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March 2, 2026

What Bad Bunny meant when he said ‘Canadá’ — and why we’re still talking about it

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rodrigo Narro Pérez, Assistant Professor, School of Earth, Environment and Society, Faculty of Science, McMaster University

Weeks later, a single word from the Super Bowl half-time show continues to reverberate across social media: “Canadá.”

As Puerto Rican artist Bad Bunny named countries across the Americas at the end of the show, he included Canada as an unexpected reference. This timely invocation made visible what is so often overlooked.

More than one million Latin American people live in Canada, according to Statistics Canada, and for those communities, “Canadá” does not register as novelty. It names a known reality in a country where Spanish is now the most spoken non-official language.

Against this backdrop, Bad Bunny’s halftime performance has lingered as a deliberate cultural and historical intervention that centred Puerto Rico with intention while also gesturing toward a wider hemispheric story of the Americas and their entangled histories. What unfolded was not merely entertainment but an anticolonial re-mapping of the Americas.

From the transformation of the football field into sugarcane fields to Bad Bunny’s unapologetic insistence of performing only in Spanish, the performance centred Black, Latin American and Caribbean cultures in a space often framed as the apex of popular culture in the United States.

But this was not just Spanish in the abstract. It was the distinct Puerto Rican Creolized Spanish that is legible across much of the Latin American Caribbean and its diasporas.

And, given the criticism the performance has drawn both before and after the event, it’s worth underscoring that this took place within a space long shaped by uneven representation.

Latin America lives in Canada

As Latin American scholars working and living within diasporas in Canada, that moment reflected questions our students bring and the histories they carry with them.

At McMaster University, our work in Latin American and Latinx studies begins from the premise that Canada is part of the Americas. Through interdisciplinary teaching and research, we bring together students from across the university — some with personal ties to Latin America and the Caribbean, others encountering these histories for the first time — to think hemispherically, with particular attention to Blackness, Indigeneity, migration and the ongoing, persistent and evolving impacts of colonial rule.

And despite the rapid growth of Latin American and Latinx communities in cities like Toronto, Vancouver and Hamilton, scholarship examining their experiences remains limited, with tangible consequences. Latinx students in Toronto, for example, face some of the lowest high-school graduation rates among major demographic groups.

Our research underscores that these lives are not peripheral to the hemisphere, but central to it.

Celebration as a practice against erasure

When Bad Bunny said “Canadá,” he reminded Canadians that they exist within a story they so often imagine unfolding somewhere else.

For many Latin American, Latinx and Caribbean communities in Canada, that moment affirmed a lived experience. For others, it offered an invitation: to recognize that joy can function as resistance, that culture carries memory and that music can be a way of sharing history.

Scholars of popular culture have long noted that Bad Bunny’s work consistently centres Puerto Rico, not only as a place but as a political reality. This melding of lineage and geopolitics is significant, situating the half-time show as a continuation of a tradition in which culture becomes a vehicle for collective hope.

Music historian and multimedia artist Katelina Eccleston, also known as La Gata, argues that music and dance in Black Latin American and Afro-diasporic traditions are never merely esthetic. On an episode of Reggaetón con la Gata, she framed movement as a site of reclamation of the body, space and autonomy.

When dance is stripped of its histories and recast as apolitical entertainment, the social and material conditions that produced those rhythms are rendered invisible.

Consumption without reckoning

At the same time Canadians enthusiastically consume Latin American culture. Music fills playlists, restaurants flourish and millions travel annually to destinations like Mexico, Cuba and the Dominican Republic.

What is often missing, however, is a deeper engagement with the histories of colonialism, displacement, racialization and resistance that shaped these cultures and the lives of the people who carry them.

Bad Bunny’s naming of “Canadá” highlights that Canada is not adjacent to the Americas — it is part of it. It also serves as a reminder that Latin American and Latinx people are not newcomers to be acknowledged only through immigration statistics. They are already active participants in shaping the cultural, linguistic and political lives of this country.

As educators, we see this dissonance daily. Students are eager to learn about the region in ways that move beyond stereotypes and surface-level, performative multiculturalism. They want to see how histories of empire and extraction connect to contemporary migration, climate vulnerability and racial inequities, and they want language, culture and politics to be taught together, not siloed.

In a moment when Canada’s relationship with the U.S. is uncertain, it’s important to remember that Latin America is not only a place Canadians visit for some sunshine. It’s a region with which Canada shares economic ties, political responsibilities and a future.

The Super Bowl half-time show may seem to have been an unlikely site for this reckoning. But culture often arrives where policy lags behind.

In naming “Canadá,” Bad Bunny reminded Canadians that Latin American and Latinx lives are already here, already shaping the country, already demanding to be seen as people with history, presence and possibility.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What Bad Bunny meant when he said ‘Canadá’ — and why we’re still talking about it – https://theconversation.com/what-bad-bunny-meant-when-he-said-canada-and-why-were-still-talking-about-it-277148

March 2, 2026

Good-quality child care? What parents should consider, and how it can be assessed

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michal Perlman, Professor of Applied Psychology and Human Development, University of Toronto

Children’s experiences during early years form the foundation for their development.

For many children in Canada and across the globe, these early experiences include substantial exposure to early learning and child care. And government investments in early learning and care in Canada and elsewhere has increased dramatically.

Research has shown that exposure to high-quality early learning and care is associated with positive outcomes for children — and these associations are strongest for children from families with fewer resources, including lower incomes.

But what exactly is high-quality early learning and child care? As I have examined in my research with a number of colleagues, quality is multi-dimensional, encompassing both structural features (like educator/child ratios and the group size) and also what children experience.

The latter includes the quality of interactions between children and their educators. Robust evidence demonstrates that the quality of educator-child interactions is a stronger predictor of developmental and learning outcomes compared to other aspects of quality.

Yet despite decades of investment and reform, national and international evidence consistently indicates that, in many cases, the quality of these interactions in early learning and care settings is average at best.

Monitoring, improving child-care quality

An important mechanism for improving quality, increasing accountability and providing evidence for planning in early learning and child care: quality ratings and improvement systems (QRISs or quality ratings for short).

These ratings and improvement systems are structured around ongoing — commonly annual — measurements of program quality, including systematic assessments of educator-child interactions.

QRISs generally involve evaluations by external assessors that are conducted in early childhood education and child-care settings. Results from these assessments:

• Inform the development of targeted quality improvement plans for the learning and care setting and for individual educators.

• Can be publicly available to help parents decide where to send their children (although posting scores is not required).

• Can inform how quality improvement and system expansion dollars are allocated.

Young children seen in a garden with an adult speaking with them. — It’s important that planning in early learning and child care is informed by evidence.
(Allison Shelley/The Verbatim Agency/EDUimages), CC BY-NC

Important features

For quality ratings and improvement systems to work, they need to have a few important features. For starters, they need to capture key aspects of quality. This means measuring what matters most, not merely what is most readily captured.

Most states in the United States operate quality ratings and improvement systems that involve visiting assessors who observe environments, including hard-to-capture qualities of educator/child interactions.

In Canada, the City of Toronto has operated such a system for years, as have several other Ontario municipalities. Prince Edward Island is in the process of implementing one.

In the face of substantial government spending on early learning and child care and the potential impact on children served by these programs, the cost of implementing quality ratings and improvement systems and their related assessments is small.

Given the high-stakes nature of assessments, they must be:

Valid: This means they’ve been tested to ensure they capture what they are intended to.
Reliable: Different assessors can consistently apply the standards they set across contexts and time periods.

Using valid and reliable measures is needed for the assessments to be fair. But developing such measures requires specific methodological and statistical expertise. Fortunately, several existing and efficient measures are available to capture quality.

City of Toronto’s quality assessment

The City of Toronto developed the assessment for quality improvement (AQI) with help from my team and me at the University of Toronto.

The city’s quality ratings and improvement system is built around the AQI which includes a suite of measures designed to assess global classroom quality (including educator-child interaction) in infant, toddler and pre-school centre classrooms, as well as in-home child-care and outdoor environments.

Results track inequity in access to early learning and child-care programs as well as the quality of these programs, enabling evidence-informed quality improvement. For example, early learning and care practitioners might receive coaching or assistance working on goals that emerge from the assessment.

The City of Toronto also uses assessment for quality improvement scores to determine what organizations or services are eligible to provide care to children whose families receive a child-care subsidy. The scores are posted online so that parents and other stakeholders can use this information when choosing care for their children.

P.E.I. is conducting annual assessment of all early learning and child-care classrooms in the province, relying upon the same assessment for quality improvement tool.

Assessments of individual educators

Current quality ratings and improvement systems focus on observing aspects of caregiver-child interactions in classrooms, but don’t systematically consider individual educators’ work with children.

Research increasingly shows that educators in the same classroom interact with children differently. This raises concerns about inclusion, equity and whether all children in early learning and care settings experience high-quality interactions — and how these are guided and informed by relevant policy and professional education.

Findings about differences in how individual educators interact with children suggest policymakers should additionally use more specialized quality improvement measures that consider individual educators’ responsiveness. Use of such individualized assessment, when it comes with coaching and support, has been shown to improve the quality of educator interactions with children.

Ongoing quality assessments matter for knowing our public investments in early learning and child care are synonymous with stable high-quality experiences for children. They provide actionable, evidence-based information that can guide how resources are allocated.

Systems like these have been in place for decades in the U.S. There is growing momentum toward quality-assessment approaches in Canada that are both methodologically sound and capable of informing meaningful action. When these approaches are combined with tailored coaching and supports for improvement, they merit increasing attention and support.

Michal Perlman receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Lawson Foundation, McCain Foundation and others.

– ref. Good-quality child care? What parents should consider, and how it can be assessed – https://theconversation.com/good-quality-child-care-what-parents-should-consider-and-how-it-can-be-assessed-274370

March 2, 2026

Pourquoi les frappes sur l’Iran nous rappellent qu’il est urgent d’abandonner le pétrole

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Hussein Dia, Professor of Transport Technology and Sustainability, Swinburne University of Technology

La sortie du pétrole est souvent présentée comme un impératif climatique. Mais les frappes américaines et israéliennes sur l’Iran, qui paralysent le détroit d’Ormuz, nous rappellent que c’est également un enjeu sécuritaire de premier ordre.

Alors qu’Israël et les États-Unis attaquent l’Iran, les marchés mondiaux du pétrole sont sur les nerfs.

Les prix du pétrole ont commencé à augmenter avant même toute perturbation de l’approvisionnement. Les négociants en pétrole envisagent la possibilité que le détroit d’Ormuz soit fermé.

Le détroit d'Ormuz permet d'exporter une importante partie du pétrole saoudien, iranien et émirati. — Le détroit d’Ormuz permet d’exporter une importante partie du pétrole saoudien, iranien et émirati.
Jacques Descloitres, MODIS Land Rapid Response Team, NASA/GSFC, CC BY

Environ 20 % du pétrole commercialisé dans le monde transite par cette voie navigable étroite entre l’Iran au nord et Oman et les Émirats arabes unis au sud. Un pétrolier a été bombardé et le trafic a pratiquement cessé. Or, sur les marchés mondiaux de l’énergie, la simple menace d’une interruption peut faire grimper les prix.

Car, le pétrole n’est pas comme la plupart des matières premières. Le contrôle de ce combustible à haute densité énergétique façonne la géopolitique. Les trois quarts de la population mondiale vivent dans des pays qui dépendent des importations de pétrole pour leurs voitures, leurs camions et d’autres usages. Ainsi, le contrôle des flux de pétrole et, de plus en plus, de gaz, a longtemps été utilisé comme moyen de pression, depuis les chocs pétroliers des années 1970 jusqu’à la réduction des approvisionnements en gaz de la Russie à l’Europe en 2022.

Toute perturbation grave du trafic des pétroliers dans le Golfe aura donc des répercussions sur les marchés mondiaux du pétrole et menacera la stabilité économique. De longues files d’attente ont déjà été signalées en Australie, les automobilistes se précipitant pour faire le plein avant une éventuelle flambée des prix.

Alors que les tensions internationales s’intensifient, des pays tels que Cuba ou l’Ukraine en passant par l’Éthiopie accélèrent déjà leurs plans visant à réduire leur dépendance au pétrole et à renforcer leur sécurité énergétique.

Un demi-siècle d’influence pétrolière

Le pouvoir du pétrole est devenu évident lors de l’embargo pétrolier de 1973, lorsque les principaux producteurs de pétrole du Moyen-Orient ont réduit leur offre afin de remodeler la politique étrangère américaine. Les prix ont quadruplé, les économies ont stagné et la sécurité énergétique est devenue un enjeu politique central presque du jour au lendemain. Depuis lors, l’Organisation des pays exportateurs de pétrole (Opep) coordonne l’approvisionnement afin de faire grimper les prix.

Aujourd’hui, les mécanismes de contrôle ont changé, mais le pouvoir créé par la dépendance au pétrole demeure.

Même avant l’intervention militaire américaine, les sanctions contre les principaux producteurs tels que l’Iran et le Venezuela ont réduit l’offre et remodelé les flux commerciaux.

Les tensions actuelles près des points d’étranglement tels que le détroit d’Ormuz introduisent des primes de risque dans les prix.

Car les marchés pétroliers sont prospectifs, ce qui signifie que les prix reflètent non seulement l’offre et la demande actuelles, mais aussi les anticipations quant à l’évolution future.

Les frappes sur l’Iran ont ainsi entraîné une hausse du prix du pétrole brut Brent – la référence mondiale – qui s’échange [à l’heure où nous publions cet article] autour de 79 dollars américains (67,50 euros) le baril, contre environ 68 dollars américains (58,10 euros) quelques semaines plus tôt. Les prix étant mondiaux, l’instabilité politique dans une région donnée peut avoir des conséquences économiques partout ailleurs.

Qu’est-ce qui réduit la dépendance au pétrole ?

En 2015, l’Inde a bloqué les importations de pétrole du Népal, provoquant le chaos. En réponse, les autorités ont encouragé la croissance très rapide des véhicules électriques. Les importations de pétrole ont, elles, commencé à baisser.

Plus récemment, la guerre entre la Russie et l’Ukraine et les frappes américaines contre le Venezuela et l’Iran ont remis au centre des préoccupations la réduction des importations de pétrole et le renforcement de la sécurité énergétique nationale.

À Cuba, pays dépendant du pétrole, la pression exercée par les États-Unis a réduit de manière drastique l’approvisionnement en pétrole. Les coupures d’électricité sont fréquentes et les voitures restent immobilisées. En réponse, les autorités et les entreprises importent 34 fois plus de panneaux solaires chinois qu’il y a un an.

Ce n’est pas l’idéologie qui motive ce changement, mais la nécessité. Les importations de véhicules électriques sont également en forte hausse. « Cuba pourrait connaître la transition énergétique la plus rapide au monde », a déclaré un économiste cubain au magazine The Economist.

Pourquoi les énergies renouvelables changent la donne

Contrairement au pétrole, les panneaux solaires et les éoliennes peuvent éviter d’être transportés via des points d’étranglement maritimes tels que le détroit d’Ormuz. Les énergies renouvelables ne sont pas commercialisées de la même manière centralisée à l’échelle mondiale. L’électricité est produite localement et de plus en plus sur de nombreux sites de petite taille.

La Russie cible depuis longtemps les infrastructures énergétiques et les centrales électriques ukrainiennes pendant la guerre. En réponse, l’Ukraine développe les énergies renouvelables aussi rapidement que possible, car la production d’électricité décentralisée est beaucoup plus difficile à détruire. Comme l’a déclaré un expert ukrainien en énergie à Yale360, un seul missile « peut détruire » une centrale à charbon, alors qu’il faudrait 40 missiles pour détruire un parc éolien.

L’énergie décentralisée est plus résiliente, ce qui signifie que les dommages causés à une ferme ne provoqueront pas l’effondrement du réseau.

La résilience grâce au transport électrique

L’électrification des transports est un autre élément clé de ces nouvelles approches en matière de sécurité énergétique.

Les véhicules électriques alimentés par de l’électricité produite localement réduisent la dépendance vis-à-vis des marchés mondiaux du pétrole. Cette réflexion transparaît dans la décision prise par l’Éthiopie d’interdire les nouvelles voitures à moteur à combustion interne.

De son côté, la Chine importe encore la majeure partie de son pétrole, dont une grande partie provient d’Iran. Mais Pékin accélère en parallèle sa transition rapide vers les véhicules électriques. L’année dernière, les véhicules électriques représentaient 50 % des voitures neuves en Chine et 12 % du parc automobile total. La Chine utilise de plus en plus le pétrole pour fabriquer des plastiques et non pour le transport. La hausse des importations enregistrée l’année dernière s’explique par la constitution de stocks considérables dans un contexte d’incertitude mondiale.

La vulnérabilité de nombreux pays

L’Australie importe la grande majorité de ses carburants raffinés. Le pays disposerait d’environ un mois d’approvisionnement d’essence avant d’être à court.

[En France, en 2024, les autorités assuraient que les réserves de pétroles bruts représentaient un peu plus de deux mois de consommation nationale, ndlr]

Si les guerres font grimper les prix du pétrole, la hausse des prix à la pompe se répercutera sur les coûts de transport, les prix des denrées alimentaires et l’inflation.

Alors que la transition vers les véhicules électriques s’accélère, l’Australie est à la traîne par rapport aux normes mondiales. Même si l’électricité se verdit rapidement, les transports restent massivement dépendants du pétrole étranger. Cela expose l’Australie à des risques.

[La France est dans une situation similaire avec des véhicules électriques et hybrides qui ne représentaient que 5 % environ du parc automobile français en 2025, ndlr]

La politique énergétique est une politique de sécurité

Les énergies renouvelables n’éliminent pas les risques géopolitiques. Les réseaux électriques sont exposés à des cybermenaces. Les chaînes d’approvisionnement en minéraux critiques introduisent de nouvelles dépendances, et une grande partie de la fabrication actuelle de panneaux solaires, de batteries et de véhicules électriques est concentrée en Chine.

Mais il existe une différence structurelle évidente. Les systèmes décentralisés sont plus difficiles à manipuler par le biais des goulets d’étranglement de l’approvisionnement. Une fois installés, les panneaux solaires produisent de l’énergie localement. La vulnérabilité passe alors des importations continues de combustibles à la dépendance initiale vis-à-vis de la fabrication.

Le pétrole façonne la politique mondiale depuis des décennies, car il est transportable, négocié à l’échelle mondiale et seuls quelques pays disposent d’importantes réserves.

La réduction de la dépendance au pétrole est souvent présentée comme une mesure de politique climatique. Mais elle est également essentielle pour la sécurité énergétique et la sécurité nationale. La réduction de la consommation de pétrole renforce la résilience face aux chocs et réduit l’influence d’autres nations.

La crise iranienne pourrait ne pas entraîner de hausse durable des prix. L’offre pourrait s’ajuster. Les marchés pourraient se stabiliser. Mais les dirigeants vont repenser l’opportunité de s’exposer au pétrole négocié à l’échelle mondiale dans un monde instable.

Hussein Dia a reçu des financements du Australian Research Council, du centre coopératif de recherche iMOVE Australia, de Transport for New South Wales, du Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, du Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, ainsi que du Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts.

– ref. Pourquoi les frappes sur l’Iran nous rappellent qu’il est urgent d’abandonner le pétrole – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-les-frappes-sur-liran-nous-rappellent-quil-est-urgent-dabandonner-le-petrole-277304

March 2, 2026

Pourquoi l’Iran a-t-il bombardé plusieurs États du Golfe ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Andrew Thomas, Lecturer in Middle East Studies, Deakin University

Détroit d’Ormuz, missiles balistiques, proxies régionaux : la République islamique joue l’extension du conflit pour survivre. Reste à savoir si cette stratégie de déstabilisation produira des effets politiques avant d’épuiser ses ressources.

Les frappes conjointes américano-israéliennes contre l’Iran au cours du week-end ont de nouveau plongé la région dans la guerre et ont entraîné la mort du guide suprême iranien. L’Iran a riposté par des salves de missiles balistiques et de drones visant Israël, mais aussi plusieurs de ses voisins du Golfe persique.

En lançant des centaines de missiles et de drones à travers le Golfe, Téhéran a ciblé des sites aux Émirats arabes unis (EAU), en Arabie saoudite, à Oman, au Bahreïn, au Koweït et au Qatar, clouant des avions au sol. Et ce, alors qu’aucun de ces pays n’avait officiellement pris part à des actions coordonnées avec les États-Unis et Israël lors des premières opérations.

Un voisin impopulaire

Malgré la taille relativement importante de l’Iran et sa puissance militaire dans la région, le gouvernement iranien est peu apprécié par ses voisins. Au mieux, le pays est perçu comme un rival ; au pire, comme un adversaire. L’Arabie saoudite et l’Iran se livrent ainsi depuis plus d’une décennie une guerre par procuration au Yémen. Et en décembre dernier, l’Iran a réaffirmé ses revendications historiques sur Bahreïn.

Les autres États du Golfe – à savoir les Émirats arabes unis, le Koweït, Oman et le Qatar – ont, pour leur part, entretenu des relations plus pragmatiques avec l’Iran, en maintenant des canaux diplomatiques réguliers et en proposant de jouer les médiateurs dans les différends au sein du Conseil de coopération du Golfe.

Malgré des tensions persistantes, l’Iran n’a jamais été engagé dans une confrontation militaire directe avec aucun de ces États.

Pourquoi bombarder ?

Presque tous les États du Golfe ont un point commun essentiel : ils bénéficient de garanties de sécurité américaines et accueillent des bases militaires américaines.

Pour l’Iran, frapper ces sites constitue l’un des moyens les plus efficaces de riposter, pour plusieurs raisons. D’abord, ces bases se trouvent clairement à portée de ses missiles balistiques les plus nombreux.

Les bases situées dans le Golfe revêtent également une importance stratégique majeure pour les États-Unis. Celle frappée à Bahreïn ce week-end abrite le quartier général de la Cinquième flotte de la marine américaine.

La base aérienne d’Al-Udeid, située à l’extérieur de Doha, la capitale du Qatar, a elle aussi été visée par des missiles balistiques iraniens. Al-Udeid accueille le commandement central américain (US-CENTCOM), chargé de coordonner les opérations militaires dans l’ensemble de la région. Elle abrite également 10 000 soldats américains – le contingent le plus important déployé dans la zone.

Téhéran est toutefois conscient du degré de sophistication des systèmes d’alerte américains et ne s’attend probablement pas à infliger des dommages significatifs aux infrastructures états-uniennes.

Quel est l’objectif, alors ?

La stratégie consiste plutôt à déstabiliser la région et à faire en sorte que tous ses voisins en ressentent les effets. En substance, Téhéran avertit que si les opérations se poursuivent, la relative paix et la prospérité dont le Golfe a bénéficié prendront fin.

L’Iran espère que ses voisins percevront le conflit comme une guerre d’initiative menée par les États-Unis et Israël, dans laquelle ils se retrouvent entraînés malgré eux. Les États du Golfe seront alors contraints soit de renforcer encore leur alliance avec Washington, soit d’œuvrer à une désescalade.

Il n’est pas certain que cette stratégie porte ses fruits. Elle pourrait au contraire entraîner une pression militaire accrue sur l’Iran si les États du Golfe s’impliquent davantage dans les opérations.

Dans le même temps, les relations de plus en plus tendues entre les États du Golfe et Israël au cours des deux dernières années pourraient inciter plusieurs d’entre eux à hésiter à s’engager davantage.

Il est également impossible pour l’Iran de soutenir indéfiniment une telle stratégie. Même s’il dispose de l’arsenal de missiles le plus vaste et le plus diversifié de la région, il finira par épuiser ses stocks de munitions. Les autres pays pourraient alors choisir d’attendre que la situation s’essouffle.

Ce type d’action est devenu la signature de la doctrine iranienne de « défense avancée » : frapper loin de ses frontières pour démontrer sa capacité de projection. En mobilisant son arsenal de drones et de missiles, Téhéran entend ainsi signaler à la région – et au reste du monde – que le régime ne s’effacera pas sans riposter.

Entraîner toute la région dans le chaos

Parallèlement, l’Iran dispose d’un réseau affaibli mais toujours étendu de proxies indépendants à travers la région. Des groupes au Yémen, en Irak et au Liban devraient rester loyaux à la République islamique et mettre en œuvre, en son nom, des stratégies insurrectionnelles de long terme.

Le groupe paramilitaire libanais Hezbollah a déjà tiré des projectiles vers Israël. Cela a ravivé les hostilités le long de la frontière libanaise, ouvrant un nouveau front pour Israël.

Le détroit d’Ormuz, par lequel transitent 20 % du pétrole mondial, constitue un autre levier que l’Iran peut instrumentaliser. Déjà, deux pétroliers ont été attaqués dans le détroit et le prix du baril de Brent a augmenté de 13 %.

Autrement dit, l’ampleur de ces attaques constitue un signal. Elles ne sont pas comparables aux frappes calibrées de désescalade que l’Iran avait menées en 2024 et 2025.

Cette guerre est existentielle pour la République islamique. Ses frappes à travers le Golfe visent à rappeler qu’elle fera tout ce qui est en son pouvoir pour entraîner l’ensemble de la région dans le chaos, favoriser l’incertitude et l’instabilité, le tout afin d’assurer sa survie.

À tout le moins, l’Iran cherche à créer des conséquences politiques pour toutes les parties impliquées. Reste à savoir si le régime survivra suffisamment longtemps pour que ces conséquences produisent leurs effets.

Andrew Thomas ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Pourquoi l’Iran a-t-il bombardé plusieurs États du Golfe ? – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-liran-a-t-il-bombarde-plusieurs-etats-du-golfe-277306

March 2, 2026

South Africa’s minibus taxi industry runs on social bonds – reform must accept this

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Siyabulela Christopher Fobosi, Senior Researcher, UNESCO ‘Oliver Tambo’ Chair of Human Rights, University of Fort Hare, University of Fort Hare

South Africa’s minibus taxi industry is the backbone of the country’s public transport system. Every day, millions of commuters rely on it. In many low-income and peri-urban communities, there is no real alternative. They account for roughly 70% of daily public transport trips in the country.

Yet despite its scale and significance, the industry remains largely informal. It is governed less by formal contracts and clear regulatory systems than by relationships, trust and unwritten rules.

This makes the sector an important subject for industrial and economic sociology scholars like myself, who are concerned with how regulation, labour and economic life unfold in practice rather than merely on paper. Particularly in contexts marked by informality, inequality and contested regulatory environments.

In a recent study, my co-author and I explore how “social capital” – the networks, shared norms and trust that connect people – shapes the governance, labour relations and everyday functioning of the minibus taxi sector.

We conducted a structured search of academic databases and South African institutional repositories, and analysed 62 peer-reviewed articles, theses and policy reports to identify themes.

Our central finding is that social capital within South Africa’s minibus taxi industry operates as a double-edged sword. The same dense networks of trust, shared norms and reciprocal obligations that enable the industry to function also entrench inequality, exclusion and, at times, violence. Social capital is a source of both resilience and instability.

This matters because policy debates have too often treated the industry’s informality either as a problem to be eradicated or as a reality to be tolerated. Our research suggests that sustainable reform requires a hybrid approach: one that works with social capital rather than against it. Efforts to formalise or regulate the sector are unlikely to succeed if they ignore the networks and authority structures that already govern it.

It is therefore essential to engage with taxi associations, drivers and commuters, recognising their lived realities and institutional knowledge. It is possible to make the industry safer, fairer and more efficient without undermining the social foundations on which it depends.

An industry born of exclusion

The modern minibus taxi industry took shape during apartheid (1948-1990), when black South Africans were systematically excluded from formal urban planning and public transport provision. Commuters faced long journeys between racially segregated townships and economic centres, so entrepreneurs began operating minibuses to meet demand. The sector grew rapidly because it was responsive, decentralised and embedded in communities.

In the new democratic era after 1994, the industry continued to expand – but without being fully integrated into formal transport planning. Today, it comprises hundreds of thousands of vehicles organised into roughly 1,500 taxi associations nationwide. These associations regulate routes, manage disputes and coordinate operations. Alongside them are individual taxi owners, who own vehicles and lease them out, and drivers.

Part of the reason for this limited integration is that the state has lacked the institutional capacity and the political leverage to impose coherent oversight on the sector.

In the absence of consistent and effective state oversight, informal systems of governance have developed. These systems are rooted in social relationships.

Understanding social capital

The concept of social capital is often associated with political scientist Robert Putnam, who defined it as the networks and norms that enable collective action. According to this view, trust and civic engagement help communities solve shared problems.

But sociologist Pierre Bourdieu offered a more critical perspective. For him, social capital was not simply about cooperation. It was also a resource that groups could use to consolidate power and exclude others.

Drawing on these traditions, we distinguish between three forms of social capital in the taxi industry:

bonding: tight-knit networks within taxi associations and owner groups
bridging: connections across different associations or stakeholder groups
linking: vertical ties between the industry and formal institutions such as government departments, banks and law enforcement agencies.

All three forms are present in the minibus taxi sector. But they operate unevenly, and their effects are not always positive.

The strengths of dense networks

Bonding social capital is particularly strong within taxi associations. These organisations function as powerful, if informal, regulatory bodies. They control routes, set fare guidelines and enforce industry norms. Membership provides access to shared resources and a measure of protection in a competitive market.

These dense networks allow for rapid coordination. If disputes arise, they can often be resolved internally without recourse to the courts. If demand shifts or new residential areas develop, associations can adjust routes quickly. In communities where formal institutions are perceived as distant or ineffective, such embedded systems can appear more responsive and legitimate.

Trust is also central to financial arrangements. Many taxi owners rely on rotating credit schemes and informal savings groups to finance vehicle purchases and maintenance. Formal financial institutions frequently regard the sector as high risk, making credit expensive or out of reach. Social networks therefore take the place of formal banking relationships.

The driver-owner relationship also depends heavily on trust. In many cases, drivers lease vehicles for a fixed daily fee, with no written contracts. Instead, expectations are governed by personal relationships and informal understandings.

In short, social capital fills gaps left by weak or uneven formal regulation enabling coordination, resilience and continuity.

When networks entrench power

However, the same bonding social capital that enables coordination can also reinforce hierarchy and exclusion.

Taxi associations control access to routes, which are the primary source of income. Because associations regulate who may operate on which routes, they wield considerable power. Dense networks of members can create barriers to entry for outsiders.

Disputes over routes are a feature of the industry. In some cases, they escalate into violence. Such conflicts arise in a system where economic survival depends on territorial control and where formal mediation mechanisms are weak.

Social capital here functions as a resource of dominance. Associations mobilise networks to maintain authority and legitimacy. Their links to communities can confer symbolic power, even in the absence of formal legal recognition.

Most drivers, by contrast, occupy a precarious position. Many are not members of associations in their own right. They lease vehicles from owners and have to meet fixed daily payment targets. To do so, they frequently work shifts exceeding 12 hours. If they fall short, they may absorb the loss themselves.

Without formal employment contracts, drivers typically lack access to medical benefits, unemployment insurance or retirement savings. Trust-based arrangements limit recourse in cases of exploitation or unfair treatment.

In this context, social capital benefits some actors more than others.

The missing links to formal institutions

While bonding social capital within associations is strong, linking social capital between the industry and formal institutions remains comparatively weak.

Government has attempted to formalise and regulate the sector, most notably through the Taxi Recapitalisation Programme. The aim was to replace older vehicles, improve safety and integrate the industry more fully into national transport policy. Yet implementation has been uneven, and many reforms have met resistance.

One reason is that policy interventions don’t “talk to” existing informal governance structures. Top-down regulation can be perceived as a threat to association autonomy. Where there is limited trust between the state and industry actors, compliance is likely to be partial.

Towards hybrid governance

The research suggests that industry reforms would have to recognise and work with social capital.

Formalisation should not simply impose external control. It should build on existing structures while introducing safeguards.

Legal recognition of taxi associations as cooperatives is one potential pathway. This could enhance access to subsidies, training and financial services. It could also clarify governance and accountability.

Standardised employment contracts for drivers are another step. They could provide greater security, define working hours and clarify dispute resolution processes.

Digital technologies may also help. Mobile payment systems could reduce reliance on cash, improve transparency and minimise disputes over fares. Digital platforms for route management could support fairer allocation processes and clearer record-keeping.

Drivers and commuters would have to take part in creating these solutions.

A delicate balance

The future of South Africa’s minibus taxi industry depends on striking a careful balance. Reform must recognise that the sector’s social capital is both its foundation and its fault line.

Strengthening bridging and linking social capital – across associations and between the industry and the state – can reduce conflict and foster shared accountability.

The challenge is not to dismantle the social fabric of the minibus taxi industry, but to reshape it, so that trust, cooperation and collective action serve all who depend on it.

Although our study focuses on South Africa, its implications extend more broadly. Across the global south, informal transport systems play a central role in urban mobility. They are often more adaptable than formal systems but also more vulnerable to conflict and labour exploitation.

Siyabulela Christopher Fobosi previously received funding from the National Research Foundation for his Master of Arts in Industrial and Economic Sociology Degree at Rhodes University and PhD in Industrial Sociology at the University of Johannesburg.

– ref. South Africa’s minibus taxi industry runs on social bonds – reform must accept this – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-minibus-taxi-industry-runs-on-social-bonds-reform-must-accept-this-276771

March 2, 2026

Biometric IDs are being rolled out in Africa. Study reveals the risks and pitfalls

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Tony Roberts, Digital Research Fellow, Institute of Development Studies

Across Africa, governments are introducing digital systems that use individuals’ unique physical measurements to identify them. These systems collect citizens’ biometric and personal data and use it to give people access to essential public services like voting, healthcare, education and social protection. Biometric digital identification systems are often promoted as tools to improve efficiency, inclusion and service delivery.

But a new report by the African Digital Rights Network, published by the Institute of Development Studies, highlights serious concerns about exclusion, rights violations, data protection and accountability. Drawing on evidence from ten African countries, the report shows how millions of people are struggling to enrol in or safely use these systems, or are choosing not to participate due to fear and mistrust.

The report draws on the expertise of researchers based in each of the ten countries studied. Tony Roberts, co-editor of the report, takes us through what they found.

What are biometric digital IDs and why are they both useful and problematic?

Digital-ID is a form of identification that can hold large amounts of sensitive personal data. This includes biographic data like name, date of birth and address, as well as biometric data such as fingerprints and facial recognition. What makes digital-ID distinct from paper-based IDs is that it is machine readable. And, when it’s connected to the internet, millions of people can be identified and verified, instantly and remotely.

Biometric digital-ID includes facial recognition, fingerprints, iris scans and voice patterns that are unique to individuals. It can verify that an individual is who they claim to be.

Increasingly, biometric digital-ID systems are being imposed across Africa and used to determine who gets services or entitlements. For example, fingerprint or iris scans are used during elections to confirm that a person is entitled to vote. In Botswana and in Malawi there are examples of ID chaos threatening voter registration.

But these systems are leaving millions of citizens in Africa unable to obtain essential services. Some people struggle to register for biometric digital-ID due to disability or illiteracy. There are costs to use online systems, including phone access, mobile data, or electric power for phone charging. This is deepening existing inequalities.

How is uptake happening in Africa?

Our report includes ten country studies. The research was coordinated by the African Digital Rights Network, bringing together 75 digital rights researchers from 30 African countries, in collaboration with Paradigm Initiative, a non-profit organisation.

We found that pressure to adopt biometric systems often comes from foreign funders and creates dependencies on foreign technology providers.

The World Bank claims that the motivation for spending billions of dollars on digital-ID is to meet the Sustainable Development Goal of “identity for all”. But the role of private vendors, international funders and even state actors may also reflect interests in profit generation, data control, or surveillance of populations.

The introduction of biometric digital IDs varies between countries. Between 2017 and 2025, Ghana registered 19 million people (around 95% of the adult population) to a system called GhanaCard. In Ethiopia, 28 million people (around 35%) have enrolled in the Fayda-ID scheme. In the Democratic Republic of Congo there is still no digital-ID system despite repeated announcements and legislation introduced to enable it since 2011.

In Senegal, biometric digital-ID, with fingerprint data, was introduced in law in 2016. Citizens need it to obtain a phone number, bank account and public services, such as electricity and water. Based on 2025 data, it’s estimated that around 10 million citizens hold a biometric national ID card, just over 90% of the population aged 15 and over.

But this suggests that around 10% of the population over 15 – over 1 million people – lack ID and therefore lack access to essential services and entitlements.

What are the challenges of rolling them out?

One of the challenges is that universal human rights which should be unconditional become conditional on enrolment in a biometric digital-ID scheme. These include access to education, healthcare, social security and voting. Withholding access is a violation of fundamental human rights.

The report includes the case of Ethiopia, where registration in the Fayda digital-ID system is a condition of access to government services, banking and mobile telecoms.

Millions of citizens cannot enrol, particularly those with disabilities. For example, some people don’t have fingerprints due to amputation, diseases including leprosy, years of hard manual labour or old age. Some people cannot provide iris scans due to vision problems.

Millions of Africans are also denied legal ID because government officials dispute their citizenship. The project of digital-ID is sold as a solution. But research shows that it reproduces this form of discrimination and injustice.

For example, in Kenya, members of the Somali, Nubian and Pemba communities who have lived in the country for five or six generations and inter-married are discriminated against and rendered stateless. They are denied digital-ID and so cannot access education, healthcare, voting and social protection.

Some do not want to enrol for a biometric digital-ID because they have good reason not to trust their governments with their personal information. In countries like Sudan and Ethiopia the state is targeting people based on their ethnic group or on other identifiers such as surname, address or religion which are used as proxies for ethnicity.

Are there any dangers?

The use of biometric digital-ID introduces new challenges and risks. These include risks to privacy caused by data leakage or sharing and risks of exclusion due to poor data quality or mismatches.

There are also privacy risks involved because biometrics are permanent. People need to be aware and give informed consent. Data protection principles should be followed.

There is a lack of adequate legal frameworks and robust digital security to prevent unauthorised access to sensitive data. Countries also lack accountability mechanisms for when data entry errors, breaches or system failures occur.

The Universal Digital Public Infrastructure Safeguards Initiative has a framework of 18 core principles to ensure that digital-ID is secure, inclusive and rights-based.

Eight out of ten countries studied in the report have no law specifically governing digital-ID, and none include special protection. In some cases, where legal provisions exist, enforcement is weak or symbolic.

Independent oversight bodies are rare, as are judicial mechanisms to contain function creep – where ID systems expand beyond their original scope. Governments could secure consent by saying that digital-ID will only be used for a single purpose, such as voting. But then they could make it mandatory for accessing education, healthcare, employment and banking.

Without stronger legislation, clearer accountability and harmonised regional standards, digital-ID projects risk entrenching inequality and mistrust rather than delivering inclusion or security.

Tony Roberts receives funding from the Open Society Foundation.

– ref. Biometric IDs are being rolled out in Africa. Study reveals the risks and pitfalls – https://theconversation.com/biometric-ids-are-being-rolled-out-in-africa-study-reveals-the-risks-and-pitfalls-273510

March 2, 2026

South Sudan has never had an election to hand over presidential power: so what are the rules of succession?

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Jan Pospisil, Researcher at the Austrian Institute for International Affairs

South Sudan has not held an election since it gained independence 15 years ago, and progress towards a new constitution has stalled. Election dates have been set and postponed at least three times. A new date has been set for December 2026 but it’s unclear the poll will take place. If it does, it will be the first electoral test for President Salva Kiir, who has been in power since 2011. It raises the question of what legal guardrails exist for a smooth transition to new leadership outside an election. Jan Pospisil, who has studied the country’s politics and power-sharing agreements, explains what’s in place.

What legal frameworks govern presidential succession in South Sudan?

Two legal frameworks operate side by side to regulate the succession question in South Sudan: the 2011 transitional constitution and the 2018 peace agreement, which has a quasi-constitutional quality.

Read together, the logic in the 2011 and 2018 frameworks is straightforward. Upon vacancy, the first vice-president acts as president, but only until the party in power nominates a successor. The president’s party then has 48 hours to nominate a replacement. If a nomination is made within that period, however, the nominee is sworn in and replaces the acting first vice-president.

The peace agreement overlays the constitutional acting mechanism with a time-limited party entitlement. But it does not replace the constitutional fallback.

A more granular breakdown looks like this.

The 2018 agreement is based on a power-sharing deal between five major political parties and blocs. It is the primary framework governing the country’s transitional period from conflict to democracy.

The peace agreement created a collective presidency composed of a president, one first vice-president and four vice-presidents. The four vice-presidents are considered equal in rank.

The key provision on succession is clause 1.6.5. It states that if the post of the president falls vacant during the transitional period, the replacement shall be nominated by the respective party as constituted at the signing of the agreement. The process of choosing a successor must also be done within 48 hours of the post falling vacant.

The clause establishes two principles.

First, the presidency remains allocated to the party that originally held the position under the power-sharing arrangement. In this case, it’s the mainstream SPLM, now called SPLM-IG, for “in government”. This is to differentiate it from the main opposition that formed in December 2013 in the course of civil war, SPLM-IO, for “in opposition”.

Second, the party’s right to nominate a successor is time-bound. The 48-hour window is designed to preserve the elite settlement and guarantee executive continuity with minimal friction.

What the agreement doesn’t do is spell out in detail what happens during those 48 hours. It does not foresee the creation of a separate interim authority for this short period.

Instead, continuity is ensured through the 2011 transitional constitution.

In the constitution, article 102 defines five ways the president’s office can become vacant. These are expiration of the term of office, resignation, impeachment, mental infirmity or physical incapacity and death. It lays out the respective succession rules.

If the presidency falls vacant, the vice-president assumes office temporarily,

pending the filling of this position, within fourteen days from the date of the occurrence of the vacancy, by a nominee of the political party on whose ticket he or she was elected.

Under the post-2018 structure, this provision applies to the first vice-president.

There has been precedent for such structured succession. In 2005, Salva Kiir assumed regional leadership following the death of John Garang under the constitutional framework that was then in force. At the time, South Sudan was a semi-autonomous region led by Garang, with Kiir as his deputy.

What happens if the 48-hour deadline is missed?

This raises difficulties. The 2018 agreement sets a time limit but does not contain a separate sanction clause.

If nomination occurs on hour 72 or 96 rather than hour 48, the text does not specify whether the party’s entitlement automatically lapses.

Different interpretations are possible. One reading treats the deadline as mandatory: once expired, the first vice-president’s acting role becomes substantive, and he or she becomes the president.

Another reading is that a delayed nomination could still be recognised if political actors agreed. This would be in line with the transitional constitution, which allows a 14-day window for nominations that need to be accepted by the vice-president acting as president.

In practice, such a scenario would likely be resolved through political bargaining rather than judicial enforcement.

What about the issue of someone being detained or being on trial?

This is a further complexity as the current first vice-president, Riek Machar, is in detention and on trial.

Detention or trial, however, do not automatically create a vacancy under either the 2011 constitution or the 2018 peace agreement. Unless the office holder resigns or is formally removed, the position remains legally intact.

If the presidency were to fall vacant while the first vice-president was detained but not removed, the legal text would still designate the latter as the acting authority.

The 2018 agreement does not rank the other vice-presidents for automatic succession. All are explicitly of equal rank.

Any attempt to bypass the first vice-president without formal removal would therefore be politically and legally contested.

Where are the biggest risks in the current system?

Behind these legal provisions lie political realities.

The 48-hour clause requires rapid consensus within the president’s party, the mainstream SPLM. The 2018 agreement does not specify which internal organ of the party must nominate the successor. Instead, this process is guided by internal party leadership structures, rules and regulations. In practice, this is likely to be handled by the SPLM Political Bureau.

However, the decision-making would be shaped by more than formal party ranks. Other factors, especially the support of the security sector, ethnopolitical balances and existing patronage networks, would come into play.

The presidency has historically been embedded in military and security structures, which gives succession an importance that extends beyond procedural law.

The 48-hour provision is clear on paper, but its operation depends entirely on political cohesion. If consensus fails, the text alone cannot prevent contestation.

How would elections help?

The picture could change once elections become a realistic possibility and a nomination process is held. South Sudan has postponed elections previously due to delayed preparations, political resistance and lack of funding. Polls are now slated for December 2026.

A post-transition order would revert to a presidency-vice presidency model as per the transition reflected in the country’s National Election Act, with a vice-president elected on a ticket as running mate, and thus positioned as the undisputed successor. Elections would force parties to clarify leadership hierarchies in advance.

In this sense, an electoral framework does not merely choose a president – it simplifies succession.

Jan Pospisil receives funding from the Peace and Conflict Resolution Evidence Platform (PeaceRep), funded by UK International Development from the UK government. However, the views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. Any use of this work should acknowledge the authors and the Peace and Conflict Resolution Evidence Platform.

– ref. South Sudan has never had an election to hand over presidential power: so what are the rules of succession? – https://theconversation.com/south-sudan-has-never-had-an-election-to-hand-over-presidential-power-so-what-are-the-rules-of-succession-276640

March 2, 2026

When players become artists: the rise of in-game photography

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gabriele Aroni, Senior Lecturer in Games Art at the School of Digital Arts, Manchester Metropolitan University

Hironobu Sakaguci, one of the creators of the long-running Final Fantasy game series, once observed: “The game itself is fun to play, but its strongest characteristic is the visual entertainment the game provides.”

This aesthetic appeal is a big part of the enjoyment players take from their favourite games. Far from the simple graphics of early games, players can now explore photorealistic forests in Kingdom Come Deliverance II (2025), cross neon-drenched cities in Cyberpunk 2077 (2020), or explore alien planets in No Man’s Sky (2016) – all while taking pictures of them.

Players have long documented their adventures in virtual worlds. The practice of taking “screenshots” – still images captured from the screen during gameplay, like a single frame from a film – predates today’s culture of live streaming. At the turn of the millennium, players were already sharing screenshots on forums and early social media platforms. Some wanted to show how they had overcome a difficult section of the game, while others highlighted interesting locations, or captured funny moments.

Game developers noticed, and over time “photo modes” became a standard feature in many games. These allow players to pause the action and take pictures of the game as if they were using a virtual camera.

This feature is implemented in different ways. In Grand Theft Auto V (2013), the player character can equip the camera like any other in-game item. They can frame the shots and tune the settings as in a real camera, and export the images from within the game world. Western game Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018) even equips the player with a period-accurate 1898 Kodak camera.

Other games still provide a photo mode without tying it to the in-game world. A camera appearing in the inventory of the 13th century samurai of Ghost of Tsushima (2020) would be out of place. But with the powerful photo mode, the player can still modify numerous image settings, and also the game world itself, such as time of day, weather and the character’s facial expressions, to get the “perfect shot”.

In-game photography as art

Video games are a visual medium, and promotional screenshots remain central to how they are advertised. But several artists have now turned in‑game photography into a serious artistic practice, with radically different approaches.

British in-game photographer Duncan Harris is a pioneer. Already active in the early 2000s, his photographic works are collected in the blog Deadendthrills. Harris also produces promotional imagery for major games-publishers. His images push game-engines to their limits, often using custom tools to showcase impressive graphics of detailed characters and sweeping vistas.

Other artists have taken more critical or experimental approaches. Dutch artist Robert Overweg takes pictures from impossible angles: inside a wall, underground or inside buildings that are not meant to be accessed by players. His series Flying and Floating, showing visual glitches and the impossible structures of the 1950s Chicago-like city of the game Mafia 2 (2010), was exhibited at the Centre Pompidou in Paris in 2015.

Los Angeles-based artist Kent Sheely adopts a documentary approach and subverts the gameplay accordingly. For his DoD series, inspired by war photographer Robert Capa, he modified the second world war online shooter Day of Defeat (2003). His character carried no weapons, no user interface cluttered the screen, and the “shoot” button was converted into a screenshotting key, as if he were an actual war photographer on the field.

Sheely’s works have been exhibited at venues including the Fotomuseum Winterhur in Switzerland. Ubisoft commissioned his abstract shots, dubbed “Phantom Arrays”, for the Photomode: Out There in Games exhibition in 2022, which showcased what artists can do with the photo mode of their games.

Swiss artist Pascal Greco occupies yet another position between documentary and the avant-garde. A self-taught filmmaker, cinematographer and photographer, Greco has staged live performances in which he plays Death Stranding (2019) while capturing in-game photographs in front of an audience. His photobook Photography, Video Game, Landscape (2025) presents pristine virtual natural landscapes, devoid of human elements, interjected by glitches – fragmented vistas of these landscapes, between the sublime and the abstract.

Tales From The Real World by Mélanie Courtinat & Pascal Greco.

Questions of authorship

In 2024, the first academic conference dedicated to in-game photography was held in Milan. Among the key topics was authorship. Who owns the rights to in-game photographs: the photographer who takes the picture, or the developers who created the game?

The work of Italian artist Leonardo Magrelli is emblematic in this regard. His photobook West of Here (2021) collects screenshots taken by other players in Grand Theft Auto V. Magrelli edited them into a black-and-white photobook, echoing the traditions of American documentary photography and appropriation work such as Sherrie Levine’s After Walker Evans (1981).

The project provoked strong reactions from online users, who argued that Magrelli had no right to use images he had not personally captured. Subsequent legal enquiries suggested that, in principle, only Rockstar Games – the developer – could pursue legal action regarding the use of its intellectual property. At the time of writing, no such action has been taken.

In-game photography is an innovative artistic medium that sits at the intersection of play, technology and artistic expression. It is not merely an aesthetic exercise, but rather an experimental terrain where the barrier between spectator and creator is removed, and players become artists, chroniclers or archivists of ever-changing virtual universes.

Gabriele Aroni does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. When players become artists: the rise of in-game photography – https://theconversation.com/when-players-become-artists-the-rise-of-in-game-photography-275966

March 2, 2026

Why are so many statues naked? An art historian explains this tradition’s ancient roots

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Anna Swartwood House, Associate Professor of Art History, University of South Carolina

Artists have represented human bodies without clothes for a very long time. Metropolitan Museum of Art, CC BY

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.

Why are so many statues naked? – Artie, age 12, Astoria, New York

We are all born naked, and sculptures of the human body in its natural state are as old as humankind.

In the history of art, nudity does not have just one meaning; it can express everything from innocence to sexual desire, from triumph to defeat. The 20th-century art historian Kenneth Clark made a distinction between the “naked,” meaning unclothed and ashamed, and the “nude,” meaning the body in its most beautiful form. Most people today use the two words interchangeably, though.

The most influential male nude statues come from ancient Greece, starting in the sixth century B.C.E. There were a number of reasons for this cultural focus on the nude male body – in fact, the classics scholar Larissa Bonfante encouraged thinking of Greek nudity not just as a lack of clothing but as a “costume” in and of itself. In other words, nudity was something you wore in particular situations.

Carving in stone of an idealized nude male figure with one leg ahead of the other — Marble statue of a kouros from the sixth century B.C.E. in Greece.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, CC BY

Artists portrayed many of the valued figures in Greek society – including gods, athletes, warriors and heroes – naked. Nudity was a feature of public life in certain settings: For example, athletes exercised and competed in the nude, and statues of the brawny nude demigod Herakles might adorn a temple. Nude, striding statues of young men called kouroi were used both as offerings to the gods and as grave markers.

Having a fine, athletic, youthful body, whether honed for athletic competition or for fighting wars, was not only a sign of being “kalos,” or beautiful, but also could prove your “arete,” or excellence.

Embodying ideals of beauty and excellence

white stone statue of a naked man with one foot ahead of the other — A Roman version of the ‘Spear Bearer,’ made following Polykleitos’ ideal proportions for the male body.
DEA/G. Nimatallah/De Agostini via Getty Images

These abstract ideals are exemplified in a famous statue called the “Spear Bearer,” made by the sculptor Polykleitos about 2,400 years ago. He believed that beauty was achieved through a harmony of parts. In addition to its symmetry, the “Spear Bearer” stands balanced in a “counterpoised” pose, with one supporting and one resting leg.

The “Spear Bearer” inspired many copies, including when it provided the model for the portrait of the first Roman emperor Augustus five centuries later.

stone statue of a man in draping toga raising one arm, with one leg forward — Roman emperor Augustus has the same stance but wears clothes.
Justin Benttinen/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The emperor is shown with the same athletic build and “counterpoised” stance, but he has been transformed into a specific portrait via his aristocratic toga clothing and elaborately detailed armor.

Here, the body of the emperor projects an overall message of confident heroism, while his garments fill in details about his status and achievements. This statue illustrates how clothing can be very specific to a moment, place or role, while classical nudity may look more timeless.

The classics reborn

black and white drawing of a Renaissance artist drawing at the foot of a nude male statue — Many artists copied famous nude statues like the Apollo Belvedere, helping the ideal become an entrenched part of Western culture.
Sepia Times/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Classical revivals such as the European Renaissance, around 1400-1600 C.E., and neoclassicism, around 1750-1900 C.E., brought back “heroic nudity,” each time helping it become even more a part of Western culture.

The rediscovery of ancient statues that had been buried in rubble after the fall of the Roman Empire excited artists of those eras, and they created many copies and adaptations of those models. Sketching and creating while studying nude live models became an important part of how artists trained, starting with the rise of art academies in the 1500s.

But like clothing, the nude “costume” could change over time.

For example, Michelangelo’s “David,” completed in 1504, imagines the Biblical hero as a pensive nude sporting only the rock and sling that will kill Goliath. The narrow-hipped body of “David” is a very different type from the “Spear Bearer” and does not fit Polykleitos’ ideal proportions.

large white statue of nude man with blurry people passing its pedestal in museum — Michaelangelo’s David is almost 17 feet tall.
Vincenzo Pinto/AFP via Getty Images

Nudity continued to be associated with godlike beauty and power. Michelangelo’s “Risen Christ,” for instance, shows Jesus standing heroically nude, divine and resurrected.

stone statue of man holding a large cross, in church setting — Michelangelo made the unusual choice to represent Jesus as an adult, nude.
THEPALMER/iStock via Getty Images Plus

And while an emperor would not usually have a nude portrait, French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte asked in 1802 to be sculpted as Mars, connecting him metaphorically to the Roman god of war and visually to the “Spear Bearer” and “Apollo Belvedere.”

A different standard for women

Female nudity in sculpture has its own history. Some of the earliest sculptures ever depict naked women with unnaturally exaggerated breasts, hips and pubic triangles, but scholars still disagree about how to interpret them.

4 angles of a sandy-colored carving of a woman's figure — Multiple views of the ‘Woman from Willendorf,’ which is about 4½ inches tall.
Bjørn Christian Tørrissen/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

For example, the 30,000-year-old Paleolithic “Woman from Willendorf,” discovered in 1908, was often called the “Venus of Willendorf,” associating her with the Roman goddess of love from tens of thousands of years later. But the figurine’s nakedness could have been more practical than erotic – to show bodily changes during pregnancy, for instance.

In ancient Mesopotamia 5,000 years ago, beautiful nudes depict both ideal women and goddesses. But in Greece, female nudity was considered inappropriate and did not become popular in statues until the fourth century B.C.E.

two side by side matching images of a statue of a nude woman — An 1860s slide of the Aphrodite statue on display in the Vatican.
Sepia Times/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

The best-known Greek female nude, the “Aphrodite of Knidos” by the sculptor Praxiteles, was revolutionary for its time and has inspired countless copies, particularly for her modest gesture covering her genitals. A Roman adaptation of this gesture covering both breasts and genitals is known as the Venus pudica type and is still seen frequently today.

stone statue of a stylized person kneeling — A kneeling statue of Hatshepsut is around 3,500 years old.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, CC BY

In Egypt, the first female pharaoh Hatshepsut presents a fascinating case of artists figuring out how to treat a female body in a traditionally male role. Topless and wearing a kilt and false beard like other pharaohs, her body is sexually ambiguous – that of a ruler rather than a woman.

Artists work in tradition – or not

Artists of every culture have explored the human body as a subject, so artists today are following in a very, very long tradition when they sculpt or paint the human figure without clothes.

They can be aiming for something that doesn’t seem as tied to one specific time or place, the way using clothes from a particular moment would. Or they could be trying to express some of the same ideals the ancient sculptors were, such as perfection, immortality or divinity.

black statue of a clothed modern woman, in a busy city plaza — ‘Grounded In The Stars’ on display in New York City’s Times Square in 2025.
Spencer Platt/Getty Images

But many modern artists challenge these long traditions, creating statues of figures that are fully clothed. Consider Thomas J. Price’s “Grounded in the Stars”: a 12-foot, monumental sculpture of a woman standing in heroic counterpoise, wearing a T-shirt, leggings and comfortable shoes!

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Anna Swartwood House does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why are so many statues naked? An art historian explains this tradition’s ancient roots – https://theconversation.com/why-are-so-many-statues-naked-an-art-historian-explains-this-traditions-ancient-roots-271821

March 2, 2026

Free 10-minute online programs aimed at overcoming depression led to real improvements – new research

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Benjamin Kaveladze, Postdoctoral Fellow in Mental Health Resources, Dartmouth College

Free short, easily accessible programs could allow many more people to access mental health treatments. Elena Kalinicheva/iStock via Getty Images Plus

A well-designed 10-minute online exercise can spark small reductions in depression. That’s the key finding of my team’s paper, published in Nature Human Behaviour.

Many people believe that to start overcoming depression, they need a therapist, medication or a radical change in their environment. However, our study shows that taking small steps to learn practical skills can lead to measurable improvements in depressive symptoms.

In 2024, my team and I took to social media to pose a question to the field of mental health: If you could get 500 people struggling with depression to give you just 10 minutes of their attention, how would you spend that time? We received 66 responses from people around the world, including scientists, mental health app developers, popular YouTubers and students.

We chose what we considered the 12 most promising submissions to develop and rigorously test in one of the largest randomized controlled trials of mental health interventions ever conducted. These 12 “single-session interventions” ranged widely. Some used science-backed approaches emerging from in-person psychotherapy, while others were entirely novel. One featured a generative artificial intelligence-based expressive writing exercise. Another repurposed an inspirational Thai Life Insurance ad to show how helping others in small ways can make life more meaningful. Each intervention took under 10 minutes and was entirely self-guided.

In the study, we randomly assigned 7,505 American adult participants to complete one of the 12 single-session interventions or a control condition where they learned about trout. Participants answered questions about their well-being immediately after completing the intervention and again a month later. Each participant only completed the intervention (or control) one time.

Nearly all the interventions left users feeling hopeful and motivated to make positive changes immediately after completing them. But a month later, only two – Interactive Cognitive Reappraisal and Finding Focus – meaningfully reduced depression. These monthlong gains were small on average – around a 4% greater reduction on a standard depression measure for the top two exercises compared with the control – but small average effects can make a real difference, especially because these programs’ free, brief nature gives them a unique ability to reach people at a global scale.

Why it matters

Depression is a profound burden for the 332 million people it affects each year globally. While evidence-based treatments like psychotherapy are effective, long-term professional care is not an option for most people due to barriers like lack of access, cost and stigma. Our study is the first to show that single-session interventions can lead to monthlong reductions in depression in adults.

My team’s objective in studying single-session interventions is simple: If we can distill core elements of effective psychological treatments into short, user-friendly formats, many more people will be able to access science-backed support when they need it. The goal is not to replace therapists or psychiatrists, but to offer a reliable option for people who may otherwise receive no support at all. Single-session interventions like these can also be used to support traditional treatments, like for people on a waitlist to see a therapist.

This Thai life insurance ad on “believing in good” went viral and became the basis of an effective program for managing depression.

What’s next

Having identified effective single-session interventions for overcoming depression, our top priority is to spread the word that these evidence-based brief mental health resources are available online at no cost. For example, Koko, the team that created the most impactful intervention in our study, created free five- to 10-minute interventions for a range of mental health challenges. You can also try all 12 of the single-session interventions we tested. Our published paper has more information about each one’s effectiveness.

My team is continuing to research single-session interventions and study their implementation in a range of settings, including social media, schools and therapy waitlists. Our collaborators are exploring how AI can make single-session interventions more engaging and personalized to users’ needs.

For many people, depression can make gaining control of one’s thoughts and feelings seem out of reach. This study shows that taking just 10 minutes to learn evidence-based skills can be a valuable first step toward longer-term improvement.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

Benjamin Kaveladze has received funding from the National Institute of Mental Health (T32 MH115882).

– ref. Free 10-minute online programs aimed at overcoming depression led to real improvements – new research – https://theconversation.com/free-10-minute-online-programs-aimed-at-overcoming-depression-led-to-real-improvements-new-research-272493