Kent’s meningitis outbreak was years in the making – here’s why

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Philip Broadbent, Wellcome Multimorbidity PhD Fellow & Public Health Registrar, University of Glasgow

Two young people are dead and 20 are receiving treatment after a meningitis outbreak at the University of Kent. The students caught up in it belong to a generation that has never been routinely vaccinated against the strain responsible.

That is not because a vaccine doesn’t exist. It does. Bexsero, which protects against meningococcal group B disease (the strain responsible for the Kent outbreak) has been available since 2013. The UK even became the first country in the world to add it to its national immunisation schedule, in September 2015.

But only for babies.

Every student at university today was born before July 2015, meaning every one of them missed the cut-off. The NHS never offered them the jab and no catch-up programme was ever provided. A decade of students has passed through higher education with no routine protection against the most common form of bacterial meningitis.

The decision not to extend the programme beyond infants reflects a genuine tension at the heart of vaccine policy. The government’s advisory body, the joint committee on vaccination and immunisation (JCVI) concluded that the benefit, real as it was, did not clear the economic threshold required to justify the cost.

With many vaccines, the benefit extends beyond the person vaccinated. Vaccinate enough people and the disease runs out of hosts, protecting even those who never received the jab – this is known as herd immunity. Bexsero does not work that way. It protects the person who receives it, but it does not reduce the amount of bacteria people carry in their throats and pass on to others.

Vaccinating a baby stops that baby getting ill; it does nothing to stop the bacteria circulating in the wider population. With no such ripple effect to factor in, the JCVI judged the benefit too narrow to justify extending the programme.

What that calculation did not fully account for was the particular danger of university life.

Meningococcal bacteria spread through close contact: kissing, sharing drinks, coughing in crowded spaces. Universities, with their halls of residence, freshers’ weeks and nightclubs, are among the most efficient environments imaginable for transmission.

A study tracking students during their first week at a UK university found that the proportion carrying the bacteria in their throats jumped from less than 7% on day one to over 23% by day four. By December of that year, in catered halls, the figure had reached 34%.

In the US, research found that first-year undergraduate students face a risk of meningococcal B disease almost 12 times higher than their non-student peers of the same age. Living in halls of residence amplified that risk further still.

None of this is new. The link between university life and meningococcal risk has been established for decades. The question that the tragic events in Kent force policymakers to consider is whether that increased risk was adequately factored into the original decision.

A box containing the Bexsero vaccine.
Bexsero has been available since 2013.
Angelina Avei/Shutterstock.com

Parents who wanted to protect their children privately could. Many of them did. A full course of Bexsero requires two doses for anyone over the age of 11. At most UK pharmacies, each dose costs around £110, making the full course £220 or more. Some private clinics charge considerably more.

As one public health expert at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine put it, the availability of private vaccination creates a situation where access depends on ability to pay. That inequality is now playing out in real time.

Following the Kent outbreak, bookings for private meningitis B vaccinations at Superdrug surged to 65 times their normal level. The families rushing to book appointments are inevitably those who can afford to. Those who cannot are left hoping the outbreak does not reach their child.

Long-term costs

Vaccine policy is genuinely difficult. Every decision involves trade-offs and the resources available to public health are not unlimited. But the economic case for keeping the programme infant-only has grown shakier since 2015.

A re-analysis published in the journal Value in Health in 2021 found that when a fuller picture of the disease’s burden is included (for example, long-term care, loss of earnings, the ripple effects on families) the cost per year of healthy life gained falls below the NHS’s standard threshold for approving treatments. The short-term saving from not vaccinating teenagers may be generating long-term costs the original calculation never captured.

There is also the cost of the outbreak itself. More than 30,000 people in the Canterbury area have been contacted by health authorities. Thousands of doses of antibiotics were distributed. A targeted vaccination campaign has been launched for students in halls of residence. Emergency responses to outbreaks are not without cost, and they cannot undo the harm already done.

Health Secretary Wes Streeting told parliament this week that he would ask the JCVI to reexamine eligibility for meningitis vaccines in light of the outbreak. That review is welcome, and overdue.

The first cohort of babies vaccinated in 2015 will not reach university age until 2033. Until then, the students arriving at freshers’ week each autumn will do so without routine protection. Unless policy changes.

The Conversation

Philip Broadbent receives funding from the Wellcome Trust Multimorbidity Doctoral Training Programme 223499/Z/21/Z

ref. Kent’s meningitis outbreak was years in the making – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/kents-meningitis-outbreak-was-years-in-the-making-heres-why-278003

What is ‘eye stroke’ and why has it been linked to weight loss injections?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Pierscionek, Professor and Deputy Dean, Research and Innovation, Anglia Ruskin University

Cynthia A Jackson/Shutterstock.com

The phrase “eye stroke” has recently appeared in news reports about a very rare side-effect of weight-loss injections. It’s not a formal medical diagnosis, but a shorthand used to describe a condition in which reduced blood flow damages the optic nerve and causes sudden vision loss.

The phrase might be misleading. Unlike a conventional stroke – which can cause someone to lose the ability to move their limbs or speak – an eye stroke can be harder to recognise at first. Vision can be lost entirely or partially, in one or both eyes, with no numbness or paralysis.

The word “stroke” is used because, as with the more familiar condition, the underlying cause is a loss of blood supply that leads to cell death and tissue damage. The correct medical term for an eye stroke is non-arteritic anterior ischaemic optic neuropathy (Naion).

The recent connection between Naion and weight-loss treatments has made headlines following a large study examining semaglutide, the active ingredient in several popular weight-loss drugs.

Researchers analyse more than 30 million side-effects reported to the US Food and Drug Administration and found that 31,774 involved semaglutide. One drug in particular stood out: Wegovy was found to have a far stronger association with Naion than other semaglutide-based treatments.

The study suggested the risk of eye stroke from Wegovy was almost five times greater than from Ozempic, despite Wegovy being linked to fewer overall reported side-effects.

Understanding why semaglutide might reduce blood flow to the eye requires a little background. Semaglutide is a synthetic version of a naturally occurring hormone called GLP-1, which helps regulate blood sugar. It does this by stimulating insulin production, reducing the release of a sugar-raising hormone called glucagon, and slowing digestion.

Semaglutide has been used to treat type 2 diabetes, heart disease and obesity. Wegovy is administered by injection at a higher maximum dose than Ozempic, another injectable medication. Injected drugs enter the bloodstream faster and in greater concentrations than tablets – and notably, no link was found between Naion and Rybelsus, the tablet form of semaglutide.

The speed at which Wegovy causes weight loss – faster than other treatments – may itself be part of the explanation. The human body is a finely balanced system in which no single organ or process works in isolation. The autonomic nervous system, which controls involuntary functions like heart rate and digestion, relies on a careful balance of hormones to keep things in check. When an external drug significantly alters how those hormones behave, it can affect the rest of the body in unexpected ways.

The relatively high doses used with Wegovy may cause blood pressure to fluctuate beyond normal ranges. A notable drop in blood pressure reduces the rate at which blood flows through the body, and the eye is particularly vulnerable to this. The retina is served by some of the tiniest blood vessels anywhere in the body, and it depends on those small vessels for its oxygen supply. Any significant change in blood pressure can seriously disrupt this delicate circulation.

Men face a much higher risk than women

This does not, however, fully explain why a drug that is broadly beneficial for heart health and blood sugar control might have such a specific harmful effect on eyesight. Nor does it explain another surprising finding from the study: men taking these weight-loss treatments appeared to face three times the risk of vision loss compared to women.

A man having his eyes examined.
The condition is much more common in men.
Inside Creative House/Shutterstock.com

The study did not provide enough detail about the differences between male and female participants. For instance, whether more severely obese men than women were included. In addition, large-scale data of this kind does not always capture the finer details needed to fully understand cause and effect.

It is important to keep all this in perspective: while a link between semaglutide and vision loss has been identified, this side-effect remains rare.

More research is needed to establish safe dosage levels and to understand whether certain factors – such as sex, age, weight, or existing health conditions – make some people more vulnerable than others. Semaglutide is being prescribed for a growing range of conditions and increasingly to younger patients. To ensure that these treatments do not lead to life-changing sight loss, properly designed clinical trials that assess the level of risk are essential.

A spokesperson for Novo Nordisk told the Guardian: “Patient safety is our top priority, and we take any reports about adverse events from the use of our medicines very seriously. We work closely with authorities and regulatory bodies from around the world to continuously monitor the safety profile of our products.”

The EU patient leaflets for Wegovy, Ozempic and Rybelsus had been updated to include Naion, they added, but “based on the totality of evidence, we concluded that the data did not suggest a reasonable possibility of a causal relationship between semaglutide and Naion and Novo Nordisk believes that the benefit-risk profile of semaglutide remains favourable”.

The Conversation

Barbara Pierscionek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is ‘eye stroke’ and why has it been linked to weight loss injections? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-eye-stroke-and-why-has-it-been-linked-to-weight-loss-injections-278167

Trump and Netanyahu may have jointly started the war in Iran, but ending it together will be difficult

Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Strawson, Emeritus Professor of Law, University of East London

Donald Trump told reporters on board Air Force One on March 15 that his relationship with the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, is “extraordinary”. Netanyahu has been rather less effusive, saying in recent days that their relationship is one of “dialogue, shared concepts, consultation and joint work”.

These comments come as reports are circulating of rifts between the two leaders over the war in Iran, which Trump has rejected as “fake news”. The reported tensions underline not only Trump and Netanyahu’s very different war aims but also the character differences that have shaped their relationship.

Writing in the Sunday Times on March 15, the UK’s former ambassador to Israel, Matthew Gould, pointed out that both men are similar in “some respects”. Like Trump, Netanyahu is a “populist making his country more divided with crude fearmongering; a huge character who sucks oxygen from the entire political scene.”

However, there are some key differences. While Trump had five deferments to avoid serving in the Vietnam war, for example, Netanyahu distinguished himself in the Israeli armed forces. This included serving five years in the elite Sayeret Matkal unit from 1967 to 1972.

Such different backgrounds count especially as Trump and Netanyahu work together in the military confrontation with Iran. Trump has often been cavalier and brags about US military strength, whereas Netanyahu is far more measured. Trump is also regularly talking to journalists, while Netanyahu has been sparing in his interactions with the media.

At the same time, the war with Iran has a very different meaning for Israel and the US. Netanyahu has made the Iranian threat to Israel the most consistent theme of his political career. Since 2019, when it became clear that Iran was enriching uranium over the 3.5% to 5% level needed for peaceful purposes (it now has over 440 tonnes of uranium enriched to over 60%), Netanyahu has seen the threat to Israel as existential.

Trump’s grounds for launching the war have shifted, from wanting to destroy Iran’s military capabilities to toppling the regime in Tehran. But Netanyahu has consistently remained focused on removing what he sees as the threefold threat from Iran: its nuclear weapons programme, ballistic missile capacity and ability to support regional proxy groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis.

Trump knows the war is unpopular at home and among his allies and is creating instability in the world economy. Oil prices climbed to over US$100 (£75) a barrel on March 16 after Trump said the US had “totally demolished” most of Kharg Island, Iran’s most vital oil export hub. Facing midterm elections in October, he is likely to want to see the conflict end relatively soon.

Netanyahu, on the other hand, will not want to end the war without imposing a decisive defeat on Iran that ends the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile programmes at the very least. Like Trump, he faces an election in October and will want to present himself not as the leader whose watch saw the October 7 Hamas terrorist attacks in 2023, but as the victor of the war with Iran.

Ending the war

How Trump and Netanyahu manage these differences will determine both the course of the war and its duration. We do know that while the two leaders frequently pay effusive compliments to each other in public, they have a rather more fractious personal relationship.

Six months ago, Trump strong-armed Netanyahu to accept his 20-point plan for a Gaza ceasefire. This involved Netanyahu making a humiliating phone call to the Qataris to apologise for an Israeli attack on Hamas leadership in Doha. The White House even published a picture of the US president and the Israeli prime minister making the call.

And while routinely praising Trump for his support for Israel, Netanyahu appears to be wary of their relationship. In his 2022 autobiography, Bibi: My Story, Netanyahu complained that Trump was slow to act on the Israeli government’s agenda in his first term as US president. He also described his relationship with Trump as “bumpy”.

Trump’s second term has been a rather mixed experience for Netanyahu. On the one hand, he convinced the US to bomb the Iranian nuclear sites in June 2025 and since February 2026 to collaborate in a major war against Iran. But on the other hand, he (like everyone else) is having to deal Trump’s capricious and unpredictable behaviour.

The war in Iran is now in a difficult phase. Israel and the US have an overwhelming firepower advantage over Iran and have eliminated numerous high-ranking Iranian leadership figures, most recently killing security chief and de facto leader of the country Ali Larijani. Despite these serious blows, the regime is still functioning and maintains significant military capacity.

For Israel, a new development in the war is coordinated Iranian-Hezbollah missile attacks. This demonstrates the very different pressures that the US and Israeli leaderships are under. Israelis are now in their third year of war. The US will be feeling the effects of the war in terms of higher gas prices and a spike in inflation, but the lives of Americans are not punctuated by air raid sirens and military service.

These differences will play out as Trump and Netanyahu envisage the war’s end. There are reports that the US administration is talking to Iran already about ending the conflict as the war enters its third week. Netanyahu will worry where these diplomatic moves might lead.

Trump and Netanyahu may have started a war together, but they are going to have difficulty ending it together.

The Conversation

John Strawson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump and Netanyahu may have jointly started the war in Iran, but ending it together will be difficult – https://theconversation.com/trump-and-netanyahu-may-have-jointly-started-the-war-in-iran-but-ending-it-together-will-be-difficult-278483

Who were the ‘peasants’ of the 1381 Peasants’ Revolt? New database has answers

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adrian R Bell, Chair in the History of Finance and Associate Pro-Vice-Chancellor Research, Prosperity and Resilience, Henley Business School, University of Reading

Richard II meeting with the rebels of the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. Bibliothèque nationale de France

The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 was one of the largest and most dramatic popular uprisings in medieval Europe. But what do we really know about this celebrated event in English history?

The rising was the culmination of a wide range of popular grievances against the government of the young King Richard II and his uncle John of Gaunt. The trigger was the levy of a third poll tax in four years to fund the hundred years war.

To understand the depth of the rebellion and its impact on society today, we created the People of 1381, a database of events, places and people comprising around 28,000 records. It challenges the established narrative that the revolt was focused on a handful of counties in England and restricted to certain levels of society.

The term “Peasants’ Revolt” was not popularised until 1874 by John Richard Green’s Short History of the English People. The legal records generated by the prosecution of the rebels reveal that they were not just peasants but drawn from every level of medieval society beneath the aristocracy.




Read more:
We built a database of 290,000 English medieval soldiers – here’s what it reveals


Our database shows how widespread the depth of feeling was against the government. The revolt wasn’t just a march on London – it involved people in over half the counties of England. In the west, there were riots in Bridgwater and Gloucester, while the disturbances spread as far north as Yorkshire and Chester.

A 15th-century illustration of the cleric John Ball encouraging the rebels.
A 15th-century illustration of the cleric John Ball encouraging the rebels. Wat Tyler is shown in red, front left.
British Library, Royal MS. 18 E. I, f. 165v

The medieval records that make up the database uncover the participation of social groups whose role in the revolt has been underexplored, including household servants, soldiers and women.

It also includes details of those who didn’t partake directly but were affected in some way, from victims of the rising to jurors and lawyers who prosecuted the rebels. In doing so, the database sheds new light on the rebels of 1381. They are revealed as once living people, rather than the faceless mob described in contemporary chronicles.

So who was involved and where?

By combining judicial and manorial (administrative records generated by a manor) documents with records generated by central and local government, poll tax and military service, we can build a picture of the people involved in the revolt.

John Peper of Linton is one example: he owned land, granted charters, engaged in lawsuits and could afford lawyers – a far cry from the profile of a peasant. He was also one of the many rebels who had social aspirations and apparently resented the legal and fiscal checks on their ambition.

Peper highlights the important leadership role of soldiers in spreading the revolt. Having just returned from campaigning in France in May, he immediately joined the revolt and led groups attacking people and property around Cambridgeshire. He survived the government reaction and was ultimately pardoned.

Etching showing the death of Wat Tyler on horse back.
Sir William Walworth, Lord Mayor of London, killing Wat Tyler in Smithfield by Anker Smith (1796).
The Trustees of the British Museum

There were also many poorer rural rebels and it was the way people of many social ranks joined the rising that made it so potent.

Manorial records are fascinating because they enable us to reconstruct the lives of very humble people. For example, Walter Spittebotter of Blackmore near Chelmsford was admitted to land previously held by his father in 1354-55. He found farming a struggle and was fined for the poor condition of his land and not clearing ditches. In 1381, he was among those who attacked the manor of Joan of Kent at North Weald Bassett in Essex. On his death in 1404, he held a cottage and six acres of land. His best animal, forfeited to the lord of the manor, was a pig.

In Wix (Essex), Joanna Welbetyn, Joanna Alfred and the wife of Thomas Ilsent joined in the burning of the manor’s records during the revolt. Our database suggests that sometimes women joined the rising as part of a family group. Joan Pode of Charlton joined one of the most spectacular events of the rising – the destruction of John of Gaunt’s luxurious Savoy Palace (on the present site of the Savoy Hotel). Joan was accompanied by her husband and another relative, suggesting that the whole Pode family joined the rising.

Unlike contemporary chronicles, the legal records show how women intervened at key moments in the revolt, most dramatically when Katherine Gamen was accused of pushing a boat out across the River Little Ouse in Suffolk. The chief justice could not escape and was killed.

illustration of medieval women sheep farmers
Medieval peasant women were also involved in the revolt.
Luttrell Psalter: British Library, Add. MS. 42130, f. 163v

The tantalising nature of much of the source material regarding women in 1381 is illustrated through the example of an unnamed woman who joined the attack. We know nothing about her except that she was “lately the wife of William Dekne” and was “led by Nicholas Carter”. They were part of a band which travelled from South Benfleet near the Thames Estuary up to Cressing Temple (a distance of over 30 miles, covered in a couple of days).

It is frustrating that we don’t know more about this unnamed woman. Why was she led by Nicholas Carter, and what was their relationship? But she demonstrates that some women did take part in the movement of rebel bands over long distances, even if they were in the minority.

The People of 1381 database is a versatile tool which enables us to develop many new perspectives on the revolt of 1381. We can reconstruct the background of the rebels, find connections between them, identify rebel bands, trace their movements and explore the spatial structure of the revolt.

However, we believe the ability of the database to reconstruct the human stories connected with the revolt, restoring humanity to the people caught up in the rising who have otherwise only been described in the most generic terms, is its most beguiling feature.

The Conversation

Adrian R Bell receives funding from UKRI via AHRC. He’d like to acknowledge the full team effort in driving the project, as well as the authors: Professor Anne Curry and Ian Waldock, University of Southampton; Dr Herbert Eiden, Victoria County History; and Dr Helen Lacey, University of Oxford.

Andrew Prescott receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council.

Helen Killick receives funding from UKRI via AHRC.

Jason Sadler receives funding from from UKRI via AHRC.

ref. Who were the ‘peasants’ of the 1381 Peasants’ Revolt? New database has answers – https://theconversation.com/who-were-the-peasants-of-the-1381-peasants-revolt-new-database-has-answers-278011

Extreme heat may keep millions from exercising, linked to 500,000 early deaths yearly

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vikram Niranjan, Assistant Professor in Public Health, School of Medicine, Health Research Institute, University of Limerick

DimaBerlin/Shutterstock.com

A hotter world is quietly changing one of the simplest things we do for our health – moving our bodies. For many people, a walk in the park, a jog around the neighbourhood or a cycle to work is becoming harder, and sometimes unsafe, as temperatures rise.

Scientists are beginning to understand how heat affects physical activity and why this matters for long-term health. A new modelling study in The Lancet Global Health suggests that if rising temperatures lead to sustained reductions in activity, the knock-on effects could contribute to hundreds of thousands of premature deaths each year by the middle of this century.

The underlying behaviour is familiar. As temperatures climb, many people cut back on outdoor exercise. There is no single threshold, but activity often becomes noticeably less comfortable somewhere in the high 20s celsius, especially in humid conditions. Running, cycling or even brisk walking can feel more strenuous.

This is because the body has to work harder to stay cool. More blood is diverted to the skin and sweating increases, which can lead to earlier fatigue, dizziness and dehydration. Faced with this, people may slow down, shorten their exercise or avoid it altogether. Across large populations, this can translate into less movement, more time spent sitting and higher risks of chronic disease.

Some groups are more affected than others. Older adults tend to regulate temperature less efficiently. Women may experience different responses depending on physiology and hormonal factors. People with respiratory conditions such as chronic obstructive pulmonary disease can find breathing more difficult in hot and humid conditions, especially during exertion.

Over time, even small reductions in activity matter. Regular movement helps protect against heart disease, stroke, diabetes and other chronic illnesses. When activity levels fall, those protective effects diminish.

The modelling study estimates that, if warming continues and outdoor activity declines without compensation elsewhere, the resulting increase in inactivity could contribute to a substantial number of additional deaths by 2050. These would not be caused directly by heat itself, but by the gradual development of diseases linked to inactivity. The scale of the estimate depends heavily on how people adapt – for example, whether they move exercise indoors or shift it to cooler times of day.

The poor bear the brunt

The effects of heat are not evenly distributed. In wealthier settings, people are more likely to have access to air-conditioned gyms, indoor sports facilities or shaded green spaces. When it becomes too hot outside, they may have alternatives.

In many low- and middle-income countries, those options are more limited. People may live in densely built areas with little green space or cooling. Outdoor work is also more common, meaning higher overall heat exposure alongside fewer safe opportunities for recreation.

A labourer wiping the sweat from his brow.
Outdoor work means higher exposure to heat.
Poguz.P/Shutterstock.com

Research from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, illustrates this imbalance. Heatwaves there are associated with increased deaths from cardiovascular and respiratory disease, particularly among older adults and women. Many deaths occur at home, pointing to gaps in cooling, information and access to care.

At the same time, physical activity remains part of the wider public health response. Evidence suggests that encouraging walking, cycling and public transport can reduce emissions while improving health. A framework in the journal Nature Health highlights how designing cities for active travel can support both cleaner air and more consistent physical activity.

There is also growing recognition that climate change may disrupt sport and recreation directly. The UK body Sport England has warned that heat, flooding and drought could damage facilities and reduce participation unless infrastructure adapts.

Some responses are already being tested. Tree-lined streets and shaded paths can lower urban temperatures. Parks with water features and dense planting offer cooler spaces for activity. Guidance increasingly recommends exercising in the early morning or evening, when conditions are milder, and research supports these adjustments as practical ways to maintain activity safely.

Technology may also play a role. During the COVID pandemic, many people turned to home-based exercise, online classes and simple equipment such as resistance bands. A study I conducted found that even housebound patients with serious lung disease could improve fitness, mood and quality of life through structured virtual programmes.

Similar approaches could help during periods of extreme heat. Online sessions, community “cool hubs” in air-conditioned buildings and guided indoor exercise can provide alternatives when outdoor conditions are unsuitable.

Exercise is not just a lifestyle choice but a core component of health. As the climate warms, the challenge will be to ensure people can remain active in ways that are safe and accessible. That is likely to involve a mix of individual adaptation and changes to the environments in which people live.

The Conversation

Vikram Niranjan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Extreme heat may keep millions from exercising, linked to 500,000 early deaths yearly – https://theconversation.com/extreme-heat-may-keep-millions-from-exercising-linked-to-500-000-early-deaths-yearly-278330

Men can get out of the manosphere. Here’s what former incels say about why they left

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Joshua Thorburn, PhD Candidate, School of Social Sciences, Monash University

Elisabeta Dirjan/Canva, X.com, TikTok, Wikimedia, The Conversation, CC BY-NC

Louis Theroux’s recent documentary Inside the Manosphere, alongside Netflix’s 2025 hit drama Adolescence, has driven a spike in public discussion about the “manosphere”. The term refers to a loose ecosystem of anti-feminist online communities and influencers that promote male dominance and hostility toward women.

Much of the public conversation about the manosphere focuses on how boys and young men fall into these spaces. A new study by the Australian Institute of Criminology asks a different question: how do some men manage to leave?

Real-world dangers

Concern about this online culture has grown in recent years. Increasing attention has been paid to adolescent boys and young men going down toxic online rabbit holes, moving from the misogynistic worldview of manosphere influencers toward more extreme spaces.

This includes “incel” (involuntary celibate) forums. These frame women as enemies standing in the way of men’s perceived entitlement to sex. Violent revenge against women is sometimes openly encouraged.

These concerns are warranted. Earlier anxieties largely focused on incidents of lone-offender violence in North America perpetrated by men linked to the misogynistic incel movement. It’s a threat Australia’s security agency ASIO has also flagged.




Read more:
How boys get sucked into the manosphere


More recently, researchers and educators have raised alarms about the broader cultural impact of manosphere ideas. This includes their influence on young men’s attitudes toward women and relationships, resulting in growing rates of hostile sexism in Australian schools.

Understandably, much of the attention focuses on radicalisation into these communities. However, far less attention has been paid to what happens when some men begin to disengage from them.

‘An unhealthy loop of depression’

The Australian Institute of Criminology study provides rare insight into this process. Drawing on surveys and interviews with former participants in incel communities, the research explores how men become disillusioned with these spaces and eventually step away.

The findings add to a growing body of evidence suggesting many men first encounter these communities during periods of insecurity or loneliness.

Participants frequently described anxieties about their physical appearance, social status, sexual experience or financial success. Incel and manosphere forums claim to offer explanations and solidarity for these frustrations.

As one former incel in the institute’s study recalled, he initially felt “some togetherness with others” in the forums.

Yet the same environment often becomes corrosive. Another respondent described how the community functioned as an “echo chamber […] fulfilling their own prophecy”, fuelling what he called “an unhealthy loop of depression”.

Over time, some participants begin to notice the gap between the ideology promoted in these spaces and their everyday experiences. Positive interactions with women, supportive friendships, or simply observing that relationships in the real world do not follow the rigid rules promoted online can begin to undermine the worldview.

One participant in the study described the moment it “clicked that all of it was really wrong” when his peers, “regardless of gender”, treated him with kindness and respect.

In another study of people leaving the manosphere, a former participant reflected that the movement’s claims about women collapsed when he realised he still had a happy relationship with his wife despite being “unfit and definitely not wealthy”.

Research consistently shows leaving these spaces is a challenging experience. Disengagement is usually gradual and uneven. It often involves the slow rebuilding of identity, relationships and belonging outside the forums that once defined participants’ worldview.

Finding the pathways out

The perspectives of people who have left the manosphere deserve greater attention in public discussions. For people currently within the manosphere (and for those vulnerable to falling into it) amplifying such stories can reveal how these communities ultimately harm many of the people who believe in them.

These stories matter because public discussion about the manosphere often focuses almost exclusively on its harms. Those harms are real and serious.

But we need to be hopeful the scale of the problem can be arrested and that the men who fall into these spaces are not permanently lost to them.

Schools, policymakers and families all need these first-hand perspectives. They offer more than just insight into why boys and young men fall down the rabbit hole: they provide a crucial road map for how we might help pull them out. This is essential to violence prevention work focused on how to promote “positive masculinity”.

Maintaining that cautiously hopeful perspective is important. Without it, we risk treating radicalisation as inevitable and disengagement as impossible.

The growing body of research on men leaving these communities suggests something different. While the harms of the manosphere are real, understanding the pathways out may offer some of the most important clues for how to respond.

The Conversation

Joshua Thorburn completed his PhD with support from the Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship.

Steven Roberts receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australian Government. He is a Board Director at Respect Victoria, but this article is written wholly separately from that role.

ref. Men can get out of the manosphere. Here’s what former incels say about why they left – https://theconversation.com/men-can-get-out-of-the-manosphere-heres-what-former-incels-say-about-why-they-left-278312

Going nuclear? Why a growing number of Washington’s allies are eyeing an alternative to US umbrella

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Amy McAuliffe, Visiting Distinguished Professor of the Practice, University of Notre Dame

American allies contemplate a post-U.S. nuclear umbrella future. AP Photo/Alex Brandon

Canadians are openly discussing the merits and risks of pursuing a nuclear weapon. Europeans are similarly considering a nuclear deterrent for the bloc. In South Korea, public support for a nuclear weapon is at its highest level on record, and even in Japan some politicians are talking about the once-taboo subject.

Until just a few years ago, few experts would have predicted that these nations – all allies of Washington – might one day join the nuclear club. Since 2006, that club has consisted of just nine countries: the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel, with its undeclared program.

The hope of nonproliferation advocates was that nine would be the maximum. But over the past few years, more and more nations are seriously exploring “going nuclear.”

As an expert on weapons technology and former assistant director of the CIA for weapons and counterproliferation, I have watched these developments with alarm.

Perceived national security threats still shape U.S. allies’ views of developing nuclear weapons – with North Korea a key driver for South Korea, China paramount for Japan, and Iran key for Saudi Arabia.

But what has changed demonstrably for many U.S. allies is a newfound skepticism over the credibility of the so-called U.S. nuclear umbrella, which for decades has offered allies an easy way of declining to pursue nuclear weapons. Concerned about the Trump administration’s foreign policy, some nations are considering developing domestic nuclear weapons programs or seeking new deterrence assurances.

New nuclear aspirants across the Atlantic

The U.S. deployed the first atomic bombs in Japan in 1945, with the Soviet Union conducting its own successful nuclear test four years later. The U.K. was next to get the bomb in 1952, followed by France in 1960 and China in 1964. Experts believe that Israel first tested a bomb in the late 1960s, while the last entrants into the nuclear club were India in 1972, Pakistan in 1998 and North Korea in 2006.

Experts have long wondered which country might be next. Often, speculation has included U.S. allies such as Egypt, Japan, Saudi Arabia, South Korea and Turkey.

For years, such nations were assumed to be under the U.S. nuclear umbrella, a tacit understanding that Washington will defend its nonnuclear allies, including by using U.S. nuclear weapons. Doubts about the credibility of the U.S. nuclear umbrella have existed for years and precede the Trump administration. However, current U.S. officials’ criticisms of NATO, focus on burden sharing, and policy positions on Ukraine have brought into stark relief for allies the need to consider other nuclear options. And with allies now focused on the limits of U.S. security guarantees, the list of possible nuclear aspirants has suddenly grown.

European leaders have crafted their public comments on the issue carefully, focusing on concerns about U.S. reliability in general versus the credibility of the U.S. nuclear umbrella.

A suited man gives a speech at a lectern in front of a submarine.
French President Emmanuel Macron delivers a speech at a French nuclear submarine base in Crozon, France, on March 2, 2026.
Yoan Valat/Pool Photo via AP

Rasmus Jarlov, the chair of the Danish parliament’s defense committee, perhaps best reflected the views of many U.S allies in Europe, telling The Associated Press: “If things got really serious, I very much doubt that Trump would risk American cities to protect European cities. We don’t know, but it seems very risky to rely on the American protection.”

In Europe, most public discussion has focused on the concept of a common nuclear deterrent for the bloc under the protection of French nuclear forces. In a major speech in March, French President Emmanuel Macron called for “forward deterrence” involving the temporary deployment of French nuclear-armed aircraft to nine other European countries, including Germany and Poland.

Meanwhile, the Swedish prime minister has had talks with Britain and France about deploying the two countries’ nuclear forces to Sweden during wartime.

But the French pledge does not extend a guarantee to defend allies with French nuclear weapons. Instead, France will use nuclear deterrence to defend French “vital interests,” a purposefully vague phrase. Only time will tell whether Macron’s offer will satisfy European partners – or prevent them from deciding to take matters into their own hands.

There has been growing speculation over whether Poland and Germany might be considering developing their own nuclear weapons. While German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has explicitly ruled it out, Polish leaders’ comments leave the option open.

In early March, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk told the Polish parliament that Poland “must reach for the most modern solutions related to nuclear weapons,” seeming to reflect personal support for Warsaw’s long-term pursuit of a weapon and near-term conversations with the French about a nuclear umbrella.

In Canada, meanwhile, the former chief of the country’s defense staff said in February that Canada should not rule out acquiring nuclear weapons. While the comments drew opposition from the current Canadian defense minister, the discussion of whether Canada would consider “going nuclear” did not seem out of line in today’s global security environment.

Heightened discussions in Asia

Similar discussions among current and former government officials have been percolating across Asia.

For Japan, such talks mark a significant development. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, largely drafted by U.S. occupation authorities after World War II, renounces war. And in 1967 Japan further pledged not to produce, possess or host nuclear weapons in its territory — the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles.”

A city lies in ruins after a nuclear bomb detonation.
A pall of smoke lingers over a scene of nuclear destruction in Hiroshima, Japan, on Aug. 7, 1945.
AP Photo

But the issue is no longer taboo. In late 2025, an unnamed official in the new administration of Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi expressed his personal opinion that Japan should begin discussions about developing nuclear weapons.

These remarks drew an official rebuke from Takaichi. Moreover, Japanese nuclear weapons are unlikely to be in the cards anytime soon, particularly given the sensitivity surrounding Japan’s status as the only nation to directly experience the consequences of nuclear weapons. Nonetheless, Takaichi’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party is reconsidering its position on Tokyo’s nonnuclear principles to discuss allowing U.S. nuclear weapons to enter Japanese territory.

South Korea is a different story. Last year, the foreign minister in the former conservative Yoon administration argued that an independent nuclear deterrent for Seoul “was not off the table,” given the unpredictability of the Trump administration. Left unsaid, but clearly in the background, were concerns about the U.S. nuclear umbrella.

South Korea’s previous nuclear weapons program and public support for reviving it could make a future South Korean nuclear weapon a real possibility, even though the current center-left administration stresses Seoul’s nonnuclear stance.

Yet the public mood has also shifted. A total of 76% of respondents now support an indigenous nuclear weapon, according to a March 2025 poll by the Asian Institute for Policy Studies. That was an increase of 5 percentage points since 2024 and the highest level of public support for Seoul pursuing a nuclear weapons capability since the poll originated in 2010.

Saudi Arabia’s focus on the fuel cycle

In the Middle East, the Washington ally most likely to pursue a nuclear weapon remains Saudi Arabia. In Sept. 2023, de facto ruler Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reiterated his public stance that Riyadh would acquire a nuclear weapon if Iran did.

Perhaps more likely is Ryadh’s pursuit of a “latent” nuclear weapons capability, meaning that Saudi Arabia would develop relevant technology and expertise to be able to produce a weapon quickly if it made the political decision to do so. An indigenous capability to enrich uranium would be key.

Two political leaders stand side by side in a photo op.
President Donald Trump stands with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on his visit to the White House on Nov. 18, 2025.
AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein, File

Indeed, the crown prince has demonstrated an enduring interest in developing a Saudi nuclear fuel cycle. He continues to pursue domestic uranium enrichment, regardless of the state of Iran’s nuclear program.

In November 2025, members of the U.S. Congress wrote a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio expressing concern that “the administration has revived talks with Saudi Arabia to give it access to U.S. technology and to potentially allow it to enrich uranium.”

The willingness of the Biden and Trump administrations to pursue nuclear deals for civilian power reactors with allies that permit uranium enrichment could assist Saudi Arabia and South Korea in pursuing nuclear weapons. The “gold standard” U.S. nuclear cooperation agreement, called a 123 agreement, prohibits enrichment and reprocessing.

In September 2025, the Pakistani defense minister announced that Pakistan would extend its nuclear umbrella to Saudi Arabia, if needed, perhaps reducing Riyadh’s focus on obtaining formal U.S. security assurances. If genuine, this commitment provides Prince Mohammed the time and protection to develop Saudi nuclear weapons or a latent nuclear capability.

All of these developments suggest that despite decades of nonproliferation experts warning about the expansion of the nuclear club, new entrants are a very real possibility for the first time in decades.

The Conversation

The article solely reflects the views of the author and not those of the United States Government.

ref. Going nuclear? Why a growing number of Washington’s allies are eyeing an alternative to US umbrella – https://theconversation.com/going-nuclear-why-a-growing-number-of-washingtons-allies-are-eyeing-an-alternative-to-us-umbrella-275389

Tourist visits to Madagascar help conserve some forests, but others suffer: study suggests what to do

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ranaivo Rasolofoson, Assistant Professor, School of the Environment, University of Toronto

Madagascar is one of the world’s biodiversity hotspots. The island country is well known for its diverse and endangered range of wildlife. This includes over 100 species of lemurs and six species of majestic baobab trees found nowhere else.

The country is also among the world’s poorest. About 80% of its population live below the international poverty line of US$2.15 a day.

Attracting tourist visits to protected areas, such as Analamazaotra-Mantadia National Park, has long been one of Madagascar’s policy priorities. The aim is to channel tourist income towards conserving these areas. Tourist revenue is also supposed to reduce poverty through foreign currency revenue, job creation, and infrastructure development.




Read more:
Madagascar’s ancient baobab forests are being restored by communities – with a little help from AI


Globally, tourism is a powerful way of generating income. In 2024, travel and tourism represented 10% of the global economy (US$10.9 trillion). In Madagascar, tourism revenue makes up nearly 16.6% of the country’s economy.

We are a group of socio-environmental researchers who investigated the effects of tourist visits on the forests of 40 protected areas across Madagascar. The country’s natural forests shelter its rich, unique and endangered terrestrial biodiversity. An estimated 88% of Madagascar’s biodiversity is dependent on forests. But after decades of high deforestation rates, only 10%-15% of Madagascar’s land is still covered with natural forests.

For our research, we used 20 years of satellite data to study changes in the forests. We combined this with tourism visit counts from each protected area.

We ran statistical tests to see whether tourist numbers had any effect on deforestation in and outside protected areas. We also took into account other factors that could influence forest loss and tourism, like rainfall and population growth.

Before our study, no research had measured across the whole country how tourism in protected areas affects deforestation.




Read more:
Climate change is threatening Madagascar’s famous forests – our study shows how serious it is


Madagascar’s protected areas have a three kilometre buffer around them. Our research found that increased tourist visitors have not reduced forests within the protected areas, but have resulted in deforestation in the buffer zones.

There could be two reasons for this. Firstly, some agricultural and pastoral activities, fishing, and other types of activities are allowed within the buffer zone forest. Local people who used to harvest wood or clear forest for agricultural land from the protected area could be shifting this activity to the buffer zone outside. (Firewood and charcoal remain the primary energy source for most communities in Madagascar.)




Read more:
Forest conservation approaches must recognise the rights of local people


Secondly, villages outside protected areas might be clearing forests to accommodate tourists and tourism workers. Maps of forest cover showed that when tourism increased, deforestation increased in the buffer zones and near the entrances to the protected areas (where hotels and restaurants are set up).

We therefore recommend that buffer zones of protected areas be prioritised in Madagascar’s national reforestation programme.

Tourism only shifts deforestation

Madagascar currently has 127 protected areas – about 10% of the country’s land area. The majority were established after the 2003 International Union for Conservation of Nature World Parks Congress. There, the government of Madagascar pledged to increase its protected areas to 10% of the country’s land area.

Major threats to protected areas include land clearing for agriculture, mining, illegal logging, and production of firewood and charcoal. Our study focused on 40 protected areas established before 2003 and managed by Madagascar National Parks. This is because these are the only protected areas for which annual visitor numbers are available.




Read more:
The loss of Madagascar’s unique palm trees will devastate ecosystems


In protected areas, a portion of tourist entrance fees are shared with local communities. But it is difficult to know if this is enough money for communities to pay for their needs instead of relying on the forest. Tourist fee income is also not necessarily distributed to people most reliant on forest extraction.

Shifting deforestation to the buffer zone of protected areas is not necessarily a negative outcome for conservation, because it still leaves the protected area intact. Forests within buffer zones are also often intended to support local livelihoods. They are sometimes even of lower conservation value (less biodiverse) than protected forests.




Read more:
What Cameroon can teach others about managing community forests


However, increased deforestation there must be considered in conservation planning. This is because if the buffer area forests are gone, local people may enter the protected area to extract resources. This would endanger biodiversity and the critical ecological services they provide to local people.

What needs to happen next

Madagascar has a national reforestation programme. The country should also restore the forest in the buffer zone areas so that local communities’ needs for forest products can still be met.

We recommend that sustainable management of buffer zone forests include:

  • reforestation

  • planning where and when specific activities like wood extraction and farming can be done

  • sustainable agricultural practices and regenerative agriculture

  • promotion of alternative livelihoods

  • developing and enforcing environmental sustainability regulations for hotels and restaurants.

Strategies to protect buffer zone forests must include local communities in the designing, planning, setting up and monitoring stages. The aim should be to make sure that the plans are suitable for the local area, that they empower local people and that they’ll be sustainable for the future.




Read more:
Burkina Faso’s nature reserves are worth protecting – but people have to be part of the plan


Tourism entrance fees should continue to be shared between protected areas. This will support the operating costs of protected areas with few tourists.

If Madagascar wants to keep the forests in its protected areas, it must sustainably manage forests in buffer areas to provide for local communities’ needs.

The Conversation

Camille DeSisto has received funding from Duke University, Rice University, Phipps Conservatory, Explorers Club, Primate Conservation Inc., P.E.O. Foundation, and Garden Club of America.

Tristan Frappier-Brinton has received funding from Duke University, Re:wild, Primate Conservation Inc, and the National Science Foundation.

Ranaivo Rasolofoson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tourist visits to Madagascar help conserve some forests, but others suffer: study suggests what to do – https://theconversation.com/tourist-visits-to-madagascar-help-conserve-some-forests-but-others-suffer-study-suggests-what-to-do-275824

As Israel invades again, Lebanon faces more turmoil and possible civil war. Here are 3 ways this could go

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mariam Farida, Lecturer in Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism Studies, Macquarie University

Just two days after the US and Israel killed Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in late February, Hezbollah opened a second front in the war by launching six rockets into Israel from Lebanon.

The rockets came as a surprise to many. Hezbollah, once one of Iran’s most powerful proxy fighting forces, had been severely weakened by Israel during 13 months of fighting from late 2023–24.

The militant group had also stopped firing rockets into Israel since signing a ceasefire agreement in November 2024.

According to the ceasefire, the Lebanese army was to take control of the territory south of the Litani River in southern Lebanon and prevent Hezbollah from rebuilding its infrastructure. Hezbollah was also expected to move its fighters north of the river, about 30 kilometres from the border with Israel.

The Lebanese government and the Lebanese army then launched an enthusiastic public campaign to show their commitment to the systematic disarmament of Hezbollah’s fighters and dismantling of its missile launches.

But this has proved to be a monumentally difficult task for both the government and army.

The Israeli army has continued to carry out airstrikes on Hezbollah military sites and targeted assassinations of Hezbollah fighters on a near-daily basis since the ceasefire.

Hezbollah has repeatedly refused to disarm and withdraw north of the Litani River if these strikes continue.

So, the ceasefire deal was already shaky. And when fighting resumed earlier this month, Israel decided it was time to “finish the job” in Lebanon.

This week, it launched another ground invasion to completely destroy Hezbollah’s remaining military infrastructure, “just as was done against Hamas in Rafah, Beit Hanoun and the terror tunnels in Gaza”, Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, said.

More than 1 million Lebanese people have already been displaced, leading to fears Israel will reoccupy southern Lebanon, as it did for 18 years from 1982 to 2000.




Read more:
Israel has invaded Lebanon six times in the past 50 years – a timeline of events


There are three possible scenarios for what could happen next.

1. A short-term or “limited” ground operation

Israel does not want a return to its 18-year occupation, when it was dragged into a guerrilla war with Hezbollah and other groups, and by some estimates lost hundreds of soldiers.

A limited ground operation lasting a few weeks would therefore be the most desirable scenario to minimise troop casualties on the ground.

But this carries risk, too. A limited operation would make it difficult for the Israeli army to successfully destroy Hezbollah’s infrastructure. Israel has attempted these types of limited operations in the past and so far failed to stop Hezbollah rockets. Hezbollah, too, is unlikely to want to de-escalate quickly.

As such, a limited ground operation seems unlikely.

2. A war of attrition that lasts for months

This is a more possible scenario since the Hezbollah–Israel conflict is closely linked to the US–Israel war on Iran.

It has become obvious that Iran is engaged in a war of attrition with its adversaries. The regime doesn’t need to “win” the war; it just needs to hold on long enough for the US and Israel to feel enough global and domestic pressure to stop. Then, the regime can claim “victory”.

In this scenario, Hezbollah is fully capable of mirroring this strategy. If it can withstand Israeli airstrikes, it can retaliate with the type of guerilla warfare it has successfully used in the past to drag Israel into a longer conflict.

There are already signs Hezbollah fighters are adopting these strategies.

3. Another major war that will lead to reoccupation

This is the most likely scenario with highest chance of regional ripple effects.

If Israel launches a much larger ground operation, it would be aimed at fundamentally reshaping the balance of power with Hezbollah and putting more pressure on the Lebanese government before engaging in any negotiations or diplomatic settlements.

This is typical of negotiating processes: one side uses excessive violence to try to establish “new facts on the ground” and gain more leverage before entering into talks.

However, this could result in major losses for the Israeli army, similar to those suffered during its 1982 invasion and subsequent occupation.

Another possible outcome is a power vacuum in Lebanon and the outbreak of another civil war.

A Lebanese civil war would have serious implications for the region, much as the last one did from 1975 to 1990. Then, Lebanon was torn apart by multiple armed militias with different (and often competing) agendas. Hezbollah emerged from the chaos, giving Iran a powerful proxy group to threaten Israel for decades to come.

A Palestinian refugee camp near Tyre, Lebanon, during the civil war in 1982.
Wikimedia Commons

There would most likely be a major surge of refugees across Lebanon’s borders, as well.

Lebanon is already a fragile and weak country, struggling to sustain some 250,000 Palestinian and 1.3 million Syrian refugees. Now, there are 1 million displaced Lebanese from the recent fighting.

This kind of disruption would no doubt spill over into Europe, with displaced people trying to seek refuge there, similar to the height of the Syrian civil war.

An Israeli reoccupation of southern Lebanon could also give Hezbollah a much-needed boost in legitimacy among the Lebanese people, if it is able to survive the war and targeted killings of its leaders.

Hezbollah will easily be able to frame its operations as a form of resistance or muqawama, much as it did in its early years. This could be viewed in several ways: resistance against occupation, resistance against oppressive regimes and resistance against the US and Israel.

Wherever this conflict goes, the Lebanese people – and beleaguered Lebanese state – will pay the highest price, trapped again in a geopolitical contest they didn’t start and feel powerless to stop.

The Conversation

Mariam Farida does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As Israel invades again, Lebanon faces more turmoil and possible civil war. Here are 3 ways this could go – https://theconversation.com/as-israel-invades-again-lebanon-faces-more-turmoil-and-possible-civil-war-here-are-3-ways-this-could-go-278408

Pêche récréative et pollution plastique : créer des leurres souples qui disparaissent vraiment

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Erwan Vasseur, Doctorant en Sciences et technologie industrielles, Université Bretagne Sud (UBS)

Des millions de leurres finissent dans la nature chaque année en France. Verlin Auliane / Unsplash, CC BY-SA

Chaque année, des millions de pêcheurs perdent (sans le vouloir) une partie de leur matériel dans l’eau. Parmi les objets les plus souvent « abandonnés » : les leurres souples, petits bouts de plastique très efficaces… mais très persistants.


Mon travail de thèse, mené en collaboration avec l’entreprise FiiiSH, a consisté à développer des formulations à base de PHA capables de réduire la persistance des leurres souples dans l’environnement. La solution la plus prometteuse identifiée à ce jour n’est pas encore assez souple pour un usage pleinement satisfaisant, mais elle montre déjà de forts signes de biodégradation et de non-toxicité. Il reste donc du travail pour atteindre le bon compromis mécanique, mais la piste est sérieuse.

Une pratique massive et des pertes invisibles

Illustration de la pollution des leurres souples
Illustration de la pollution des leurres souples.
Fourni par l’auteur

La pêche de loisir est un loisir très répandu en France, en mer comme en eau douce. Les estimations institutionnelles évoquent environ 3,8 millions de pratiquants en mer en 2024, et plusieurs millions de cartes de pêche sont délivrées chaque année en eau douce. À cette échelle, même si la grande majorité des pêcheurs adopte de bonnes pratiques, une part de pertes reste inévitable : accrochage sur roches, branches, épaves, casse de ligne, courant, houle… À force de répétitions, un « petit » objet perdu involontairement devient un flux collectif.

Illustration de la souplesse d’un leurre souple.
Black Minnow FIIISH, Fourni par l’auteur

Un leurre souple doit « vivre » dans l’eau. Sa nage dépend de sa forme, mais aussi de sa viscoélasticité : trop rigide, il nage mal ; trop mou, il se déchire ; instable, il durcit ou devient poisseux avec le temps. En bref, le matériau doit être à la fois flexible, résistant, stable au stockage et transformable industriellement. C’est un cahier des charges très strict et complexe pour un matériau.

La pollution liée à la pêche est multiple : emballages, fils, plombs, mais aussi fragments de leurres. Un leurre souple ne pèse que quelques grammes : pris isolément, l’impact paraît négligeable. Mais dans des zones très fréquentées (digues, estuaires, embouchures, postes en rivière…), les pertes se concentrent et s’additionnent. On estime qu’un pêcheur perd en moyenne 10 leurres par an, pour environ 15 g par leurre, ce qui donne un ordre de grandeur de cette pollution plastique. Ces chiffres restent toutefois à prendre avec précaution, car ils sont difficiles à mesurer précisément. Avec le temps, les plastiques conventionnels peuvent s’abîmer sous l’effet des UV, de l’abrasion et des contraintes mécaniques, et générer des fragments plus petits : les microplastiques. Dans certains cas, des composés peuvent aussi migrer depuis l’objet en plastique vers l’eau. L’enjeu n’est donc pas seulement esthétique : il touche à la persistance des débris et à leur interaction avec les écosystèmes.

Les PHA : des plastiques produits par des bactéries

Les polyhydroxyalcanoates (PHA) sont une famille de polyesters que certaines bactéries fabriquent naturellement comme réserve de carbone et d’énergie. Industriellement, on retrouve une logique de fermentation : on nourrit des microorganismes avec une source de carbone (par exemple, sucres, huiles), on pilote les conditions pour favoriser l’accumulation de PHA dans les cellules, puis on récupère la biomasse et on extrait/purifie le polymère. On obtient alors une « résine » utilisable en plasturgie, sous forme de granulés. Les PHA sont donc bien des plastiques à part entière. En revanche, dans leur état initial, leurs propriétés sont souvent trop rigides pour des applications comme les leurres souples de pêche, ce qui impose d’ajouter des additifs, notamment des plastifiants, afin d’assouplir la matière.

L’intérêt des PHA est double. D’une part, ils peuvent être biosourcés (selon le procédé et les substrats). D’autre part, leur structure de polyester est favorable à la biodégradation dans certains milieux. Mais ce « peut être biodégradable » est important : tout dépend des conditions et de la formulation finale.

Un plastique biodégradable ne disparaît pas comme un comprimé effervescent. Il ne fond pas au contact de l’eau. La biodégradation est un processus biologique : des microorganismes, via des enzymes, transforment progressivement le matériau en produits simples (CO2, eau, sels minéraux et biomasse en conditions aérobies).

La clé, c’est la conversion finale : un matériau qui ne fait que se fragmenter plus vite peut produire des microplastiques sans réellement être biodégradé. Autre point essentiel : « biodégradable » n’est pas synonyme de « biosourcé ». Un matériau peut être biosourcé sans être biodégradable, et l’inverse. Pour éviter le greenwashing, il faut toujours préciser le milieu (sol, compost, eau douce, mer), la méthode de mesure et l’ordre de grandeur du temps de l’essai dans lequel l’échantillon se dégrade.

Comment transformer un PHA en leurre ?

Le défi est d’obtenir une matière suffisamment souple. Beaucoup de PHA sont naturellement plutôt rigides. Pour approcher la sensation d’un leurre conventionnel, on peut jouer sur la chimie du copolymère, mais aussi sur la formulation : plastifiants compatibles, mélanges, ou architectures internes qui stabilisent la souplesse.

C’est ici que mon travail de recherche s’inscrit, dans le cadre d’une collaboration avec l’entreprise FiiiSH : développer des formulations PHA adaptées à la pêche au leurre souple, en intégrant dès le départ les contraintes industrielles (mise en forme, reproductibilité, stabilité au stockage) et les exigences environnementales. Aujourd’hui, ces travaux ont déjà permis d’identifier plusieurs formulations prometteuses et de les évaluer à l’échelle laboratoire à travers des essais de caractérisation thermique, mécanique et rhéologique (la rhéologie est l’étude de la déformation et de l’écoulement de la matière sous l’effet d’une contrainte appliquée). L’enjeu est désormais de confirmer leur robustesse, leur stabilité dans le temps et leur pertinence pour un usage réaliste en leurre souple.

Différence de souplesse entre la matière actuellement utilisée (a) et la matière finale formulée à partir de PHA (b).
Fourni par l’auteur

Même avec un PHA prometteur, tout se joue souvent dans sa plastification. Obtenir un matériau souple ne suffit pas : il faut une souplesse stable et une bonne tenue mécanique. Or la compatibilité entre un PHA et un plastifiant est délicate : un plastifiant non miscible peut provoquer des hétérogénéités qui induisent une déchirure plus facile et une tenue mécanique qui chute. À l’inverse, un plastifiant trop compatible avec la résine peut « trop bien » s’y intégrer : il assouplit tellement le polymère qu’il relâche une partie du réseau d’enchevêtrements, et on obtient alors un matériau certes mou, mais très sensible à la déchirure. Pour se représenter la structure d’un plastique, on peut imaginer un plat de spaghettis bien emmêlés : les « nœuds » formés par les fils de pâte correspondent aux enchevêtrements, ces points d’accroche qui donnent au matériau sa cohésion.

Un petit objet mais une grande preuve à apporter

Rendre un leurre souple biodégradable ne consiste pas à « changer de plastique » dans une fiche technique. C’est un compromis délicat entre performance, stabilité et preuve environnementale. Les PHA offrent une piste crédible, à condition de rester rigoureux sur les mots (« biodégradable » n’est ni « soluble » ni « effervescent ») et sur les mesures. La suite se joue autant en laboratoire qu’en industrie : formulation, mise à l’échelle, transparence sur les compositions et validation dans des scénarios réalistes.

Si cette transition réussit sur un objet aussi exigeant qu’un leurre souple, elle pourrait inspirer d’autres produits exposés à la nature, où l’on ne peut pas éliminer totalement les pertes mais où l’on peut réduire, concrètement, la persistance.

À ce stade, un premier prototype de leurre a déjà vu le jour. Il reste désormais à l’éprouver en conditions réelles de pêche pour juger de sa performance sur le terrain. La solution n’est pas encore totalement aboutie, notamment parce qu’elle doit encore gagner en souplesse, mais elle n’est plus seulement une idée de laboratoire : elle commence déjà à prendre la forme d’un leurre.

The Conversation

Erwan Vasseur a reçu des financements de l’entreprise Fiiish et IRDL (Institut de Recherche Dupuy De Lôme).

ref. Pêche récréative et pollution plastique : créer des leurres souples qui disparaissent vraiment – https://theconversation.com/peche-recreative-et-pollution-plastique-creer-des-leurres-souples-qui-disparaissent-vraiment-277774