Travel as activism: 6 stories of Black women who refused to ‘stay put’ in apartheid South Africa

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Janet Remmington, Research Associate, Humanities Research Centre (and African Literature Department, University of the Witwatersrand), University of York

For black people living in South Africa during apartheid, simply moving around the country was a fraught activity, let alone crossing its borders. This was especially the case for black women, who were “rock bottom of the racial pile”, as South African writer Lauretta Ngcobo expressed it.

Coming to power in 1948 and ruling for over 40 years before democracy in 1994, the white-minority apartheid government took various race-based policies to extremes. An emphasis was on trying to control movement, keeping the black majority “in their place”.

From the 1950s, the state extended pass laws, targeting black women. It also complicated overseas travel with extra bureaucratic and financial burdens.




Read more:
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Mobility restrictions caused an outcry, especially among the growing body of black working women in industrialising cities and towns. These women connected their everyday challenges with broader sociopolitical issues. They injected new energy and forms of activism into organisations involved in the liberation struggle, including the African National Congress (ANC).

In a recent study, I explore the stories of black women who refused to stay put in the face of apartheid’s controls. For these women, mobility was a powerful form of anti-apartheid resistance – and of self-assertion.

I highlight how in 1954, a number of these women, working across race lines, founded the Federation of South African Women (Fedsaw) and drafted the Women’s Charter. The pioneering document laid groundwork for the broader Freedom Charter, which enshrined ideas on freedoms of movement and thought:

All shall be free to travel without restriction from countryside to town, from province to province, and from South Africa abroad.

Even though these ideals would only be realised much later, these activist women broke apartheid’s rules by travelling, exchanging ideas and making connections across borders.

The activist-traveller

These women’s high-risk journeys struck me as being characteristic of what journalist and scholar Mahvish Ahmad describes as a musāfir: an activist-traveller in a politically hostile environment who breaks new ground for others so they may be free.




Read more:
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The mobile black women workers I have been researching have not previously been brought into view as travellers with things to say about their journeys and movements. Their travel texts are diverse, many available only in archives. They include speeches, commentaries, handwritten accounts, interviews, letters and memoirs. Some memoirs were officially published, but outside the country.

Their outputs were not the products of high education or stylised writing, but produced in the intensity of the times by working women.

Elizabeth Mafekeng

When Elizabeth Mafekeng, president of the Food and Canning Workers’ Association, was denied a passport in 1955, she boarded a plane in disguise as a domestic helper. That’s how determined she was to get to the World Conference of Workers in Bulgaria. She also took in Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union and China, commenting in the press that she “saw the way people should live in the world” where race was not pronounced.

Returning to South Africa, she was punished for her transgressive travel. She became the first woman sentenced to political banishment by the apartheid state. Again she took mobility into her own hands, fleeing with her two-month-old baby to then Basotholand (today’s Lesotho).

Lilian Ngoyi and Dora Tamana

Lilian Ngoyi, leader of the Garment Workers Union and president of the ANC’s Women’s League, travelled to Switzerland, London, Berlin, the Soviet Union, China and Mongolia in 1955.

Ngoyi and Dora Tamana first tried to board a ship under “European names”, only to be arrested. On a second attempt, they succeeded by air using affidavits and a raft of explanations, eventually arriving in London after stopovers in Uganda, Italy and the Netherlands. Their destination was the World Congress of Mothers in Switzerland on behalf of Fedsaw. There they forged powerful solidarity networks.

Tamana reflected in a letter:

When I saw all these things, different nations together, my eyes were opened and I said, I have tasted the new world and won the confidence of our future.

On return, Ngoyi and Tamana played leading roles in the 20,000-strong 1956 women’s anti-pass march to parliament.

Frances Baard

Frances Baard was a domestic worker turned union organiser who presented the Women’s March petition to the apartheid state.

She travelled around South Africa extensively despite police harassment. Her organising work connected domestic workers, factory workers and other exploited labourers, for which she was imprisoned and banished. In her memoir, she spoke of the mind’s ability to travel:

Even though they ban me … my spirit is still there … free.

Florence Mophosho

My research includes those who travelled into exile like Florence Mophosho.




Read more:
Women in South Africa’s armed struggle: new book records history at first hand


She was one of the few exiled women leaders of the ANC in the 1960s, based for years in Tanzania and travelling far and wide for the Women’s Secretariat. She stressed that travel was vital to advance the work of political freedom as well as global women’s emancipation. This wasn’t always appreciated by male colleagues.

Emma Mashinini

The apartheid government loosened some mobility restrictions in the 1980s. But this didn’t mean moving around was free or unencumbered. Emma Mashinini, who led the Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union, undertook “a hundred and one travels” within and beyond South Africa to progress freedom for her people.




Read more:
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In 1981, Mashinini was thrown into solitary confinement for six months. In the eyes of the state, she had “overreached” as a black woman traveller-organiser. She insisted in her memoir that it was her country and she intended to come and go.

Moving to be free

Understanding this travel and writing history helps shine new light on (often unsung) black women trade unionists and organisational leaders as anti-apartheid movers and shakers.

Insisting on mobility came at great personal cost, but in a sense these women never went alone. They travelled to gain ground for the greater cause of freedom, while discovering new versions of themselves along the way.

The Conversation

Janet Remmington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Travel as activism: 6 stories of Black women who refused to ‘stay put’ in apartheid South Africa – https://theconversation.com/travel-as-activism-6-stories-of-black-women-who-refused-to-stay-put-in-apartheid-south-africa-263854

Nigeria’s plastic waste could enrich the fashion industry: here’s how

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Solaja Mayowa Oludele, Lecturing, Olabisi Onabanjo University

On any street in Lagos, Abuja or Port Harcourt, you’ll find abandoned plastic bottles lying around. Each year, about 2.5 million tonnes of plastic waste are produced in Nigeria and much of it winds up in landfills or in the environment.

But plastic waste can be useful. In some places it’s converted to textiles and clothing. Adidas, a global shoe and apparel maker, uses ocean plastics to produce sneakers, and the clothing brands H&M and Patagonia have put their money into recycled polyester collection. They collect post-consumer plastic waste (like used plastic bottles), clean it, shred it into flakes, melt it down into pellets, and then spin these pellets into polyester yarn, which is used to make new sportswear and footwear.

We’re a team of sustainability researchers and social scientists with expertise in circular economy, ethics and plastic waste management. In a recent study, we reviewed the opportunities and challenges of using recycled polyethylene terephthalate (PET) plastics (the type of plastic used in beverage bottles) in Nigeria’s fashion industry.

Evidence from other regions, such as Europe and North America, shows that producing polyester fibres from recycled PET rather than unused materials can cut carbon emissions by over 45%. But little is known about its potential in Nigeria.

Our review mapped and analysed academic studies, industry reports and policy documents to identify technical, economic, environmental, social and regulatory factors shaping the adoption of recycled PET in Nigerian fashion.

We developed a theoretical model showing how knowledge from local crafts, industrial design, environmental science and policy frameworks interact to influence this emerging practice. And we made some proposals about how to foster a socially inclusive, ethically responsible and environmentally sustainable textile industry in Nigeria.

We believe that incorporating plastic waste into the Nigerian textile industry could reduce pollution, generate employment and cut a niche in the world of sustainable fashion.

Barriers beyond technology

Plastic bottles don’t have to be a social or environmental hassle. They can be a source of economic power. The concept of “waste to wealth” is more than a catchphrase – it has the potential to revive the textile industry.

But there are a number of obstacles.

Poor infrastructure: Nigerians do not have large recycling plants. Recycling tends to be small scale or informal. Recovered PET bottles are typically exported or down-cycled into low-grade products like mats or stuffing.

Consumer perceptions: In a recent survey conducted in Lagos only 18% of consumers had heard about recycled textiles. Nigerians think of recycled clothes as a sign of poverty or as second-hand goods, not as quality clothing.

Comfort: Recycled polyester is often uncomfortable to wear in hot, damp climates, as the fabric tends to retain moisture and heat. Nigeria’s average daily temperatures range from 25°C to 35°C with high humidity. The uptake among consumers will not improve until these technical problems are addressed.

Policy gaps: In Europe, companies must assume responsibility for the end of their products’ lives. In Nigeria there are no comparable regulations, incentives or infrastructure supporting sustainable textiles. This leaves local brands with little motivation to innovate.

Lessons from global and local experiments

Other countries and brands have shown what’s possible. Adidas has transformed thousands of tonnes of plastic taken from the oceans into sneakers and sportswear. H&M operates a take-back programme worldwide which gathered over 14,768 tonnes of worn garments in 2022. Patagonia has a programme called Worn Wear which invites customers to repair and reuse their clothes.

Nigeria can learn from these examples, but also has its own sources of innovation. Startup enterprises such as Chanja Datti in Abuja are testing community-based recycling and recovery. Circular fashion – where clothing is designed to be reused, repaired and recycled instead of discarded – can also be cultural fashion, as designers in Nigeria like Maki Oh are incorporating traditional textures and sustainable practices.

The way forward

At least four changes are essential to transform plastic waste into fashion in Nigeria:

1.) Take a stake in decentralised recycling centres

Regional centres with small but technologically prepared centres could generate, process and upcycle the PET waste into fibres. This would lower transport expenses, provide employment and feed directly into textile manufacturers.

2.) Assist small and medium textile enterprises

Nigeria has a fashion industry dominated by small businesses. They can be given access to finance, sustainable practice training and affordable technology to scale the use of recycled fabrics.

3.) Educate consumers

Recycled fashion needs to be perceived by Nigerians as stylish and of good quality rather than second-hand. Perceptions can be shifted through public education, collaboration with popular designers and influencers.

4.) Create enabling policies

Tax incentives to sustainable producers, recycling start-up grants and procurement policies that focus on recycled textiles would encourage industry players. Laws must not promote waste and excessive dependence on imports.

Why this matters globally

Sustainable fashion is not only a western issue. Nigeria boasts one of the largest young populations in the world, a dynamic fashion industry and a huge plastic waste crisis. Should Nigeria be able to incorporate the use of recycled plastics in its textile industry, it may serve as an example to other poor economies facing similar circumstances.

The Conversation

Solaja Mayowa Oludele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nigeria’s plastic waste could enrich the fashion industry: here’s how – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-plastic-waste-could-enrich-the-fashion-industry-heres-how-264919

A walk across Alaska’s Arctic sea ice brings to life the losses that appear in climate data

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Alexandra Jahn, Associate Professor of Atmospheric, Oceanic and Arctic Sciences, University of Colorado Boulder

The author’s view walking across Arctic sea ice off Utqiagvik, Alaska, in April 2025. Alexandra Jahn

As I walked out onto the frozen Arctic water off Utqiagvik, Alaska, for the first time, I was mesmerized by the icescape.

Piles of blue and white sea-ice rubble several feet high gave way to flat areas and then rubble again. The snow atop it, sometimes several feet deep, hides gaps among the blocks of sea ice, as I found out when one of my legs suddenly disappeared through the snow.

As a polar climate scientist, I have focused on Arctic sea ice for over a decade. But spending time on the ice with people who rely on it for their way of life provides a different perspective.

Local hunters run snowmobiles over the sea ice to reach the whales and seals they rely on for traditional food. They talked about how they know when the sea ice is safe to travel on, and how that’s changing as global temperatures rise. They described worsening coastal erosion as the protective ice disappears earlier and forms later. On land, they’re contending with thawing permafrost that causes roads and buildings to sink.

Two people in winter coats, one carrying a rifle, walk across sea ice.
George Chakuchin, left, and Mick Chakuchin walk over the ridges of sea ice that buffer their Bering Sea community of Toksook Bay, Alaska, from winter storms in January 2020.
AP Photo/Gregory Bull

Their experiences echo the data I have been working with from satellites and climate models.

Most winters, sea ice covers the entire surface of the Arctic Ocean basin, even extending into the northern North Atlantic and North Pacific. Even in late summer, sea ice used to cover about half the Arctic Ocean. However, the late summer ice has declined by about 50% since routine satellite observations began in 1978.

Two satellite images of sea ice cover show the decline in the Arctic sea ice's maximum extent, in September.
The sea ice concentration at the end of the melt season for 1979, the first September with satellite data, and 2024. The pink line, for comparison, is the 1981-2010 median edge of area with at least 15% ice coverage. Both the ice-covered area and the concentration of sea ice in September have decreased, with ice cover down about 50% from 1979 to 2024.
NSIDC

This decline of summer sea ice area has a multitude of effects, from changing local ecosystems to allowing more shipping through the Arctic Ocean. It also enhances global warming, because the loss of the reflective white sea-ice surface leaves dark open water that absorbs the Sun’s radiation, adding more heat to the system.

What coastal communities are losing

Along the Alaskan coast, the decline of the Arctic sea ice cover is most apparent in the longer ice-free season. Sea ice is forming later in the fall now than it used to and breaking up earlier in the spring.

For people who live there, this means shorter seasons when the ice is safe to travel over, and less time when sea ice is present to protect the coastline from ocean waves.

A man stands on ice with a kayak. He's wearing an animal skin coat.
Traveling by kayak in Camden Bay, on the Beaufort Sea in northern Alaska, on Aug. 1, 1913.
Joseph Dixon/U.S. National Park Service

Open water increases the risk of coastal erosion, particularly when accompanied by thawing permafrost, stronger storms and rising sea level. All are driven by greenhouse gas emissions from human activities, particularly burning fossil fuels.

In some places along the Alaskan coast, erosion threatens roads, houses and entire communities. Research has shown that coastal erosion in Alaska has accelerated over recent decades.

More weeks of open water also affect animals. Polar bears spend the summer on land but require sea ice to hunt their preferred food, seals. The longer the sea ice stays away from land, the longer polar bears are deprived of this high-fat food, which can ultimately threaten the bears’ survival.

The ice is also thinning and getting younger

Across the Arctic, satellite data has captured how sea ice has been thinning and getting younger.

As recently as the late 1970s, about 60% of the Arctic sea ice was at least 1 year old and generally thicker than younger ice. Today, the amount of ice more than a year old is down to about 35%.

a chart shows dwindling amounts of sea ice that survived more than one year.
Age of sea ice percentage within the Arctic Ocean for the week of March 11-18, 1985-2022.
NOAA

Local residents experience that change in another way: Multiyear sea ice is much less salty than new sea ice. Hunters used to cut blocks of multiyear sea ice to get drinking water, but that older ice has become harder to find.

Sea ice forms from ocean water, which is salty. As the water freezes, the salt collects in between the ice crystals. Because the higher the salt content, the lower the freezing point of the water, these enclosures in the sea ice contain salty liquid water, called brine. This brine drains out of the sea ice over time through small channels in the ice. Thus, multiyear sea ice, which has survived at least one melt cycle, is less salty than first-year sea ice.

Since the coastal landfast sea ice around Utqiagvik no longer contains much multiyear sea ice, if any, the hunters now have to take a block of lake ice or simply gallon jugs of water with them if they plan to stay on the ice for several days.

Why data shows a continuing decline

As long as greenhouse gas emissions continue to increase, Arctic sea ice will generally continue to decline, studies show. One study calculated that, statistically, the average carbon dioxide emissions per person per year in the U.S. led to the disappearance of an area of summer sea ice the size of a large hotel room – 430 to 538 square feet (40 to 50 square meters) each year.

Today, when Arctic sea ice is at its minimum extent, at the end of summer, it covers only about half what it covered in 1979 at that time of the year. The Arctic still has around 1.8 million square miles (4.6 million square kilometers) of sea ice that survives the summer melt, approximately equal to the area of the entire European Union.

Climate models show the Arctic could be ice-free at the end of summer within decades, depending on how quickly humans rein in greenhouse gas emissions.

While a win for accessibility of shipping routes through the Arctic in summer, studies suggest that the large reduction of sea ice would bring profound ecological changes in the Arctic Ocean, as more light and heat enter the ocean surface.

The warmer the surface ocean water is, the longer it will take for the ocean to cool back down to the freezing point in the fall, delaying the formation of new sea ice.

What now?

Arctic sea ice will continue to form in winter for the next several decades. The months of no sunlight mean it will continue to get very cold in winter, allowing sea ice to form.

Pacific walruses surface through ice off the Alaska coast in 2004.
Joel Garlich-Miller, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

Climate models have estimated that it would take extremely high atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations to warm the climate enough for no sea ice to form in the winter in the Arctic Ocean – close to 2,000 parts per million, more than 4.5 times our current level.

However, winter sea ice will cover less area as the Earth warms. For people living along the Arctic Ocean coast in Alaska, winter ice will still return for now. If global greenhouse gas emissions are not reduced, though, climate models show that even winter sea ice along the Alaskan coast could disappear by the end of the 21st century.

The Conversation

Alexandra Jahn receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

ref. A walk across Alaska’s Arctic sea ice brings to life the losses that appear in climate data – https://theconversation.com/a-walk-across-alaskas-arctic-sea-ice-brings-to-life-the-losses-that-appear-in-climate-data-254910

What international law says about Israel’s collective punishments against Palestinian civilians

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leonie Fleischmann, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

A recent episode on the West Bank when hundreds of Palestinian men were detained by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has highlighted the IDF’s tactic of “collective punishment”. This is defined as “a form of sanction imposed on persons or a group of persons in response to a crime committed by one of them or a member of the group”. Is it illegal under international humanitarian law.

Acting in response to the detonation of “an explosive device”, which hit a military vehicle and injured two soldiers, IDF troops are reported to have arrested about 1,500 men in the city of Tulkarem in the northern West Bank. Troops imposed a curfew and sealed off entrances to the city.

A Telegram message posted by the IDF reported that “soldiers are encircling the city, conducting roadblocks and inspections in the area”. Footage shared by residents showed soldiers marching Palestinians in lines through the streets.

Palestinian men being rounded up in Tulkarem, September 12 2025.

These events came just days after six Israelis were killed and 12 were injured in Jerusalem, when two Palestinians boarded a bus and opened fire. In response, the IDF began laying siege on the villages from which the shooters came. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, vowed that: “We will get everyone who helped them, everyone who sent them, and we will carry out even tougher measures.”

Defence minister Israel Katz subsequently ordered sanctions to be imposed on the two villages where the gunmen lived. The Independent has reported that this included the demolition of their homes and every structure in the two villages that had been built without a permit. In addition, 750 Palestinians will also have their permits to work in Israel revoked.

Israel has operated a policy of collective punishment for decades. Israeli human rights organisations B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, and Yesh-Din: Volunteers for Human Rights, have documented these policies which include curfews, roadblocks, house demolitions, administrative detention and expulsion. In these cases, individuals who have done no wrong are intentionally harmed, thus defying the law.

The legal debate

The West Bank – and the Gaza Strip until 2005 – are defined as “Occupied Territories” under international law. This means that they are governed by laws of occupation as laid down by the law of international armed conflict. These are codified in the 1907 Hague Regulations and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 which sets down the laws for treatment of civilians in warfare.

They also draw on customary international humanitarian law to protect those living under occupation and to determine the obligations of the occupying force. Following two rulings by the International Court of Justice in 2004 and 2005, international human rights law also became applicable to Occupied Territories.

Thus, Israel is subject to article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which states that “no protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or terrorism are prohibited”.

However, certain clauses within the laws recognise the legitimacy of the occupying force to protect its own security against what is likely to be a hostile population. The rights of the occupied population are therefore balanced against the security of the occupying population.

On this basis, the Israeli army claims that the measures they impose following an attack is to deter other Palestinians from carrying out similar attacks. They are therefore justified out of military necessity. The Israeli high court of justice (HCJ) has ruled, more often than not, that the demolition of the house of an assailant, even if other family members also live there, is legal. This is because of its deterrence potential.

Despite this legal wrangling, my research into the relationship between human rights and the law in Israel and Palestine discovered various reports that have questioned the HCJ’s independence. They argue that since it is an institution within the system of occupation, it does not have the neutrality to assess such cases.

B’Tselem reported that the HCJ often “accepts the state’s position and engages in legal acrobatics in order to sanction a severe violation of human rights”. Similarly, a report by Palestinian human rights organisation, Al-Haq, reached the same conclusion. It said the HCJ “tends to endorse the position of the Israeli military and government authorities through flawed and often politically subservient legal reasoning”.

Given the flaws in appealing to the HCJ, it’s more appropriate to look to international law to determine the legality of Israel’s actions. The International Red Cross makes clear that under international law any form of “sanction, harassment or administrative action taken against a group in retaliation for an act committed by an individual/s who are considered to form part of the group” is illegal.

If justice is to be served, these acts of collective punishment – which, based on international humanitarian law, appear to qualify as potential war crimes – need to be tested in a court or tribunal.

The Conversation

Leonie Fleischmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What international law says about Israel’s collective punishments against Palestinian civilians – https://theconversation.com/what-international-law-says-about-israels-collective-punishments-against-palestinian-civilians-265510

The latest Tory defector to Reform wrote David Cameron’s ‘hug a hoodie’ speech – here’s why that matters now

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nicholas Dickinson, Lecturer in Politics, University of Exeter

Conservative party leader David Cameron gave a speech in 2007 on social justice which is remembered as the “hug a hoodie” moment. In it, he laid out the foundations of what would become the “big society” social programme and called for more compassion towards young people. The speech was written by his adviser Danny Kruger – the MP who has just defected to Nigel Farage’s Reform party.

Back then, Kruger, Philip Blond and Steve Hilton were seen as the key intellectual forces behind compassionate conservatism. But we now realise that the big society was really informed by a much darker vision of society than the hug a hoodie speech implied.

It was based on the belief that the country had been hollowed out by the moral vacuousness of governments (both left and right) since the 1960s. The picture the Conservatives painted even at the time was not one of optimism and progress but of crisis and decline.

This was exemplified by Kruger in particular. As he puts it in his essay On Fraternity, published the same year as Cameron’s speech: “Our culture is in the grip of this pernicious alliance, between … self-seeking individualism … and the bloated, all-aggrandising, all-powerful state … Between the two, society is being squeezed to death.” The political left is apportioned the majority of the blame for this state of affairs.

Blond was critical of every post-war government for creating a managerial welfare state which destroyed the old mutualism of the British working class while facilitating social permissiveness. This, he thought, had led to the commodification of sex and the creation of “empty pleasure-seeking drones” who looked to the state to solve problems. Today the right calls this being an NPC – a non-player character.

As a result of his links to Cameron, Blond became a feted public intellectual, founding a think-tank to promote his ideas. Kruger, meanwhile, pursued a career in the third sector before moving into politics. He became an MP in 2019 after a stint at the pro-Brexit Legatum institute.

Reading Cameron’s speech alongside Kruger’s essay today reveals not a coherent political philosophy but a carefully sanitised version of traditional conservatism designed for public consumption. What emerges is not genuine conservative compassion, but social conservativism dressed in progressive language.

The vanishing act

Kruger’s essay is replete with references to classic thinkers and concerns itself primarily with the abstract concept of fraternal bonds in society. Like Cameron, he defines British nationalism as primarily civic and not ethnic. Yet cultural change, including immigration’s effect on social cohesion, are rarely far from the surface.

He identifies “the presence of large communities with different national origins” as one of Britain’s three major challenges, contrasting today’s diversity with an allegedly more homogeneous past. This anxiety about rapid demographic change runs quietly throughout his analysis of social breakdown.

Cameron’s speech, by contrast, made these concerns disappear almost entirely. While discussing youth crime he avoids any suggestion that cultural diversity might complicate social cohesion. The “hoodie” instead becomes a deracinated symbol of alienated youth. Likewise, Cameron avoided golden age rhetoric by focusing entirely on the present and future.

Both texts struggle with a fundamental question: who gets to define the social values that supposedly bind communities together? Kruger writes extensively about “social authority” but rarely distinguishes benevolent community pressure from oppressive conformity except by implication. His requirement that “acts of public liberty” be “compatible with the interests and values of British society as a whole” sounds reasonable until you ask who determines that compatibility.

Cameron dodges this entirely by focusing on consensual values as well as, somewhat ironically, an appeal to expertise. But serious social problems often involve contested values around family structure, sexual morality, work ethic, and cultural integration. Compassionate conservatism had no mechanism for addressing these conflicts beyond hoping voluntary organisations would somehow resolve them.

This vagueness wasn’t accidental. It was essential to the compassionate conservative project. Specific policies force difficult choices between competing values. Better to speak in generalities about “love” and “relationships” while avoiding the hard questions about resources, priorities and trade-offs.

The collapse of compassionate conservatism

Understanding the collapse of compassionate conservatism requires recognising its primary function: electoral coalition-building. It allowed conservatives to appeal to socially liberal voters while maintaining traditional supporters. The problem is that this coalition was always unstable because it papered over genuine philosophical disagreements rather than resolving them.

Kruger’s defection represents the collapse of this synthesis. When migration pressures intensified, cultural conflicts sharpened, and mainstream conservative parties failed to address underlying tensions, the intellectual architects of compassionate conservatism abandoned the project for more explicitly populist alternatives.

Hilton abandoned British politics in the 2010s for Fox News, eventually siding with Trump and the MAGA movement. He is presently running for governor of California against progressive incumbent Gavin Newsom.

Blond still comments on British politics, using his X account in support of a variety of socially conservative positions on abortion, assisted dying, and trans rights. Today he believes the “most oppressed groups in the UK are white working-class males”, though he still interprets this as a progressive position.

Cameron’s speech worked as political rhetoric because it tells everyone what they want to hear – conservatives get individual responsibility and support for voluntary organisations, while progressives get structural understanding and emotional empathy. But when it comes to actual governance, these tensions become impossible to ignore.

Compassionate conservatism wasn’t a serious attempt to synthesise liberty and social justice. It was a marketing campaign that promised voters they could have conservative economics and progressive social policy simultaneously. The intellectual incoherence was a feature, not a bug. Politicians could avoid making difficult choices by pretending they didn’t exist.

The result was a politics of good intentions that consistently failed to deliver meaningful change, leaving both conservative and progressive goals unmet. Now that the electoral rewards of this approach have diminished, even its creators seem to have moved on to more authentic (or lucrative) expressions of their actual beliefs.

The Conversation

Nicholas Dickinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The latest Tory defector to Reform wrote David Cameron’s ‘hug a hoodie’ speech – here’s why that matters now – https://theconversation.com/the-latest-tory-defector-to-reform-wrote-david-camerons-hug-a-hoodie-speech-heres-why-that-matters-now-265561

Trump administration is threatening liberal foundations and nonprofits after Kirk’s death – but proving wrongdoing by any of them would be very hard

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Beth Gazley, Professor of Nonprofit Management and Policy, Indiana University

Charlie Kirk speaks at the opening of the Turning Point Action conference on July 15, 2023, in West Palm Beach, Fla. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Following the Sept. 10, 2025, death of conservative activist Charlie Kirk in Utah, the Trump administration signaled that it intends to expand investigations into “leftist groups” for possible links to the suspect.

Kirk, who was 31 when he died, founded and led Turning Point USA, a conservative nonprofit that counted hundreds of thousands of young Americans among its members. Tyler Robinson, a 22-year-old Utah man, is accused of killing Kirk with a single bullet at a crowded outdoor debate. He was, according to many accounts, raised by Republican parents in a conservative community. Although Robinson reportedly had recently adopted different political views, his precise motives remain unclear.

The Conversation U.S. asked Beth Gazley, an Indiana University scholar of nonprofits, local governance and civil society, to explain the significance of the Trump administration’s response to Kirk’s death in terms of free speech and nonprofit norms.

What are the Trump administration’s allegations?

High-ranking members of the Trump administration, including Vice President JD Vance and Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, are accusing certain progressive organizations of encouraging violence against right-wing public figures and suggesting they played a role in Kirk’s death.

Miller, for example, has likened those groups to “a vast domestic terror movement.”

Vance has said the government will “go after the NGO network that foments, facilitates and engages in violence,” in a reference to nonprofits he alleges are supporting illegal activities.

President Donald Trump has blamed Kirk’s death on “a radical left group of lunatics” that doesn’t “play fair.” He has stated that they are “already under major investigation,” although no such probe has been disclosed to date.

Trump has raised the possibility of criminal charges under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, known as the
RICO statute, which is typically used to prosecute gangs and organized crime rings.

But, to be clear, the Trump administration has not yet produced evidence to support any of its allegations of wrongdoing by nonprofits and their funders.

A TV screen projects footage of Vice President JD Vance in the White House Briefing Room.
A video feed is displayed in the White House briefing room on Sept. 15, 2025, as U.S. Vice President JD Vance hosts a podcast episode of ‘The Charlie Kirk Show’ at the White House, following the assassination of the show’s namesake.
Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

What organizations are being targeted?

Some conservative media outlets and Trump administration members have singled out specific nonprofits and funders.

Their targets include billionaire George Soros, whose Open Society Foundations are among the country’s largest philanthropies, and the Ford Foundation, another of the nation’s top grantmakers. The outlets and officials claim that both foundations allegedly provided money to as-of-yet unnamed groups that “radicalized” Tyler Robinson and led to what the White House has called “organized agitation.”

Another target is the Southern Poverty Law Center, a civil rights organization that regularly reported comments Kirk made disparaging Black, LGBTQ and other people.

The Ford Foundation is among more than 100 funders that signed onto an open letter posted to the Medium platform on Sept. 17, in which they objected to these Trump administration’s attacks. Open Society Foundations also signed the letter, and, in a post on the X platform, it denied the specific allegations directed at it by the Trump administration. The Southern Poverty Law Center has posted its own denial on Facebook.

Most but not all of the organizations Trump and his officials have accused of wrongdoing are charitable nonprofits and foundations. These organizations operate in accordance with the rules spelled out in Section 501(c)(3) of the U.S. tax code.

What can count as a charitable activity is defined very broadly due to the language that Congress approved over a century ago. It includes public policy advocacy, a limited amount of direct lobbying, social services and a broad range of other activities that include running nonprofit hospitals, theaters and universities. Churches and other houses of worship count as U.S. charities too.

The rights of nonprofits are also protected under the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which entitles them to freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, and the right to assemble and “petition the government for a redress of grievances” – which cements their right to participate in public policy advocacy.

Obviously, institutions – including nonprofits – and the people who lead them can’t promote criminal activity or incite political violence without breaking the law. U.S. Supreme Court precedents have set the bar very high on what counts as an incitement to violence.

Are there any precedents for this?

The Republican Party has previously attempted, and failed, several times in the past few years to expand the executive branch’s power to deregister charities for partisan purposes.

Most recently, GOP House members drafted an amendment that was cut from the final version of the big tax-and-spending bill Trump signed on July 4.

But many nonprofit advocates remain concerned about the possibility of the Trump administration using other means to limit nonprofit political rights.

Are there precedents for the repression of US nonprofits and their funders?

Under the Bill of Rights, the U.S. has strong protections in place that shield nonprofits from partisan attacks. Still, there are some precedents for attempts to repress them.

The Johnson Amendment to a tax bill passed in 1954 is a well-known example. This law ended the ability of 501(c)(3) charities, private foundations and religious organizations to interfere in political campaigns.

Despite strong support from the public and the nonprofit sector for keeping it in place, the Trump administration has attempted to repeal the Johnson Amendment. What is largely forgotten is that Lyndon B. Johnson, then a member of Congress, introduced the measure to silence two conservative charities in his Texas district that supported his political opponent.

The Republican Party has also claimed in recent years that conservatives have been victims of efforts to suppress their freedom to establish and operate charitable nonprofits. A notable case was the GOP’s accusation during the Obama administration that the Internal Revenue Service was unfairly targeting Tea Party groups for extra scrutiny. Following years of outrage over that alleged partisanship, however, it later turned out that the IRS had applied extra scrutiny to progressive groups as well.

Some political observers have suggested that the Trump administration’s inspiration for targeting certain nonprofits and their funders comes from what’s going on in other countries. Hungary, Russia, Turkey and other countries have punished the activities of their political opponents and nongovernmental organizations as crimes.

What do you think could ultimately be at stake?

The economic and political freedoms that are the bedrock of a true democracy rely on a diversity of ideas. The mechanism for implementing that ideal in the U.S. relies heavily on a long-standing Supreme Court doctrine that extends constitutional rights to individuals and organizations alike. Nonprofits, in other words, have constitutional rights.

What this means for American society is a much greater proliferation of nonprofit activity than you see in many other countries, with the inevitable result that many organizations espouse unpopular opinions or views that clash with public opinion or the goals of a major political party.

That situation does not make their activities illegal.

Even Americans who disagree with the missions of Turning Point USA or the Southern Poverty Law Center should be able to agree that both institutions contribute to what Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas once called the “market place of ideas” necessary for an open democracy.

Is it easy to see what donors fund and what nonprofits do with their money?

This situation leaves open the question of whether the public has a right to know who is bankrolling a nonprofit’s activity.

Following the money can be frustrating. Federal law is somewhat contradictory in how far it will go to apply democratic ideals of openness and transparency to nonprofit activity. A key example is the long-standing protection of donor privacy in U.S. law, a principle that conservatives generally favor.

The courts have established that making a charitable gift is a protected free speech activity that entitles donors to certain privacy rights. In fact, the most recent U.S. Supreme Court ruling related to charitable giving, handed down in 2021, upheld a conservative nonprofit’s right to strip donors’ names from reporting documents.

This privacy right extends to foundations: They can decide whether to disclose the names of their grant recipients. Still, all nonprofits except churches need to make some disclosures regarding their finances on a mandatory form filed annually.

Looking forward, organizations that advocate for the charitable sector as a whole, such as the National Council of Nonprofits, are closely following the efforts of the Trump administration. Their role is to remind the public that nonprofits on both the right and left side of the political spectrum have strong advocacy rights that don’t disappear when bad things happen.

The Conversation

Beth Gazley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump administration is threatening liberal foundations and nonprofits after Kirk’s death – but proving wrongdoing by any of them would be very hard – https://theconversation.com/trump-administration-is-threatening-liberal-foundations-and-nonprofits-after-kirks-death-but-proving-wrongdoing-by-any-of-them-would-be-very-hard-265445

Why Florida’s plan to end vaccine mandates will likely spread to other conservative states

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Anindya Kundu, Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership, Florida International University

Florida has been a leader for other conservative states on education reform. iStock/Getty Images Plus

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announced a plan in early September 2025 that he intends to make Florida the first state to end vaccine mandates across all schools and in other state-run institutions such as nursing homes.

His proposal would dismantle Florida Statute 1003.22, which requires that all schools, including public and private schools, collect proof of students’ immunization for a range of communicable diseases when they enroll.

In 2025, approximately 88.7% of Florida kindergartners are vaccinated, which is almost 5% lower than the national average. Florida’s rate of vaccination for kindergarten students has steadily declined over the past eight years – and dropped from 93.5% in 2020 to 89.9% in 2024.

If Florida state legislators approve DeSantis’ plan when they convene in January 2026, the state would sweepingly eliminate long-standing obligations for schools and other places to require a standard set of immunizations for enrollment. Florida nursing homes currently assess whether residents should receive pneumococcal and flu vaccines.

As a sociologist, I study how education policy shapes democracy, social cohesion and inequality. I am also a professor of educational policy studies.

DeSantis’ plan is indicative of Florida’s general approach to approve education policy that is aligned with conservative priorities on “woke politics” and culture war issues, such as book bans.

Other Republican-led states, such as Alabama, Arkansas and Iowa, are typically quick to follow Florida’s lead and implement their own versions of Florida’s educational and social policies.

A white man with dark hair wears a navy blue suit and stands at a podium that says 'Florida, the education state.'
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks after he signed three education bills in Sarasota, Fla., in May 2023.
Thomas Simonetti for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Florida setting examples

Well before DeSantis, Florida has tried to be a national leader of educational reform and has tightened state control over schools by reshaping standards on testing, school curricula and guidance on what can and cannot be taught in public schools.

Florida’s former Gov. Jeb Bush, who served from 1999 through 2007, helped lead this educational reform work. He was steadfast in increasing top-down accountability for educators, closely monitoring their performance by increasing high-stakes testing and tying teachers’ compensation to test results.

Bush also widely promoted policies to expand school choice for parents or policies that often allow any parent – regardless of income – to apply for state grants that use public money to pay for their children’s private school education.

Public school enrollment has steadily declined in Florida over the past two decades. While 86% of Florida students attended a traditional public school in 2001-2002, just 51% of Florida children went to a public school in 2024.

In 2022, Arizona became the first state to adopt a universal voucher system.

Florida then expanded its school voucher program in 2023 – allowing all parents, regardless of income, to use state taxpayer-funded scholarships to help pay for their children’s private school or home school experience. More than 500,000 Florida students received these vouchers in 2025.

Since 2024, 10 states plus Washington D.C. have adopted voucher programs.

Critical race theory on the front line

Since taking office in 2018, DeSantis has also set his sights squarely upon other hot-button issues, including by banning critical race theory from public schools in 2021.

Critical race theory, or CRT, is an academic framework that looks at how different forms of marginalization, such as gender or race, overlap, as well as how racism is embedded within American institutional and legal structures. DeSantis has said that CRT amounts to “state-sanctioned racism” that teaches “kids to hate our country or to hate each other.”

I and other experts on education considered this ban on CRT largely symbolic. The likelihood that K-12 educators are trained in CRT to then teach it to students seemed remote.

That same year, Florida rejected 54 math textbooks that officials felt contained CRT-related subject matter.

In 2023, DeSantis also cited CRT when he blocked Florida from offering the nonprofit College Board’s newly developed AP African American Studies course from public schools.

These actions made Florida one of the first states to place formal policy restrictions on CRT, effectively prohibiting discussions around race and inequality in public schools.

Since 2021, 44 other states have introduced similar bills. Approximately 28 states, including Texas, Idaho, Tennessee and Montana, have adopted at least one law limiting educators’ discussions of racism and sexism.

Anti-LGBTQ+ measures

In 2022, Florida also became the first state to prohibit classroom instruction on sexuality or gender identity topics from kindergarten through third grade. This law – formally called the Parental Rights in Education Act but often referred to as “Don’t Say Gay” – also restricts discussion on these topics in higher grades.

Though the law restricts formal classroom discussion or curriculum on sexuality and gender identity, teachers are allowed to discuss these topics in informal settings, such as student gay and straight alliance clubs.

By 2024, a growing list of at least 20 states, including Alabama and Indiana, followed Florida and introduced similar laws to “Don’t Say Gay.”

A woman wears a light-colored shirt and holds a door handle of a building that has painted words on its light wall: 'Censorship leaves us in the dark.'
A bookstore in Coral Gables, Fla., shows a list of banned books in 2022.
Jeffrey Greenberg/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Book bans

Book bans are another prominent front where DeSantis has influenced how education looks in Florida – and in other states.

Book bans refer to schools and libraries removing books that are deemed controversial or inappropriate for students, often flagged for content related to race, sexuality or gender.

In 2023, Florida passed a law called HB 1069, which, among other things, banned books primarily flagged by parents or education officials for discussing or mentioning sexual topics.

One of these banned books was “Arthur’s Birthday,” a children’s picture book based on the animated PBS children’s series about an aardvark. The book was banned for including a reference to the game “spin the bottle.”

Florida’s schools banned approximately 4,500 books in the 2023-2024 school year, more than any other state.

A federal judge overruled a large portion of HB 1069 in August 2025, calling the categorization overly broad and unconstitutional.

Following Florida’s example, 33 other states passed laws about book bans in the 2022-2023 school year.

Overall, there has been a 200% increase in book bans nationwide from 2022 to 2024.

Beyond Florida

If Florida lifts its vaccine mandate, the decision would also affect other groups in Florida, including young children in day care centers and elderly residents living in nursing homes, which would also no longer require vaccines.

Private schools and universities would retain the ability to impose their own stances and vaccine requirements. However, private educational institutions in Florida often preemptively align themselves with state guidance.

Idaho loosened its vaccination rules in the summer of 2025, prohibiting schools from denying admission to a person who has not received vaccines. Louisiana has also said it will stop promoting mass vaccine campaigns.

As recent education policy history shows, Florida’s potential decision to end vaccine mandates in schools and other places would immediately have ripple effects across the nation. It is likely that if Florida strikes down its school vaccine requirements, this move will catalyze a rapid unraveling of similar public health protections across other states.

The Conversation

Anindya Kundu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Florida’s plan to end vaccine mandates will likely spread to other conservative states – https://theconversation.com/why-floridas-plan-to-end-vaccine-mandates-will-likely-spread-to-other-conservative-states-264734

Soil erosion is tearing DRC cities apart: what’s causing urban gullies, and how to prevent them

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Matthias Vanmaercke, Associate professor BOF Faculty of Science, KU Leuven

In fast-growing cities like some in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), heavy rains are carving huge scars into the land. Known as urban gullies, these deep erosion channels can swallow homes, destroy roads and displace entire communities.

They can grow to hundreds of metres long and dozens of metres wide, splitting neighbourhoods in two. Once established, they keep expanding with each major downpour.

The consequences are devastating. In Kinshasa, the DRC’s capital, heavy rainfall in December 2022 triggered rapid gully expansion, destroying homes and claiming dozens of lives.

Urban gullies form when rainwater runoff cuts deep channels into fragile soils. The erosive force of concentrated water exceeds the strength of these soils. The gullies usually form after intense rain on steep slopes. Urbanisation makes the situation worse as vegetation is removed to build houses, greatly increasing the likelihood that heavy rainfalls will simply run off the top soil. Roads also play a critical part as they can change how water flows across the landscape, forming direct pathways along which runoff can accumulate.

Our new study reveals the staggering scale of the problem in the DRC. Our research team of Congolese and Belgian earth scientists and geographers identified 2,922 urban gullies in 26 DRC cities.

We used satellite imagery and population data to identify the gullies. Our detailed, nationwide mapping effort – the first to map gully erosion across an entire country – shows that this is not a series of isolated incidents but a widespread and fast-growing hazard.

But urban gullies can be avoided by adequate urban planning and infrastructure. This includes adapted zoning plans and measures such as better road drainage, rainwater retention and infiltration systems, increased vegetation cover and targeted engineering works to divert runoff safely.

The crisis in numbers

Many of the urban gullies in the DRC are huge. A typical example is easily 250 metres long and 30 metres wide. Together, they stretch nearly 740 kilometres.

Kinshasa alone has 868 mapped gullies (221km in total). With about 17 million inhabitants, it is the DRC’s largest city and one of Africa’s megacities, where rapid, unplanned growth (around 6.6% per year) makes gully erosion a major urban hazard. Kinshasa is also tropical with annual rainfall typically above 1,000 millimetres.

By reconstructing how these features expanded between 2004 and 2023, we calculated that 118,600 people in the DRC were forced from their homes. Displacement has accelerated sharply: before 2020, about 4,600 people were displaced annually; today, the figure is more than 12,000.

The study also looked ahead. In 2023, some 3.2 million Congolese lived in areas considered at risk of future gully expansion. Of these, more than half a million are in zones where the chance of losing their homes within a decade is very high.




Read more:
Urban greening in Africa will help to build climate resilience — planners and governments need to work with nature


Several factors make Congo’s cities especially prone to gully erosion. Many are built on steep slopes with sandy soils that are highly erodible. Rapid, unplanned urban growth strips vegetation and increases impermeable surfaces such as rooftops and roads, which funnel runoff into concentrated flows.

The link with roads is particularly striking: 98% of all mapped gullies were connected to the road network, either forming along unpaved streets or fed by runoff from poorly drained roads.

The problem is set to worsen. Congo’s urban population is booming, driven by both natural growth and migration. Informal neighbourhoods often lack basic infrastructure, leaving rainfall to carve its own destructive paths.

Climate change adds another layer of risk. Rainfall intensity in tropical Africa is projected to rise by 10%-15% in the coming decades. Since heavy downpours are a trigger for gully formation, expansion rates could double if no action is taken.

Prevention over cure

Once formed, gullies are extremely hard and costly to stabilise. Local communities often try to slow their advance, but without proper engineering solutions, most efforts fail. Stabilising a single large gully can cost the DRC more than US$1 million, an impossible burden for most municipalities.

The study shows that prevention is the only viable long-term strategy. That means paying careful attention to how cities are planned and built. Measures such as better road drainage, rainwater retention systems and strategic vegetation cover can reduce the risks.




Read more:
Climate change is a threat to Africa’s transport systems: what must be done


Above all, improved spatial planning is crucial to stop new neighbourhoods from being built in vulnerable areas. The effectiveness of specific urban gully control measures remains largely unknown and poorly documented, apart from an earlier case study in the DRC that showed that many measures fail. But such measures should not be confused with better spatial planning. This means avoid constructing houses and roads in areas that are sensitive to urban gully formation, or at least making sure that rainwater is safely stored or evacuated.




Read more:
Kenya’s devastating floods expose decades of poor urban planning and bad land management


We argue that the best strategy for limiting the impacts of urban gullies is preventing them.

Above all, urban gullies must be recognised as a disaster risk on par with floods and landslides. Only then can policies and investments be developed that are needed to protect vulnerable populations.




Read more:
Africa’s refugee camps are plagued by flooding: we looked into drainage systems that can withstand local conditions


A problem in the rest of Africa too

Although the DRC is at the epicentre of the crisis, similar problems are emerging elsewhere in Africa, including Nigeria, Uganda, Burundi and Madagascar.




Read more:
Flooding in Nigeria is on the rise – good forecasts, drains and risk maps are urgently needed


With urban populations across the global south expected to nearly triple by 2050, gully erosion could become one of the defining urban hazards of the century.

The deep scars running through Congo’s cities are not just features of the landscape, they are reminders of the urgent need to rethink how urban growth is managed in vulnerable regions.

The Conversation

Matthias Vanmaercke receives funding from the University of Leuven. The research behind this article was funded through the Belgian ARES research collaboration project PREMITURG (Prevention and Mitigation of Urban Gullies: lessons learned from failures and successes, D.R. Congo)

ref. Soil erosion is tearing DRC cities apart: what’s causing urban gullies, and how to prevent them – https://theconversation.com/soil-erosion-is-tearing-drc-cities-apart-whats-causing-urban-gullies-and-how-to-prevent-them-264497

A cold shock to ease the burn − how brief stress can help your brain reframe a tough workout

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Marcelo Bigliassi, Assistant Professor, Florida International University

When you lift weights, walk up a steep hill or ride a bike, your body is continuously sending sensory signals to your brain. These signals paint a picture of the physical sensation of what you’re doing. Your brain then takes these signals and filters them through your past experience, goals, expectations and current emotional state.

It turns out that the way your brain uses all that context to interpret this sensory information significantly influences whether you perceive something physically strenuous, such as a bike ride, as difficult and threatening or as rewarding and pleasant.

Many people who are new to exercise often quit because they interpret physical discomfort as a warning sign instead of a challenge that can be overcome. But in recent years, scientists have shown that by changing your emotional state, you can also change how you interpret physical sensations.

We are two neuroscientists who study how the brain and body respond to stress and how those reactions shape perception. Research has shown that small, well-timed challenges can help the body and mind grow more resilient, while too much stress, or stress at the wrong time, can slow recovery and sap motivation.

In a recent experiment, we wanted to see whether it is possible, in a sense, to recalibrate how the brain interprets difficult tasks using a tiny, safe dose of physical discomfort. We found that physical stress in manageable doses – in this case, dunking your hand in ice-cold water – can make a later effort feel more doable, particularly for people who are not yet accustomed to strenuous exercise.

man and woman in street clothes show a paper to a woman in exercise gear on stationary bike
Authors Marcelo Bigliassi and Dayanne S. Antonio monitor psychophysiological and psychological data while a participant performs a cycling exercise on a stationary ergometer.
Margi Rentis

Cold first, bike second

In order to evaluate the concept of stress calibration, we assembled a group of 31 adult volunteers with limited prior engagement in physical activity. Our physical fitness task involved volunteers riding a stationary bike for six minutes, with the effort increasing in short stages from easy to tough.

On one visit, before getting on the bike, participants put one hand into a bucket of ice-cold water and kept it there for as long as they could – between one and three minutes. We hypothesized this physical stress would trigger a slight change in how their brains would interpret physical sensations and change their ability to tolerate physical discomfort; this was the recalibration step.

On the other visit they just got on the bike without doing a cold-water hand dunk. To help control for variables, we mixed up the order so that some people did the cold-water dunk on the first day and others did it on the second.

While riding the test bike, participants reported on a number of variables using rating scales, including how much pain they felt, how pleasant or unpleasant the effort seemed, how much energy they had, and whether they felt in control or overwhelmed. These measures allowed us to track how the volunteers were experiencing the exercise at different levels of intensity, both with and without the cold-water hand dunk.

What we found

hand immersed in white bucket filled with water and ice
Participant immerses her hand in a container filled with ice water, in a test commonly used to evaluate stress tolerance and cardiovascular reactivity.
Margi Rentis, CC BY

When we first saw the results, we were amazed by how much a short stress induction could affect people’s perceptual responses during exercise. During the hardest two minutes of the cycling task, the participants who had lasted longer in the cold-water dunk actually reported less pain and more pleasure. Additionally, the participants who said they had a high tolerance for pain experienced a slightly greater sense of dominance compared to other participants as the biking intensity peaked.

We believe three effects may help explain why our participants felt the toughest minutes on the bike were less painful and more enjoyable after the cold-water challenge.

The first effect is similar to a quick biological reset. Ice water jolts the nervous system. In response, the brain switches on its built-in pain-dimming system and sends “turn it down” signals down the spinal cord. For a short window, incoming pain messages are muted, so discomfort feels less intense, helping participants tolerate more pain during cycling right after the hand dunk.

The second effect is a short stress surge. When the body feels stress, your heart rate and blood pressure jump, stress chemicals rise, and the brain may turn pain down for a moment. That bump can make the first minutes of exercise feel less abrupt, almost as if you did a quick psychological warmup. As the surge fades, your system settles, allowing you to find your rhythm without the start feeling so shocking.

The third mechanism works through the brain’s interpretation of the sensations. Getting through the short burst of discomfort from the ice dunk seemed to give participants an instant sense of “I can handle this” and a feeling of accomplishment. We think this boost recalibrates how their brains interpret stress and discomfort.

From lab insight to everyday training

At its core, this study shows that how your brain perceives physical sensations is adjustable. A short, well-timed challenge, such as an ice-cold hand dunk, can act as a calibration mechanism, tilting the toughest moments of exercise away from pain and toward enjoyment.

You don’t need an ice bucket to apply this principle to your life. The challenge could be a short uphill push before a longer run, a quick set of jump squats before starting a workout, or a short jog before a more challenging activity. These brief contrasts can prime the body and mind so the main effort feels less like a threat and more like progress. The key is to keep the challenge short, safe and within your limits, especially on days when life is already stressful.

This finding fascinates us because it shows that neither your brain nor your body is just a passive passenger during effort. They constantly recalibrate what “hard” feels like. The effect of overcoming one small challenge can ripple forward, making the next challenge feel more doable and even rewarding.

Over time, those small wins become reference points, proof that effort leads to recovery and growth. Layered into everyday training, they turn workouts into opportunities to practice composure, restore a sense of control and build lasting resilience.

The Conversation

Marcelo Bigliassi is an Assistant Professor of Psychophysiology and Neuroscience at Florida International University. He receives funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH), serves on the advisory board of the Antifragile Academy, and works as the Chief Scientist at NeuroMotor Training and NeuroSmart.

Dayanne Antonio is a Ph.D. student at Florida International University and serves as a Teaching Assistant in the undergraduate Kinesiology program. She reports no conflicts of interest.

ref. A cold shock to ease the burn − how brief stress can help your brain reframe a tough workout – https://theconversation.com/a-cold-shock-to-ease-the-burn-how-brief-stress-can-help-your-brain-reframe-a-tough-workout-258552

Scams and frauds: Here are the tactics criminals use on you in the age of AI and cryptocurrencies

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rahul Telang, Professor of Information Systems, Carnegie Mellon University

Scammers often direct victims to convert cash to untraceable cryptocurrency and send it to them. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Scams are nothing new – fraud has existed as long as human greed. What changes are the tools.

Scammers thrive on exploiting vulnerable, uninformed users, and they adapt to whatever technologies or trends dominate the moment. In 2025, that means AI, cryptocurrencies and stolen personal data are their weapons of choice.

And, as always, the duty, fear and hope of their targets provide openings. Today, duty often means following instructions from bosses or co-workers, who scammers can impersonate. Fear is that a loved one, who scammers also can impersonate, is in danger. And hope is often for an investment scheme or job opportunity to pay off.

AI-powered scams and deepfakes

Artificial intelligence is no longer niche – it’s cheap, accessible and effective. While businesses use AI for advertising and customer support, scammers exploit the same tools to mimic reality, with disturbing precision.

Deepfake scams use high-tech tools and old-fashioned emotional manipulation.

Criminals are using AI-generated audio or video to impersonate CEOs, managers or even family members in distress. Employees have been tricked into transferring money or leaking sensitive data. Over 105,000 such deepfake attacks were recorded in the U.S. in 2024, costing more than US$200 million in the first quarter of 2025 alone. Victims often cannot distinguish synthetic voices or faces from real ones.

Fraudsters are also using emotional manipulation. The scammers make phone calls or send convincing AI-written texts posing as relatives or friends in distress. Elderly victims in particular fall prey when they believe a grandchild or other family member is in urgent trouble. The Federal Trade Commission has outlined how scammers use fake emergencies to pose as relatives.

Cryptocurrency scams

Crypto remains the Wild West of finance — fast, unregulated and ripe for exploitation.

Pump-and-dump scammers artificially inflate the price of a cryptocurrency through hype on social media to lure investors with promises of huge returns – the pump – and then sell off their holdings – the dump – leaving victims with worthless tokens.

Pig butchering is a hybrid of romance scams and crypto fraud. Scammers build trust over weeks or months before persuading victims to invest in fake crypto platforms. Once the scammers have extracted enough money from the victim, they vanish.

Pig-butchering scams lure people into fake online relationships, often with devastating consequences.

Scammers also use cryptocurrencies as a means of extracting money from people in impersonation scams and other forms of fraud. For example, scammers direct victims to bitcoin ATMs to deposit large sums of cash and convert it to the untraceable cryptocurrency as payment for fictitious fines.

Phishing, smishing, tech support and jobs

Old scams don’t die; they evolve.

Phishing and smishing have been around for years. Victims are tricked into clicking links in emails or text messages, leading to malware downloads, credential theft or ransomware attacks. AI has made these lures eerily realistic, mimicking corporate tone, grammar and even video content.

Tech support scams often start with pop-ups on computer screens that warn of viruses or identity theft, urging users to call a number. Sometimes they begin with a direct cold call to the victim. Once the victim is on a call with the fake tech support, the scammers convince victims to grant remote access to their supposedly compromised computers. Once inside, scammers install malware, steal data, demand payment or all three.

Fake websites and listings are another current type of scam. Fraudulent sites impersonating universities or ticket sellers trick victims into paying for fake admissions, concerts or goods.

One example is when a website for “Southeastern Michigan University” came online and started offering details about admission. There is no such university. Eastern Michigan University filed a complaint that Southeastern Michigan University was copying its website and defrauding unsuspecting victims.

The rise of remote and gig work has opened new fraud avenues.

Victims are offered fake jobs with promises of high pay and flexible hours. In reality, scammers extract “placement fees” or harvest sensitive personal data such as Social Security numbers and bank details, which are later used for identity theft.

How you can protect yourself

Technology has changed, but the basic principles remain the same: Never click on suspicious links or download attachments from unknown senders, and enter personal information only if you are sure that the website is legitimate. Avoid using third-party apps or links. Legitimate businesses have apps or real websites of their own.

Enable two-factor authentication wherever possible. It provides security against stolen passwords. Keep software updated to patch security holes. Most software allows for automatic update or warns about applying a patch.

Remember that a legitimate business will never ask for personal information or a money transfer. Such requests are a red flag.

Relationships are a trickier matter. The state of California provides details on how people can avoid being victims of pig butchering.

Technology has supercharged age-old fraud. AI makes deception virtually indistinguishable from reality, crypto enables anonymous theft, and the remote-work era expands opportunities to trick people. The constant: Scammers prey on trust, urgency and ignorance. Awareness and skepticism remain your best defense.

The Conversation

Rahul Telang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Scams and frauds: Here are the tactics criminals use on you in the age of AI and cryptocurrencies – https://theconversation.com/scams-and-frauds-here-are-the-tactics-criminals-use-on-you-in-the-age-of-ai-and-cryptocurrencies-264867