, terre de naissance des sports d’hiver, mais en outre, le Comité international olympique (CIO) a parfois bien du mal à recueillir suffisamment de candidatures pour accueillir la compétition en raison de son empreinte environnementale, de son coût financier et de son impact sociétal.

Comme les hôtes de ces événements sont des villes et non des États, la dimension locale est essentielle. Et le prestige des JO d’hiver éclipse de moins en moins leurs coûts environnementaux. En conséquence, les villes candidates sont désormais souvent de très grandes cités éloignées des montagnes : Sotchi en 2014, Pékin en 2022. Comme si les JO d’hiver pouvaient d’affranchir du climat et de la géographie !

Rareté de la neige, inquiétudes écologiques, réticences citoyennes et municipales, etc. : tout concourt à rendre obsolètes les Jeux d’hiver. Ils apparaissent comme une débauche financière et écologique très « XXᵉ siècle » et très « Trente Glorieuses ».

Toute la difficulté, pour les JO d’hiver, est de ne pas devenir les otages des débats internationaux entre climatosceptiques et climato-anxieux. Et, inversement, de trouver ce qui, dans l’esprit olympique d’hiver, est adapté aux aspirations des populations locales, de la Gen Z et du grand public en général : respect de la nature, pratique sportive de plein air, valorisation du local… À défaut, ils fondront comme neige au soleil. Les villes organisatrices sauront-elles dépasser le simple greenwashing ou plus exactement le snow-washing ?

Les JO d’hiver, un monde sans le Sud et sans la Russie (depuis 2018) ?

Le deuxième défi international des JO d’hiver est leur représentativité internationale, qui est contestée.

Créés à Chamonix en 1924, soit plus de vingt ans après les JO d’été, ils ont longtemps été une vitrine pour les sélections européennes, concurrencées par d’autres pays de l’hémisphère Nord – États-Unis, Russie et Canada, puis Japon et enfin Chine et Corée. Pour le géopoliticien, ils conservent une tonalité très « guerre froide », notamment marquée par les affrontements entre sélections états-uniennes, canadiennes et soviétiques sur la patinoire de hockey sur glace.

Malgré la première participation d’athlètes du Bénin, des Émirats arabes unis et de Guinée-Bissau aux JO 2026, les sportifs du Sud global sont largement sous-représentés. En outre, plusieurs athlètes en provenance du Nord sont sélectionnés par des pays du Sud.

Les JO d’hiver semblent difficilement pouvoir remplir la mission olympique de contribuer au dialogue sportif mondial quand une bonne partie de l’humanité n’y est pas représentée. La mission revendiquée par le CIO de « promouvoir la paix (§ 4 des missions du CIO selon la Charte olympique) est aujourd’hui précaire tant les délégations du Sud sont réduites au symbole.

À cette division géographique et climatique s’ajoute, depuis plusieurs éditions, une fracture économique : les sports d’hiver sont onéreux, pour les pratiquants amateurs comme pour ceux de haut niveau. L’esprit olympique est, là aussi, écorné, car il est particulièrement difficile de faire des JO d’hiver un instrument du « sport pour tous » (§ 13 des missions du CIO selon la Charte olympique).

La représentativité internationale de l’événement est devenue encore plus contestée depuis l’exclusion du comité olympique russe pour les trois dernières éditions des JO d’hiver et du comité olympique biélorusse depuis deux éditions. Les scandales de dopage, la répression de l’opposition interne puis l’invasion de l’Ukraine ont conduit le CIO à n’admettre que des participations individuelles de ressortissants russes et biélorusses. Cela crée pour les anciennes Républiques socialistes soviétiques (RSS) en tension avec Moscou et Minsk une fenêtre d’opportunité. En Italie, les sélections nationales de l’Estonie (32 athlètes), de la Lettonie (67 athlètes), de la Lituanie (17 athlètes) et de l’Ukraine (46 athlètes) seront particulièrement visibles et donc valorisées.




À lire aussi :
Géopolitique du sport : l’affrontement entre la Russie et l’Ukraine


Toute la difficulté, pour les JO d’hiver, est de cesser d’être un « événement pour pays riches » et « une compétition pour pays de l’hémisphère Nord ». L’intégration réussie du Japon et de la Corée du Sud (qui organisèrent l’événement respectivement en 1972 puis en 1998 et en 2018) est un gage d’ouverture et d’attractivité. Toutefois, loin de réunir le monde, pour le moment, les JO d’hiver soulignent sa division entre Nord et Sud ainsi qu’entre riches et pauvres.

Ce clivage s’est manifesté dans les audiences des derniers JO : alors que les JO d’été de Paris 2024 ont rassemblé au total près de 5 milliards de téléspectateurs, les JO d’hiver de Pékin 2022 n’ont, eux, attiré que 2,2 milliards de téléspectateurs, soit moins de la moitié.

Là encore, les villes organisatrices sont placées devant un défi planétaire : celui consistant à organiser des JO d’hiver réellement inclusifs.

Une vitrine pour les « puissances moyennes » ?

Le repositionnement international des JO d’hiver pourrait peut-être venir de la « sur-visibilité » dont y disposent des « puissances moyennes » pour reprendre l’expression traditionnelle de la géopolitique française, remise à l’honneur par le premier ministre canadien à Davos il y a peu. En effet, les superpuissances des JO d’hiver ne sont pas seulement les superpuissances économiques et militaires mondiales.

Les États-Unis et la Chine ont un palmarès impressionnant avec la 3ᵉ et la 4ᵉ place au classement des médailles pour les JO d’hiver de Pékin 2022. Quant à la Russie, elle obtenait à chaque édition, comme l’URSS avant elle, un solide socle de médailles avant son exclusion du CIO. Mais, aux JO d’hiver, les pays dominants sont les pays « petits » ou moyens » : Norvège (1ère au classement des médailles sur l’intégralité des JO d’hiver), Canada (2ᵉ délégation en 2026), Allemagne (2ᵉ au classement des médailles pour les JO 2022), France, Italie, Suisse, etc.

Au contraire, les palmarès des JO d’été reflètent fidèlement la hiérarchie économique et militaire mondiale. Aux JO d’hiver, les « petits » pays peuvent plus aisément déployer une stratégie d’influence. Les grandes délégations de puissances moyennes seront celles de l’Italie (196 athlètes), de l’Allemagne (185 athlètes), de la France (160 athlètes), de la Suède (110 athlètes), de la Finlande (103 athlètes) et de la Norvège (80 athlètes).

À défaut de pouvoir devenir universels, les JO d’hiver pourraient-ils devenir une enceinte où les « puissances moyennes », de moins en moins alignées sur les États-Unis, la Chine et la Russie, se montreraient et se valoriseraient ?

De 2026 à 2034 : réeuropéaniser les JO d’hiver ?

Pour répondre à ces défis mondiaux, les villes organisatrices d’Italie (pour l’édition 2026) et de France (pour l’édition 2030) ont commencé à infléchir les modalités d’organisation des JO. Elles ont essayé de se démarquer du gigantisme de l’édition 2022 organisée par Pékin en ventilant les compétitions entre plusieurs sites (sept pour l’édition 2026). Elles ont également intégré des sports moins consommateurs d’infrastructures comme le ski-alpinisme qui ne nécessite pas de remontées mécaniques. Et elles ont ouvert la compétition à des représentants (symboliques) du sud.

À long terme, ces deux éditions européennes des JO d’hiver réussiront-elles à infléchir la dynamique écologique, économique et politique de cette compétition ? Ou bien les JO d’hiver 2034, qui auront lieu dans l’Utah, reprendront-ils la trajectoire antérieure ? Au CIO comme dans le monde, les Européens réussiront-ils à endosser et promouvoir leur rôle d’avocats du développement durable ? Rappelons qu’en France, les Jeux d’hiver de Grenoble en 1968 et, encore plus, ceux d’Albertville en 1992 s’étaient distingués par ce qu’ils ont laissé en matière d’infrastructures de transport, permettant le désenclavement des Alpes…

The Conversation

Cyrille Bret ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Géopolitique des JO d’hiver : sous la glace des sports de glisse, le feu des confrontations internationales – https://theconversation.com/geopolitique-des-jo-dhiver-sous-la-glace-des-sports-de-glisse-le-feu-des-confrontations-internationales-275042

ICE pullback in Minneapolis shows the limits of Donald Trump’s scare tactics

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eli Lawrence Sopow, Adjunct Faculty, Adler University

Thanks to United States President Donald Trump, 2026 is shaping up to be an age of angst as groups and countries retreat turtle-like into protective economic and cultural shells. We’re trusting very few and are suspicious of many. As is generally the result of such tactics, the perpetrator is creating an environment of divide and conquer.

The global and local anxiety being created by Trump are illustrated by the Edelman Trust Barometer Global Report. It reveals the results of a 2025 survey of 33,000 respondents in 28 countries.

The results show that trust in institutions of all description, and our “shared reality,” has created a “crisis of grievance.” This in turn has produced a “heightened insularity, a reluctance to trust anyone who’s different from you.”

But Trump’s draconian anti-immigration agenda — enforced through masked, violent and unaccountable Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents — appears to be fuelling active and successful citizen collaboration.

In the aftermath of the slayings in Minneapolis of two civilians, Renee Good and Alex Pretti, and the mass protests that ensued, Trump’s border czar has announced he’s withdrawing 700 ICE agents from the city. Trump himself has also indicated his administration is backing down from its hardline tactics.

The simmering state of protest violence

A disturbing finding in the Edelman survey is that 40 per cent of respondents approve of one or more hostile actions to bring about change. This includes “attacking people online, intentionally spreading disinformation, threatening of committing violence, damaging public or private property.”

This willingness to take hostile action is the highest I have seen in my 45 years of research into public order and protest. It is far higher than numbers found in the 2017-22 World Values Survey of 102 countries that asked five questions about political action.

In that survey, only 35 per cent globally said they “might” get involved in a peaceful protest, while 46 per cent “would never.” In Canada, 48 per cent said they would get involved in a peaceful protest; 29 per cent would never. In the U.S., 55 per cent of respondents reported they “might” and 34 per cent wouldn’t.

The Edelman report states that “as fears rise, trust goes local.” This means that as change becomes a bigger feature in our lives, the circle of trust shrinks. Organizational psychologists like Canada’s Jason Walker note that this turn of the emotional screw can create paranoia, emotional stress and workplace/homelife violence.

One way to gauge rising fear and public anger is through Google Trends. Throughout January 2026, more people worldwide than at any point in the past five years — including during the darkest months of the COVID-19 pandemic — searched on the phrases “I fear change” and “I am angry.”

The U.S. led all countries on Google Trends, registering a score of 100 — the maximum value on the platform’s index, which indicates the highest relative search interest among all locations measured. The only other country matching this level of fear of change search was the Philippines, which is going through its own political and social turmoil.

In Cincinnati, Ohio, searches on “I am angry” were hitting close to 90 on the index following Good’s slaying in Minneapolis on Jan. 7. Ohio is where the National Guard shot and killed four unarmed students and wounded nine others who were protesting the Vietnam War in 1970.

Fear, distrust growing

Surveys and web searches expose a world of growing protective isolationism; it’s a lot more difficult to bring a collective, trusted resistance together.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney recently warned that “a world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile and less sustainable.” But in extolling the virtues of collectivism and mutual trust, Carney underplayed the fact that, unfortunately, fear and protectionism are often more powerful than trust.

Decades of public order research by myself and colleagues, as well as extensive academic research about public order and protest, has revealed a predicable pattern.

As I found in my book The Age of Outrage, when people are afraid, their fear can turn to boiling anger. That anger then becomes an emotional catalyst for action, either collectively or singularly, passively or violently, to fix things.

In fact, fear, anger and a demand for action can instill the collectivism and mutual trust missing in the Edelman survey. That could be what’s currently happening with the anti-Trump and anti-ICE protests throughout the U.S.

The challenge is that large public protests are a very delicate, potentially volatile formula for change. Collective protests require drama and a saturation of news and social media coverage to raise awareness and support. But protest support can quickly evaporate if the public sees acts of violence and destruction by even a minority of demonstrators (one TV news shot of a burning building or smashed storefront window will usually do the trick).

Trump was betting on fear

Amid the anti-ICE protests, Trump was betting that fear and chaos would prevail. He and his operatives continually seeded the public consciousness with language like “domestic terrorists,” “weaponized her vehicle” and “paid agitators” to describe the victims of ICE agents and other anti-ICE protesters. So far, Trump’s propaganda campaign is failing.

Trump didn’t count on the many peaceful anti-ICE protests and viral videos of the slayings of Good and Pretti that revealed the administration’s lies about their deaths. The over-zealousness of masked ICE agents has resulted in an uncomfortable drop of public support for the president.




Read more:
Anti-ICE protesters are following same nonviolent playbook used by people in war zones across the world to fight threats to their communities


Trump’s penchant for sowing fear is now in danger. If the “ICE Out” protests and strikes continue in their generally peaceful way, public fear, anger and a demand for public safety won’t be directed at demonstrators but at violent federal ICE officers.

How can protesters continue to build public support? My decades of research point to a consistent pattern among successful movements: a C.O.R.E. profile. Protesters remain committed, communicative, organized, resourceful and experienced — and above all else, non-violent.

What’s happening in the U.S. right now illustrates that public law-and-order initiatives are a double-edged sword. Just as over-zealous and violent protesters can quickly sour public opinion for their cause, so can the over-reaction of law enforcement and other authorities to peaceful protests — a lesson Trump is currently learning the hard way.

The Conversation

Eli Lawrence Sopow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ICE pullback in Minneapolis shows the limits of Donald Trump’s scare tactics – https://theconversation.com/ice-pullback-in-minneapolis-shows-the-limits-of-donald-trumps-scare-tactics-274933

Por qué se encadenan tantos días de lluvia

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Javier Martín Vide, Catedrático de Geografía Física, Universitat de Barcelona

En inviernos como el actual, cuando bajan las temperaturas y llega a caer nieve en buena parte de España (y del hemisferio norte en general), puede que haya quien se cuestione el cambio climático. Al fin y al cabo, temporales gélidos y húmedos como los presentes, al igual que la borrasca Filomena en 2021, parecen negar su existencia. Porque ¿cómo puede el calentamiento del planeta ser compatible con el frío y la lluvia de estas fechas?

El calentamiento global sigue avanzando

El calentamiento global es inequívoco. La temperatura media del aire en superficie en el decenio 2011-2020 fue de 1,1 ºC sobre la del período de referencia, la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Los tres últimos años, del 2023 al 2025, han supuesto, además, un salto notable, con un promedio por encima ya de 1,5 ºC, como ha confirmado el programa europeo de observación de la Tierra Copernicus.

Tres mapas mundiales de temperaturas del 2023, 2024 y 2025 dominados por el color rojo, que indica mucho calor
Mapas de anomalías y extremos de temperaturas de 2023, 2024 y 2025. El 2025 fue el año. 2025 fue el tercer año más cálido registrado, solo ligeramente (0,01 °C) más frío que 2023 y 0,13 °C más frío que 2024.
C3S/ECMWF, CC BY-SA

Recuérdese que el Acuerdo de París, de 2015, advertía que el planeta no debía llegar al grado y medio de calentamiento y nunca a los 2 ºC, so pena de padecer efectos muy graves o irreversibles. Pues bien, aunque climáticamente se necesitan algunos años más para establecer estadísticamente que se han alcanzado 1,5 ºC de calentamiento, todo apunta a que aproximadamente en menos de una década esto será así. La concentración de los gases de efecto invernadero en el aire sigue aumentando, lo que conlleva el aumento imparable de la temperatura.




Leer más:
El calentamiento global superó el límite de 1,5 grados en 2024: ¿qué implicaciones tiene?


Sin embargo, el sistema climático es muy complejo, con múltiples mecanismos de retroalimentación, entre la atmósfera, el océano, los continentes, la biosfera, el hielo del Ártico y de la Antártida, etc. Igualmente, las situaciones sinópticas, las que reflejan, día a día, los mapas del tiempo, muestran comportamientos complejos, ora persistentes ora altamente variables en el tiempo y en el espacio.

La tendencia general de la temperatura es el resultado del promedio de esa secuencia de tiempos diferentes, con muchas anomalías cálidas y algunas frías. Un temporal como Filomena o una racha de tiempo frío y desapacible solo supone hoy una pequeña muesca en la tendencia creciente de la temperatura. En las últimas décadas hay muchos más días y meses cálidos o muy cálidos que fríos respecto a la norma.

Aun así, los días fríos son posibles, dado que, aparte del aumento de la temperatura, también se ha incrementado su variabilidad, es decir, su varianza estadística. De esta forma, el resultado serían más casos cálidos y muy cálidos, sin dejar de haber casos fríos.

Comparación de campanas de Gauss, una más alta (del clima previo) y una más achatada y alargada (clima nuevo).
En el nuevo escenario climático, la campana de Gauss de probabilidades se ha desplazado hacia valores más altos (cálidos), pero se han alargado sus colas.
IPCC y Serrano-Notivoli, Olcina Cantos y Martín-Vide (2024), CC BY-SA

La lluvia llama a la lluvia, el calor al calor

Por otra parte, cuando aparece un tiempo repetidamente lluvioso, como está ocurriendo ya desde finales de 2025 hasta hoy en buena parte de España, hay que recordar el concepto de la persistencia meteorológica. Es decir, la tendencia a continuar o a repetirse una determinada situación, como el paso casi continuo de depresiones y de frentes.

Así, la probabilidad de que aparezca un día lluvioso después de un día lluvioso es superior a la simple probabilidad de un día lluvioso o la probabilidad de un día lluvioso después de uno seco. Es decir, si hoy llueve, mañana hay una probabilidad más elevada de que vuelva a llover que si hoy hubiera sido un día seco. Esto es común en gran parte del planeta. Su causa está en la persistencia de los temporales y episodios que producen lluvia, que, en general, duran más de un día.

Como ejemplo, la probabilidad de un día lluvioso después de un día lluvioso en Barcelona es de un 51 %, mientras que la simple probabilidad de que aparezca un día lluvioso es de un 24 %.

Por el contrario, el establecimiento de los llamados anticiclones de bloqueo, muy persistentes, da lugar a un tiempo estable y monótono durante semanas. En este sentido, la persistencia de los días secos en gran parte del planeta es superior a la de los días lluviosos. En el ejemplo de Barcelona, la probabilidad de un día seco es del 76 %, que se eleva a un 85 % en el caso de la probabilidad de un día seco después de un día seco.

En el ámbito mediterráneo peninsular un patrón característico es el de períodos secos relativamente largos salpicados por algunos días lluviosos. Como caso extremo, en Almería si hoy deja de llover, la secuencia de días secos que cabe esperar a continuación tiene una duración media de 16 días, más de medio mes, mientras que en San Sebastián es de cuatro días (sin contar los días con cantidades de lluvia inferiores a 1 mm).

A una escala regional o superior, como la de la península ibérica y parte del Atlántico norte, el tren de borrascas, o familia de borrascas, puede seguir durante semanas una ruta parecida, produciendo acumulaciones de lluvia y tiempo ventoso durante bastantes días en las mismas áreas.

El vórtice polar se ha expandido hacia el sur

La circulación atmosférica a todos los niveles, desde la corriente en chorro –un fuerte flujo de aire en la alta troposfera– hasta la superficie, está desplazada hacia el sur, afectándonos de lleno.

El vórtice polar, que, como un volante atmosférico, confina el aire muy frío sobre el polo, se ha ondulado y expandido hacia el sur. Aunque aún no hay evidencias concluyentes, este proceso podría derivar del calentamiento global. Esto produciría, paradójicamente, un tiempo lluvioso y desapacible en nuestras latitudes. O una nevada del siglo, como ha ocurrido, recientemente, en buena parte de Estados Unidos.

The Conversation

Javier Martín Vide no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Por qué se encadenan tantos días de lluvia – https://theconversation.com/por-que-se-encadenan-tantos-dias-de-lluvia-274910

El duelo por la muerte de un hijo en ‘Hamnet’: de la novela a la gran pantalla

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Auba Llompart Pons, Profesora doctora de Lengua y Cultura Inglesas, Universitat de Vic – Universitat Central de Catalunya

Jessie Buckley como Agnes en la adaptación cinematográfica de _Hamnet_. Universal

Hamnet es la octava novela de Maggie O’Farrell y, posiblemente, la obra de su vida.

Ambientada en la época isabelina, recrea la breve vida y muerte de Hamnet, hijo de William Shakespeare, de quien solo sabemos que falleció a los once años. La trama se aleja de la figura del dramaturgo para centrarse en su esposa, Agnes (Anne Hathaway en la vida real), y en su proceso para asimilar la pérdida del niño. Por otro lado, O’Farrell conecta desde la ficción el fallecimiento del menor con la creación de la obra maestra de su padre, Hamlet.

Portada de la edición en español de _Hamnet_, de Maggie O'Farrell.
Portada de la edición en español de Hamnet, de Maggie O’Farrell.
Libros del Asteroide

Tal como señala la autora en el epígrafe de la novela, en los registros de Stratford-upon-Avon (ciudad natal de Shakespeare) de finales del siglo XVI y principios del XVII, ‘Hamnet’ y ‘Hamlet’ aparecen como dos formas intercambiables de escribir un mismo nombre. Así pues, ¿podría Hamlet en realidad ser un tributo al hijo fallecido del autor?

A partir de esta incógnita, O’Farrell teje un relato en el que arroja luz sobre estas tres figuras: Shakespeare, en sus desconocidas facetas de padre y esposo; Hamnet, el hijo que podría haber inspirado una de las grandes obras de la literatura inglesa y, sobre todo, Agnes, la madre que llora su muerte.

Premios, recepción y adaptación

Entre 2020 y 2021, Hamnet se consolidó como un fenómeno literario al recibir el Premio de Ficción Femenina y el Dalkey Literary Award, entre otros reconocimientos.

Su impacto hizo que en 2023 se estrenase su adaptación teatral en el emblemático Swan Theatre de Stratford, antes de llegar a Londres en 2024. Esta trayectoria ha culminado con su reciente versión cinematográfica, sobre un guion escrito por la propia O’Farrell junto a la oscarizada directora Chloé Zhao.

La película se ha convertido en una de las grandes protagonistas de la temporada, destacando en las nominaciones de los Premios de la Crítica Cinematográfica, los Globos de Oro y los Óscar. Hasta el momento, Hamnet ha sido galardonada con el Globo de Oro a la Mejor Película Dramática y a la Mejor Actriz en una película dramática.

El duelo de una madre

En Hamnet, O’Farrell rompe con el tabú de la muerte infantil y afronta la incomodidad cultural que la rodea. Mientras que la novela invita a caminar junto a Agnes, compartiendo sus pensamientos y sentimientos, la película busca que la audiencia sienta su dolor casi en primera persona.

La pérdida de un hijo es representada no solo como una tragedia que afecta a toda la familia, sino también como un proceso que redefine la psique materna. Agnes, en ambas versiones, se presenta como un espíritu libre que concilia su labor como curandera con las exigencias domésticas de su rol de esposa. Sin embargo, el fallecimiento de Hamnet por la peste fractura esa identidad y la sumerge en un duelo profundo y una tormenta de culpa alimentada por una sociedad que espera que las madres lo controlen todo.

La obra de O’Farrell recuerda que el sufrimiento materno se suele invisibilizar tras la idealización social que exige a las madres intuir y prevenir cualquier daño. También retrata con maestría cómo Agnes transita por las fases del duelo, tal como las definieron Elisabeth Kubler Ross y David Kessler –negación, ira, negociación, depresión y aceptación–, transformando una tragedia privada en una experiencia universal.

Una mujer observa una habitación vacía.
Agnes se queda sola.
Universal Pictures

Una cuestión de género

En la novela se distinguen claramente estas distintas fases, y O’Farrell retrata vívidamente cómo Agnes vive en una desconexión de la realidad, un limbo donde el tiempo se suspende y ella se consume. Sin embargo, la película no profundiza tanto en ese proceso ni en el dolor como fuerza alienante que fragmenta la identidad.

El libro destaca su soledad y su aislamiento: la vemos descuidar su apariencia, evitar el contacto social, refugiarse en una quietud cargada de tristeza y alejarse de su vida cotidiana, como si ya no perteneciera a su hogar ni habitara plenamente el mundo real.

En cambio, la adaptación cinematográfica hace especial hincapié en cómo la depresión de Agnes se agrava por la ausencia de su esposo. Este, incapaz de soportar el peso de Stratford, huye a Londres y se refugia en su trabajo como actor y dramaturgo.

Un hombre observa una representación entre bambalinas.
Paul Mescal interpreta a un padre que huye a Londres a enfrentarse a la muerte de su hijo a través del arte.
Universal Pictures

Es aquí donde O’Farrell, en ambas obras, muestra que en el duelo por la pérdida de un hijo también puede haber brecha de género. La madre soporta el grueso de la culpa y la carga emocional. El padre, mientras tanto, permanece ausente física y emocionalmente; tan ausente como su nombre, que no se desvela en toda la novela. O’Farrell justificó la decisión de no citar nunca a William Shakespeare aludiendo a su voluntad de centrarse en la figura de Agnes y de que sus lectores vieran a Shakespeare no como el famoso escritor que todos conocemos sino como un padre y un esposo.

Todo un acierto que la adaptación audiovisual mantiene en gran medida: el nombre del dramaturgo permanece en la sombra hasta los últimos quince minutos. Esto permite que, durante casi toda la película, los espectadores lo perciban como un progenitor ausente y a Agnes como el verdadero corazón de la historia.

Sin embargo, ambas versiones finalmente conectan el vacío que deja la muerte de Hamnet con el nacimiento de Hamlet, el puente que permite al autor alcanzar la aceptación de la muerte de su hijo y mostrar su manera de procesar el duelo a través del arte.

Así pues, el teatro es también el lugar en el que Agnes, al ver la representación de la obra de su esposo, llega a la fase de aceptación, comprende que su marido atravesó el mismo dolor que ella y, finalmente, se “reencuentra” con su hijo.


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The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. El duelo por la muerte de un hijo en ‘Hamnet’: de la novela a la gran pantalla – https://theconversation.com/el-duelo-por-la-muerte-de-un-hijo-en-hamnet-de-la-novela-a-la-gran-pantalla-273554

En la Super Bowl de Bad Bunny se canta en español: de hito cultural a marcador político

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Lourdes Moreno Cazalla, Doctora en Comunicación. Autora del estudio para el Observatorio Nebrija del Español "El boom de la música urbana latina y la expansión del español a nivel global", Universidad Nebrija

Bad Bunny recibe el Grammy a Mejor Álbum del Año por _DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS_. Courtesy of the Recording Academy® / Getty Images ©

“Lo que siento va más allá de mí mismo. Es por aquellos que vinieron antes que yo y recorrieron incontables yardas para que yo pudiera entrar y anotar un touchdown…”.

Con estas palabras, Bad Bunny confirmaba en septiembre de 2025 que sería el artista encargado del espectáculo del medio tiempo de la Super Bowl. La referencia a “quienes vinieron antes” no apunta a una carrera individual, sino a una historia compartida. A trayectorias acumuladas, a presencias previas que hicieron posible ese momento.

Y, sobre todo, a una lengua como el español, que durante décadas ha ocupado en Estados Unidos un lugar paradójico.

Estados Unidos es el quinto país con mayor número de hablantes en español del mundo. Sin embargo, es el único de esos cinco donde esta lengua es minoritaria frente al dominio del inglés. Es decir, aunque el español ha sido omnipresente en amplios contextos estadounidenses, como en el trabajo, la música o la vida cotidiana de muchas personas (más de 43 millones, según el censo de 2023), también ha sido una lengua cuidadosamente despolitizada en los espacios de representación nacional.

En Estados Unidos, una de cada cinco personas tiene origen hispano pero, por ejemplo, solo 6 de sus 100 senadores comparten esa procedencia. El español es audible, pero está contenido.

Un idioma escondido

Bad Bunny, puertorriqueño y, por tanto, estadounidense, ya ha avisado de que su concierto será íntegramente en español. Que la Super Bowl de este año suene en ese idioma no es un hecho cultural cualquiera. Este evento es uno de los rituales nacionales más relevantes de Estados Unidos, un escenario donde se representa y normaliza una determinada idea de país. En este contexto, que irrumpa ahí una lengua diferente al inglés no puede leerse como un gesto neutro.

¿Qué significado tiene entonces esto?

La respuesta no es simple, pero el hecho resulta poderoso y simbólico. Un 78 % de los estadounidenses de 5 años o más hablan solo inglés en casa, según un análisis realizado por el Centro de Datos de la Encuesta sobre la Comunidad Estadounidense (ACS) de 2023 de la Oficina del Censo. El porcentaje restante se divide entre quienes hablan muy bien inglés, pero no lo practican en casa (un 14 %) y quienes no hablan bien inglés.

Además, el español en EE. UU. es un idioma denominado “de herencia”, que se habla mayoritariamente en los hogares y que está supeditado a la lengua dominante. Así, en las casas hispanoparlantes, a medida que van naciendo más generaciones, la lengua de herencia se va diluyendo en favor del inglés.

En este contexto también hay que tener en cuenta que, desde marzo de 2025, tras una orden ejecutiva de Trump, el inglés ha sido declarado el idioma oficial de Estados Unidos, algo que no se había determinado en los casi 250 años de existencia del país.

Esa “oficialización” va acompañada de una reducción deliberada de servicios públicos, que elimina progresivamente la mayoría de la información que no esté en inglés y busca reinvertir ese dinero en programas para aprender a hablarlo. Los efectos ya están siendo visibles, como el cierre de la versión de la web de la Casa Blanca en español o el portal LEP.gov.


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El español ante el mundo

Mientras los canales oficiales del Estado restringen el uso del español, el deporte y la música le otorgan ahora una visibilidad que va más allá de las fronteras estadounidenses.

Las actuaciones del intermedio de la Super Bowl se han convertido en un acontecimiento cultural de gran proyección internacional. Así lo fueron para superestrellas como Michael Jackson, Madonna, Lady Gaga, Katy Perry y Usher. Este formato se ha consolidado como un espacio de celebración de identidades diversas, caracterizado por producciones de alto estándar técnico y colaboraciones estratégicas entre artistas musicales más allá del pop.

En la edición de 2025, Kendrick Lamar alcanzó el récord de 131,2 millones de espectadores, superando incluso la audiencia del propio encuentro deportivo.

Para Bad Bunny no será una conquista individual ni tampoco una experiencia inédita, puesto que ya participó como artista invitado en 2020 durante la actuación de Jennifer Lopez y Shakira en Miami. Precisamente, era la actuación más vista de la historia antes de Kendrick Lamar, y, según datos de YouTube, el vídeo oficial de aquel show es el halftime show más visto en la plataforma.

¿Qué impacto puede tener Bad Bunny?

Bad Bunny ha adquirido en la industria musical global un liderazgo que no puede considerarse coyuntural.

Acaba de ganar el Grammy a Mejor Álbum del Año por DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS y en Spotify ha logrado ser en cuatro ocasiones Top Artista Global, con más de 27 millones de oyentes recurrentes. Las cifras le han convertido en el artista que más veces ha obtenido este reconocimiento, por delante de figuras como Drake o Taylor Swift.

El conjunto de su catálogo ya ha superado los 19 800 millones de reproducciones globales, lo que supone un promedio superior a 60 millones de streams diarios. Traducido en términos de escala temporal, escuchar de forma consecutiva todas las reproducciones generadas por el puertorriqueño en 12 meses requeriría más de 124 000 años, una magnitud que ilustra la distancia entre este tipo de fenómenos y los ciclos convencionales del éxito musical.

Imagen del álbum de Bad Bunny en Spotify en una pantalla de móvil.
El mundo ama a Bad Bunny en Spotify.
McSleepy/Shutterstock

La Liga Nacional de Fútbol Americano (NFL) no ignora estos números y, a pesar del rechazo que provoca el cantante en el Gobierno estadounidense, busca apelar a la audiencia latina gracias a su participación en la Super Bowl de este año. Pero la cuestión no es qué puede hacer Bad Bunny por la NLF, sino qué puede hacer la exposición del artista en este evento global por la lengua española.

Según datos de la plataforma de aprendizaje de idiomas en línea Preply, en las 24 horas posteriores al anuncio de que él encabezaría el show del intermedio de la Super Bowl las búsquedas de “clases de español” desde Estados Unidos aumentaron un 178 %. También se incrementaron en un 366 % las búsquedas de “letras de Bad Bunny en inglés”.

Estas cifras funcionan como indicador de un fenómeno que está reconfigurando la cultura latina y el idioma español y que no busca complacer los deseos políticos o institucionales. Y aquí la Super Bowl se ofrece como intermediario, actuando como un espejo.

The Conversation

Lourdes Moreno Cazalla no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. En la Super Bowl de Bad Bunny se canta en español: de hito cultural a marcador político – https://theconversation.com/en-la-super-bowl-de-bad-bunny-se-canta-en-espanol-de-hito-cultural-a-marcador-politico-274598

Why athletes at the 2026 Winter Olympics are finally being given more power to monetise their performances

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andy Miah, Chair in Science Communication & Future Media, University of Salford

Grindstone Media Group/Shutterstock

The 2026 Winter Olympics have come at a turning point in sport in terms of how Olympians are allowed to monetise their performances. In December, the governing body the International Olympic Committee (IOC) announced that, for the first time, Olympians would have access to footage from their competitions to use for their personal branding and promotion.

In this pilot phase, the material will not be from these Milan Cortina Winter Olympics, but from the previous Games in Beijing in 2022. According to the new Olympian Highlights Programme, athletes who competed in China can have access to 60 seconds of their competition to use on their personal channels to celebrate their achievements during these Games.

But what does this mean, why does it matter, and why is it happening now?

While the permission might not sound like a big deal, the moving image of Olympic competition is the most valuable asset of the entire Olympic movement. It is highly protected due to the exclusive television rights agreements around the world, which have secured the economic fortunes of the Olympic industry for decades.

Today, the rights to the video content of the Games competitions is what makes money for the Olympic movement. The billions of pounds they generate contribute both to the Olympic programme, and also to schemes like Olympic Solidarity supporting federations and nations around the world. But this was not always the case.

In the early years of Olympic competition, broadcasters had free rein to cover the Games. This was seen as a great opportunity to share the Olympic message with the world. The sport then was treated more like news, whereas now it is predominantly entertainment, commercialised and exploited to grow the Olympic industry.

Tightly controlled media content remains the most effective way to monetise the Olympic programme. But this meant athletes could not use video material from their competitions, for fear that this could compromise the exclusivity agreed between the IOC and broadcasters.

Athletes’ frustrations

Similarly, Olympians have been severely restricted in what they can share from their Olympic experience, especially during Games time itself. The IOC Olympic Charter sets out these limitations to avoid things like ambush marketing (when a potential sponsor tries to use the Games period to promote their product in a way that undermines an official sponsor).

For Olympians with a personal sponsor, it means limiting the exposure of this affiliation during Games time, instead prioritising their official team partnership.

Loosening controls on competition videos is an important step to letting Olympians leverage their celebrity status at a time when they’re in the spotlight. Yet it also reflects a changing set of circumstances around media culture. For 20 years, there has been a steady transition of audience habits away from living room TVs towards mobile phones and social media.

This transition had caused the industry anxiety over whether it would hit viewing figures and reduce the value of rights deals. And so Olympic organisers have monitored web traffic and sent warnings to anyone infringing upon their intellectual property.

Torvill and Dean’s 1984 gold-medal winning performance was watched by around 24 million people in the UK alone. But Rowan Atkinson as Mr Bean at the London 2012 opening ceremony has had 142 million views on the Olympics YouTube channel.

Today, that mindset is different. There is a recognition that social media amplifies the opportunity to monetise Olympic assets. Video tracking technology can intervene directly when something is posted and limit exposure of unapproved content shares. Or it can simply monetise it with adverts. These capabilities are expanding – and becoming more complicated – with the rise of artificial intelligence (AI).

Provisions for social media sharing for athletes and others with accreditation have been evolving over recent Games. At the London 2012 Olympics, IOC social media guidelines did not allow any video from Olympic venues to be posted. In contrast, for Paris 2024, athletes were allowed to share video of their Olympic journey (but not their performance) with up to two minutes from each competition venue.

The guidance for Milan Cortina goes even further to encourage sharing. But it still prohibits athletes from posting this premium video content between one hour before competition and within one hour after, the crucial window for broadcasters.

Ultimately, giving permission to use video from the Games events is also about recognising the athletes’ own ability to attract audiences. On the days leading to Paris 2024, behind-the-scenes footage from athletes often became prominent social media posts, including viral footage of the athletes’ cardboard beds.

This showed candid moments from athletes before the TV coverage began. Audiences appeared to love this – and leaning into it is crucial for the Olympic movement in these changing times.

For decades, the IOC has shouted about how far the Olympic message travels during each Games, articulating this in terms of television hours watched across the world. Yet, television has changed too. After Rio 2016, there was a shift in the IOC’s language, moving from “television” to “live-streamed” hours, to reflect the new ways in which audiences are exposed to the Olympic Games.

The economic direction of international sport and the growing importance of non-traditional partnerships, such as those with Airbnb, Uber and Alibaba, show that the future of the Olympic Games is wedded to the technological culture of the time. While the technology of the 20th century was television, now sport is intimately connected to the rise of AI. Its integration within social media will be key to how users create and consume Olympic content.

In this way, 60 seconds of footage from a previous Olympic competition is not just a move towards empowering athletes. It is also a step towards safeguarding the future of the Olympic Games at a time of remarkable change in the media. The influencer economy is becoming the new unit of audience attraction and it’s crucial that the Olympic movement embraces this.

The Conversation

Andy Miah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why athletes at the 2026 Winter Olympics are finally being given more power to monetise their performances – https://theconversation.com/why-athletes-at-the-2026-winter-olympics-are-finally-being-given-more-power-to-monetise-their-performances-275185

House burping: what is this German habit and is it good for your health?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vikram Niranjan, Assistant Professor in Public Health, School of Medicine, Health Research Institute, University of Limerick

CTatiana/Shutterstock.com

“House burping” is the latest thing cluttering people’s feeds: short clips of people flinging open every window and door, announcing they’re “burping” their home to get rid of stale, germ-filled air. Behind the playful name is a serious question: does this actually make a home healthier, or are people just swapping indoor germs for outdoor pollution?

In Germany, this trend looks less like a revolution and more like everyday life. Lüften – literally “airing out” – and Stoßlüften, or “shock ventilation”, have long involved opening windows wide for a few minutes to let fresh air race through, even in the depths of winter. Some German rental contracts even mention regular airing as part of looking after the property, mainly to prevent damp and mould.

The health logic is simple. Indoor air collects moisture from showers and cooking, smoke and particles from stoves and candles, chemicals from cleaning sprays and furniture, and tiny particles and viruses that people breathe out.

In a previous study my colleagues and I conducted, we found many diseases linked to indoor air pollution. Over time, these build up, especially in well-insulated homes that keep heat – and pollution – in. When the house is “burped”, the sudden rush of outdoor air dilutes this mixture and pushes a good chunk of it outside.

This is particularly important for infections that spread through the air. During the COVID pandemic, public health agencies stressed that better ventilation – including simply opening windows – could help cut the risk of catching the virus indoors. In one classroom study, opening all windows and doors dropped carbon dioxide levels by about 60% and reduced a simulated “viral load” by more than 97% over an eight-hour day, shrinking the area with higher infection risk to around 15% of the room.

Pets breathe the same air and can act as early warning signs of trouble. Veterinary studies link poor indoor air to lung irritation in dogs and cats, especially near the floor where particles settle – a reminder that stale air harms the whole household.

But the air outside is not always clean. Tiny particles from traffic and factories, and gases such as nitrogen dioxide, damage the heart, lungs and brain and are now recognised as major causes of illness and early death. In many cities, most of the fine particles inside homes and schools actually come from outside and seep in through gaps, vents and, of course, open windows.

A motorway at rush hour.
Air pollution damages many organs – not just the lungs.
Emaruchi/Shutterstock.com

Where you live shapes that trade-off. Homes close to busy main roads or motorways tend to have higher levels of traffic-related particles and nitrogen dioxide indoors, especially when windows facing the road are opened.

A study in inner-city schools found that the closer a school was to major roads, the higher the levels of traffic-related PM2.5 (microscopic air pollution particles small enough to be inhaled deep into the lungs), nitrogen dioxide and black carbon measured inside classrooms.

That means flinging open roadside windows at rush hour may bring in a surge of exhaust, tyre and brake dust just as traffic pollution peaks. For people with asthma, heart disease or chronic lung problems, that extra pollution can undo some of the health benefits of better ventilation.

The picture looks different in greener, quieter areas. When schools and homes are surrounded by more trees and green space and are further from main roads, indoor levels of traffic-related particles tend to be lower. Vegetation can help filter some particles from the air and break up plumes of pollution from nearby roads.

The right time to burp

Timing also matters. In many cities, outdoor pollution is highest during the morning and evening commute and lower late at night or in the middle of the day. Short bursts of house burping outside these peaks – or just after rain, which can temporarily wash some particles from the air – may offer a better balance between infection control and pollution exposure.

Poor indoor air does not stop at the lungs. Studies link higher levels of fine particles and carbon dioxide to poorer concentration, slower thinking and raised risks of anxiety and depression. A stuffy home quietly chips away at mood and mental sharpness for everyone inside.

How the burp is done makes a difference to comfort and energy bills. German-style Stoßlüften, where all windows are opened fully for a short time, rapidly exchanges air but does not cool walls and furniture as much as leaving a small window open all day. Cross-ventilation – opening windows on opposite sides of the home – usually shifts air faster.

Treating COPD (a chronic lung disease) from poor indoor air can cost thousands yearly in drugs and hospital stays – a lifelong burden once diagnosed. Opening windows for five minutes in winter loses just pennies in heat. Fresh air now beats massive medical bills later.

For most households, a practical middle ground is possible. House burping is more likely to be helpful when it is done in short bursts, away from busy traffic times, and on the sides of the home that face quieter streets or greener spaces.

So the social media trend has a point, even if the name raises a smile. A home that never burps is likely to have higher levels of indoor pollution and a greater build-up of exhaled air, especially during virus season. Give your home a mini spa break at the right time: throw open the windows, let it burp out the stale air, and invite a burst of fresh stuff in. Your lungs, brain and pets will thank you.

The Conversation

Vikram Niranjan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. House burping: what is this German habit and is it good for your health? – https://theconversation.com/house-burping-what-is-this-german-habit-and-is-it-good-for-your-health-274552

How the UK government plans to limit ‘forever chemical’ pollution – and what’s missing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ivan Kourtchev, Associate Professor, Centre for Agroecology, Water and Resilience, Coventry University

Forever chemicals known as Pfas are often found in waterproof, stain-resistant or iron-easy clothing, including school uniforms. Pixel-Shot/Shutterstock

The UK government has published its first national plan to deal with per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, better known as Pfas or “forever chemicals”. These chemicals have been used for decades in products such as firefighting foams, non-stick cookware, clothing, electronics and many industrial processes. Because many Pfas do not break down easily, they are now widely detected in the environment and in human blood and tissues.

The policy document, Pfas Plan: Building a Safer Future Together, follows growing public concern, media investigations and years of pressure from scientists calling for stronger controls. This marks an important moment for UK chemicals policy. The plan represents a step forward, but it avoids many of the hardest regulatory choices associated with Pfas.

In practical terms, this could include restricting Pfas-treated finishes from school uniforms and children’s clothing. In parts of the US, including California, state-level rules have already restricted or banned Pfas in textiles, effectively eliminating their use in everyday clothing, including school uniforms.

Unlike many pollutants, Pfas are not a single substance. There are several thousand Pfas in use or in circulation, each with different properties and behaviours. Some have been linked to health effects, such as liver toxicity, developmental problems and negative effects on the immune system. For many others, evidence remains sparse or uncertain.

Pfas are also highly mobile. They can be transported through air, deposited onto land or water, and then re-enter the atmosphere or food chain. Contamination measured in one location may originate from industrial activity, waste handling, consumer products or historic uses far away. This transboundary behaviour is well known in environmental science, but Pfas amplify the challenge because of their persistence.




Read more:
PFAS: you can’t smell, see or taste these chemicals, but they are everywhere – and they’re highly toxic to humans


In the UK, regulation has so far focused on a small number (fewer than a dozen) of well-studied Pfas, mainly through drinking water standards. This has left the wider group of Pfas, and their long-term accumulation in air and soil, largely outside the scope of formal regulation.

The new Pfas plan is intended to provide that framework. Rather than introducing sweeping new bans, it sets out how Pfas risks should be assessed and managed over time, with a strong emphasis on coordination across government, regulators, researchers and industry.

A central element of the plan is its focus on evidence. It recognises that Pfas pollution is not limited to water and soil, but also includes air emissions from manufacturing, industrial processes and waste treatment. Expanding monitoring across air, land and water is intended to improve understanding of sources, pathways and exposure, and to support more targeted controls in future.

The plan also commits to reviewing existing regulatory tools. This includes consultation on limits for Pfas in drinking water, closer scrutiny of industrial emissions and assessment of how current chemicals legislation could be applied more effectively to Pfas as a group. Research into the toxicity of Pfas in food and food packaging, plus more effective detection methods and safer alternatives forms part of this longer-term approach. Some Pfas uses such as medical devices are acknowledged as difficult to replace in the short term.

man's hand filling up glass with tap water in kitchen with flowers in background
Until now, Pfas have traditionally been monitored and regulated through drinking water.
Boris023/Shutterstock

A starting point

At the same time, the new plan leaves many hard decisions for later. It does not ban Pfas as a class, set timelines for phase-outs or define which uses should ultimately be considered essential. Much depends on future consultations and how quickly new evidence emerges.

This caution has attracted criticism, but it reflects a real constraint. New Pfas continue to enter the market, sometimes as replacements for substances that have already been restricted. Others occur as impurities or degradation products that are not routinely monitored. Regulating a group of chemicals that continues to evolve is inherently difficult, particularly when emissions are diffuse and exposure pathways complex.

In July 2025, the EU adopted a new Chemicals Industry Action Plan to support a transition away from Pfas through measures such as innovation, substitution, and improved data generation. In parallel, the European Chemicals Agency is assessing a proposed Pfas group restriction – its opinion is expected to be announced by the end of 2026 to inform a subsequent European Commission proposal to phase out Pfas.

The UK’s new plan acknowledges that historic Pfas contamination already exists and commits to developing guidance and technical tools to support its management. What remains unclear is how large-scale remediation would be prioritised or funded. Experience from heavily contaminated areas in Belgium, particularly around industrial hotspots near Antwerp, shows that cleaning up legacy Pfas pollution can take decades and involve very high costs.

Taken together, the UK’s Pfas plan is best seen as a starting point rather than a solution. It brings air, water and land into a single policy debate and recognises that Pfas pose a long-term challenge rather than a short-term compliance issue.

Whether it leads to meaningful reductions in exposure will depend on what follows: how quickly methods capable of addressing the many thousands of Pfas in commerce and the environment are developed and validated; how monitoring data is used; how rapidly regulatory reviews translate into enforceable standards; and whether future decisions prevent new Pfas problems from emerging.

For now, the plan does not solve the Pfas problem. But it makes clear that Pfas are no longer a peripheral issue, and that dealing with them will require sustained scientific effort and difficult policy choices over many years.


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Ivan Kourtchev does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the UK government plans to limit ‘forever chemical’ pollution – and what’s missing – https://theconversation.com/how-the-uk-government-plans-to-limit-forever-chemical-pollution-and-whats-missing-275191

Bad Bunny is a controversial pick for the Super Bowl – and that’s the point

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Belinda Zakrzewska, Assistant Professor of Marketing, University of Birmingham

After the NFL chose triple Grammy winner Bad Bunny as the halftime headliner for the upcoming Super Bowl on February 8, a backlash erupted among Donald Trump supporters and conservative commentators. The president criticised the entertainment lineup last week and said he would not attend the event.

Much of the backlash focused on the Puerto Rican rapper’s identity and politics. As the first solo Latino artist set to headline the Super Bowl halftime show, he was accused by critics of “not being an American artist” despite Puerto Rico being a US territory. Others took aim at his outspoken criticism of the Trump administration, arguing that such views had no place at this prestigious occasion.

The Super Bowl functions as a spectacle to promote ideas of US unity and patriotism through ritualised displays such as the national anthem, military flyovers and televised tributes to troops, visually linking sport to nationhood. Set against this backdrop, Bad Bunny’s selection becomes even more striking. Why would the US’s most important stage give space to an artist who so directly questions its dominance?

Bad Bunny made history with his recent album Debí Tirar Más Fotos which became the first predominantly Spanish-language release to win album of the year at the 68th Grammy Awards. He is also Spotify’s most streamed global artist for the fourth time in five years.

Bad Bunny’s rise is inseparable from his activism, which is woven into his artistic choices, television appearances and live performances. This commitment was on full display last Sunday at his most recent Grammy appearance, where he took the stage with the message “ICE out”.

His Debí Tirar Más Fotos album addresses Puerto Rico’s colonial history and ongoing struggles, a direct critique of US imperial power. The song Lo Que Pasó en Hawaii draws parallels between Puerto Rico and Hawaii, another land colonised by the US. These lyrics refuse to treat colonial harm as historical and instead frame it as ongoing and systemic.

Likewise, his NUEVAYoL music video stands as one of his most direct pro-immigrant provocation. Released on July 4 last year – Independence Day – it reimagines the Statue of Liberty draped in a Puerto Rican flag, recasting the monument as a site where liberation is actively reclaimed rather than merely symbolised. A Trump-like voiceover apologising to Latinos and recognising America as a continent, further sharpens the critique of the ongoing immigration crackdown, exposing the gap between US ideals and people’s realities.

More fundamentally, Debí Tirar Más Fotos grounds its anticolonial message in historically marginalised musical traditions. Bomba, plena, and salsa are genres rooted in Afro-Caribbean struggles and Black cultural traditions, but for a long time they were dismissed due to colonial attitudes. By putting these genres at the centre of his work, Bad Bunny protects Puerto Rican culture and reclaims its history, making it visible to the world.

Bad Bunny further intensified controversy recently by excluding the US from his world tour. He cited concerns about immigration enforcement around venues, particularly the risk posed to undocumented fans.

The decision framed safety as more important than profit. Critics questioned why he would play the Super Bowl while skipping US tour dates, while supporters argued the broadcast lets Latino people watch safely from home without risking detention or harassment.

Why is the NFL choosing BB?

Super Bowl entertainment decisions ultimately serve a clear goal: maximising profit and viewership. The NFL understands that controversy fuels conversation, and conversation fuels ratings. This strategy is not new.

Beyoncé’s 2016 performance referenced the Black Panthers and Black Lives Matter, igniting a backlash while dominating media coverage. Kendrick Lamar’s 2025 halftime show similarly confronted themes of systemic oppression and racial injustice.

Looking at the broader 2026 lineup, the NFL has paired Bad Bunny with Green Day, a pointed choice given conservative calls for an “All American” alternative. Green Day, in contrast, fit comfortably within the US cultural canon: white, English-speaking punk veterans embedded in rock history. Yet their recent performances, such as Coachella 2025, included overt political jabs at Trump and Maga.

Last week, Trump publicly criticised the lineup stating: “I think it’s a terrible choice. All it does is sow hatred. Terrible.”

Overall, selecting artists who generate cultural debate helps the NFL reach younger, more diverse audiences while dominating media cycles for months. This strategy acknowledges demographic shifts in US culture: the growing political and economic importance of Latino audiences, the changing nature of patriotism itself, and the reality that not all Americans view the Super Bowl through the same lens of national unity.

Risky business

When artists take clear political stances, they risk alienating segments of their audience. Public opposition to Trump, for example, frequently triggers coordinated boycotts, social media backlash, and online harassment. But late-night hosts like Jimmy Kimmel have shown how political commentary can ignite national debates while boosting attention and ratings.

For Bad Bunny, these risks appear deliberate, reflecting an authenticity that aligns his political stances with his artistic vision and public persona. His critiques of US colonialism, immigration policy and cultural erasure are inseparable from his music and performances, making his activism a central part of his identity rather than a marketing tactic.

By embracing these positions on the Super Bowl stage, he challenges traditional expectations of entertainment neutrality while amplifying underrepresented voices, particularly within the Latino community. This approach underscores a commitment to cultural and political truth, even when it invites controversy and threatens mainstream approval.

The Conversation

Flavia Cardoso received funding from the Chilean Government (Fondecyt 2016) and the Luksic Foundation in 2022.

Belinda Zakrzewska and Jannsen Santana do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Bad Bunny is a controversial pick for the Super Bowl – and that’s the point – https://theconversation.com/bad-bunny-is-a-controversial-pick-for-the-super-bowl-and-thats-the-point-274477

Why raising NHS spending on new drugs by 25% is the wrong decision – health economist’s view

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rhiannon Tudor Edwards, Professor of Health Economics, Bangor University

A quiet policy change on NHS drug pricing could have big consequences for patients and prevention. Stephen Barnes/Shutterstock

For nearly three decades, decisions about which medicines the NHS pays for have not been made by ministers, but by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, known as Nice. Its job has been powerful: to act as a check on the pharmaceutical industry by demanding evidence that new drugs are clinically effective and worth the price, protecting NHS budgets from spiralling costs.

That independence has helped to shape how NHS money is spent in England and Wales, and, just as importantly, what it is not spent on. Nice does not exist to block new medicines, but to make sure limited public funds are used where they deliver the greatest benefit.

The Nice cost-effectiveness threshold for approving new medicines is currently £20,000 to £30,000 per additional year of good quality life (measured as “quality adjusted life years”). The UK government now plans to take control of this threshold from Nice and raise it to £25,000–£35,000 per quality adjusted life year from April 1. The result will be less money available for existing NHS services and medicines, and, most worryingly, for public health and prevention.

Trade pressure and US drug companies

This change has come from wider government concerns over protecting UK-based pharmaceutical manufacturing, and now from pressure to open up the UK market to US drug companies. Shifting the decision-making power to ministers rather than Nice represents a far-reaching structural change, not just an administrative one.

Ministers have agreed to lift UK health service spending on new medicines by 25% as part of a deal with the US to avoid the tariffs threatened by President Donald Trump. This will apply to all new medicines, not just those manufactured by US-based companies. They have told Nice to change its rules to achieve the terms of this agreement. Nice will continue to evaluate evidence on new drugs but will be subject to the new threshold set by ministers.

This uplift to the threshold is the first since Nice was set up in 1999. We already have an imbalance in spending between prevention and treatment that heavily favours treatment. A further threat to this imbalance would be that the pharmaceutical industry presses in future for further increases to the threshold in line with inflation.

So much of the ill health and premature death in the UK population is down to lifestyle and, for example, smoking, harmful alcohol use, poor diet, lack of exercise and declining mental health.

A person stands at a pharmacy counter.
Nice has decided which medicines the the NHS can afford for more than 20 years.
Photo Nature Travel/Shutterstock

Focusing attention and budgets on new expensive branded drugs, many of them from the US, will draw attention away from tackling the underlying causes of premature ill health and death, which are often linked to poverty and inequality.

Nice’s chief executive, Jonathan Benger, recently told the Financial Times that further increases in the price at which drugs are judged cost-effective would deliver diminishing returns. He said there are better ways to support life sciences investment in the UK.

The US deal is expected to cost the NHS around £3 billion, largely through paying higher prices for branded medicines. If that £3 billion were instead invested in public health prevention, it could generate an estimated 618,000 quality adjusted life years, according to research from York University. That is around three times more than could be achieved through treatment alone.

This plan to raise the Nice threshold directly contradicts the direction set out in the UK government’s NHS 10 Year Health Plan for England, which prioritises neighbourhood health care, prevention and reducing inequality.

What the international evidence shows

In 2022 the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) called on countries to spend more on preventing illness, rather than treating it. The report suggested increasing the share of national income – gross domestic product (GDP) – devoted to prevention by around 1.4 percentage points.

The warning was clear. Health systems focused on treatment alone are less prepared for future pandemics. Resources should be spent to take account of the fact that around 80% of chronic conditions such as heart disease, stroke and diabetes are at least partly preventable.

Three-quarters of public health interventions assessed by Nice fall well below the current cost-effectiveness threshold, meaning they offer good value for money. There is evidence that if governments want better value from the NHS, the cost-effectiveness threshold should be lower and closer to £13,000 per quality adjusted life year. This would make it possible to increase spending on prevention, which currently accounts for just 5% of total NHS spending.

To fund the planned 25% increase in drug spending, the government will need to raise taxes or cut spending elsewhere. If those cuts fall on public health or on areas such as housing, transport, employment or access to green space, the long-term damage to population health will be severe.

Investment in those areas supports healthier lives and reduces preventable illness and premature death. If public money is not available for this prevention, the government will be forced to look for novel ways to fund it, such as public-private partnerships and social outcomes contracting (which is when payments are linked to specific outcomes rather than merely delivering activities).

Any short-term boost to economic growth from US drug trade deals is unlikely to outweigh the long-term costs of an ageing population living with preventable ill health, and the pressure that puts on health and social care.

The Conversation

Rhiannon Tudor Edwards does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why raising NHS spending on new drugs by 25% is the wrong decision – health economist’s view – https://theconversation.com/why-raising-nhs-spending-on-new-drugs-by-25-is-the-wrong-decision-health-economists-view-273952