Can you be aware of nothing? The rare sleep experience scientists are trying to understand

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adriana Alcaraz-Sanchez, Postdoctoral Fellow in Philosophy of Mind and Cognitive Science, University of Edinburgh

fran_kie/Shutterstock

For some people, sleep brings a peculiar kind of wakefulness. Not a dream, but a quiet awareness with no content. This lesser-known state of consciousness may hold clues to one of science’s biggest mysteries: what it means to be conscious.

The state of conscious sleep has been widely described for centuries by different Eastern contemplative traditions. For instance, the Indian philosophical school of the Advaita Vedanta, grounded in the interpretation of the Vedas – one of the oldest texts in Hinduism – understands deep sleep or “sushupti” as a state of “just awareness” in which we merely remain conscious.

Similar interpretations of deep sleep are made by the Dzogchen lineage in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism. According to their teachings, different meditative practices can be followed during wakefulness and sleep to acknowledge the “essence” of consciousness. One of those meditative practices is that of dream yoga or luminosity yoga, which enables the practitioner to recognise the states of dream and sleep. This aims to bring them to a state of “pure awareness”, a state of being awake inside sleep without thoughts, images or even a sense of self.

For western science, this state poses a conundrum. How can you be aware without being aware of something? If these reports are accurate, they challenge mainstream theories that treat consciousness as always about an object. For example, my awareness of the laptop in front of me, or the blue sky rising above my window, or my own breathing. The existence of this state pushes us to reconsider what consciousness is.

Objectless sleep experiences

My colleagues and I set out to explore what a content-free state during sleep feels like in a series of studies. We first surveyed 573 people online about unusual forms of sleep experiences, including forms of sleep consciousness that might be simpler or more minimal. For example, an awareness following the dissolution of a dream, or a bare awareness of the fact that you are sound asleep.

We then conducted in-depth interviews with 18 participants, who reported they had experienced some form of objectless sleep experiences, using a protocol inspired by the micro-phenomenological interview. This is a research tool designed to help people recall and describe subtle aspects of their experience in fine detail.

In those studies, we found a spectrum of experiences we called “objectless sleep experiences” – conscious states that appear to lack an object of awareness. In all cases, participants who alluded to an objectless sleep experience reported having had an episode during sleep that lacked sensory content and that merely involved a feeling of knowing that they were aware.

Woman asleep half in yellow light half in blue
Some people report a kind of conscious but objectless state while asleep.
Yuri A/Shutterstock

Some of our participants’ experiences matched descriptions of conscious sleep as described in Eastern philosophical traditions; objectless and selfless, with no sense of “I” remaining. Participants reported that their selves seemed to have vanished or dissolved, a state reminiscent to that of “drug-induced ego-dissolution”, reported after the ingestion of psychedelic drug DMT, and in deep-meditative states.

Other reports from the participants in our study included a faint feeling of being “there” in an undefined state, or an awareness of “nothingness” or a “void”. A few people’s experiences involved traces of rudimentary forms of dreaming, the experience of being in a world, even if such a world appeared to be missing.

Although objectless sleep experiences like conscious sleep have mainly been linked to contemplative practices, such as dream yoga, our results indicate that people without knowledge of those practices also experienced this phenomenon. In fact, the results of our online survey did not indicate an association between engagement in meditative practices and objectless sleep experiences.

However the survey results did find that experience of lucid dreaming – which is when you realise you are dreaming but stay asleep – seemed to be correlated with objectless sleep experiences. It should be noted, though, that many participants who could lucid dream did not report objectless sleep experiences.




Read more:
I’m a lucid dream researcher – here’s how to train your brain to do it


Training for lucid sleep

The rarity of objectless sleep experiences make them difficult to study. We need training methods to induce these experiences so we can better understand them.

In our recent study, my colleagues and I tested a new induction protocol that combined meditation, visualisation and lucid dreaming techniques. Four participants learned to stay aware as they drifted into sleep and to signal that they were lucid with a pre-agreed eye movement. Portable EEG recordings, which measure the brain’s electrical activity, confirmed that some objectless states occurred during non-REM (slow-wave) sleep. Researchers believe non-REM sleep lacks the sort of complex conscious states we have while dreaming, although some other forms of sleep experiences, including simpler forms of dreaming, might occur.

Dreamless sleep and consciousness research

Currently, there is a lack of agreement among scientists about what the basis of consciousness is. Some popular views assert that consciousness arises when information is broadcast in the brain. Yet, there are still debates about which sort of information the brain needs for cognitive processing.

Objectless sleep experiences expand our picture of what it is like to be conscious during sleep. Sleep consciousness has traditionally been widely studied in relation to dreams and dream-like experiences, but recently there has been a shift in this trend.

Minimal forms of consciousness, like that displayed by objectless sleep experiences, can pave the way to refine our theories of consciousness. Their existence hints at a form of awareness stripped of content altogether. Moreover, studying these sort of experiences can help us understand altered conscious states, including deep meditation, sensory deprivation, or even mind blanking – episodes in which our mind seems to go blank or go “nowhere”.

The fact people can be aware of “nothing” while asleep might tell us more about the mind than any dream ever could.

The Conversation

Adriana Alcaraz-Sanchez has received research funding from the following organisations: Scottish Graduate School of Arts and Humanities (SGSAH), European Research Council (ERC), International Association for the Study of Dreams (IASD), Graduate School of the University of Glasgow, and the Institute for the Advanced Studies in Humanities (IASH) at the University of Edinburgh

ref. Can you be aware of nothing? The rare sleep experience scientists are trying to understand – https://theconversation.com/can-you-be-aware-of-nothing-the-rare-sleep-experience-scientists-are-trying-to-understand-263142

Japan’s problem with women’s equality is getting worse, not better

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ming Gao, Research Fellow of East Asia Studies, Lund University

In the 2025 global gender gap index (GGGI), Japan ranks 118th out of 148 countries – still the lowest among the G7 nations and among the poorest performers globally. This is largely because of limited political participation by women. The current cabinet of prime minister Ishiba Shigeru says it all. In October 2024, Japan’s new prime minister appointed only two women to a 20-member cabinet – down from five in the previous lineup.

The decision was widely criticised as a setback for advancing female political representation and a clear sign that gender-equality policies were not a priority.

But the country has continued to take backward steps on gender. In January, Japan announced it would halt funding for the UN’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw). The decision followed Cedaw’s recommendation that Japan revise its male-only imperial succession law to ensure gender equality in the line to the throne.

The funding halt sparked a strong backlash from rights advocates, who viewed it as further evidence of Japan’s resistance to addressing structural discrimination against women.

The debate over Japan’s imperial succession has surfaced periodically for decades. Since 1947, the Imperial Household Law has stipulated that only men from the patrilineal line can ascend what is known as the Chrysanthemum throne. This rule has led to concerns over the future of the imperial family, given the shrinking number of male heirs.

Japan’s Emperor Naruhito turned 65 on February 23 and has only three male heirs. These are his uncle Prince Hitachi (aged 89), his younger brother Crown Prince Fumihito (59), and his nephew Prince Hisahito, who is 18.

A poll of around 2,000 people taken in April 2024 by Kyodo News found 90% of respondents support allowing female emperors. Yet successive governments have remained steadfast in resisting change, with some citing the so-called unbroken imperial lineage (bansei ikkei).

Ishiba is known to favour allowing a female succession. But his administration’s financial retaliation against Cedaw signals otherwise. The decision is not merely a reaction to a non-binding recommendation – it reflects deeper discomfort with external scrutiny over Japan’s gender policies, which the current government has deprioritised.

Cedaw’s recommendation to Japan that it might reconsider its imperial succession system was not an isolated critique. The UN committee has regularly called on Japan to improve gender equality in multiple areas. These include workplace discrimination, representation in politics and legal protections against gender-based violence.

Cedaw’s recommendation on inclusive succession is neither legally binding nor “within the purview of the Committee’s competence”, as the committee itself acknowledges. As a result the government’s response – cutting funding – is more than just a reaction to Cedaw’s recommendation. It raises concerns about Japan’s commitment to gender equality full stop.

The United Nations has clashed with successive Japanese governments over a range of gender-related issues. These have included the refusal of Japan to allow brides to retain their maiden names. Cedaw has recommended that Japan amend the Civil Code over the surname requirement in 2003, 2009 and 2016. The most recent occasion is marked the recommendation as having high importance.

But the most important issue is over Japan’s treatment of what it called “comfort women” – the system of military sexual slavery before and during the second world war. Cedaw and other UN bodies have repeatedly urged Japan to resolve the issue by firstly recognising the gravity of the crimes involved and dealing with reparations for survivors and strengthen education on the issue.

Japan has frequently been accused of downplaying this issue. While official apologies have been made, they have frequently been coupled with denials or diplomatic efforts to dilute past statements. In its last report in 2016, Cedaw called on Japan to ensure its leaders and public officials “desist from making disparaging statements regarding responsibility, which have the effect of retraumatising victims”.

Poor track record

Japan’s relationship with international organisations addressing gender issues has long been uneasy and its domestic policies frequently lag behind international expectations. Reports from the committee have criticised Japan’s inadequate legal definitions of discrimination against women, limited access to justice for women, and the persistence of deep-seated gender stereotypes and patriarchal attitudes.

This year holds special significance for the UN, marking two major anniversaries. It’s the 30th anniversary of the United Nations fourth world conference on women. This produced the Beijing declaration and platform for action – the most widely endorsed global agenda for women’s rights. And it’s the 25th anniversary of the UN’s adoption of Resolution 1325. This established the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. WPS is now recognised as a key pillar of international peace and security, regarded by the European Parliament’s committee on women’s rights and gender equality as “central to contemporary global peace and security challenges”.

Amid increasing global support for women-led initiatives, Japan’s decision to halt funding for Cedaw in 2025 risks damaging its status as a responsible and respected nation on the world stage. It also risks alienating allies that prioritise gender equality in diplomacy.

In distancing itself from global norms, Japan risks not just falling behind, but falling out of step with most of its G7 peers.

The Conversation

Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant “Moved Apart” (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights.

ref. Japan’s problem with women’s equality is getting worse, not better – https://theconversation.com/japans-problem-with-womens-equality-is-getting-worse-not-better-249762

Lessons from the Incas: how llamas, terraces and trees could help the Andes survive climate change

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Chepstow-Lusty, Research Associate, Geography, University of Sussex

The Inca lived more sustainable lives in the Andes than anyone since. David Ionut / shutterstock

Many tropical glaciers in the Andes are expected to disappear in the next few decades. Their meltwater sustains millions of people, feeding crops in the dry season, supplying Peru’s capital Lima and other big cities, and even boosting the Amazon river. As glaciers vanish, floods and droughts are becoming more extreme.

But my new research with colleagues suggests solutions may lie in environmental knowledge that the Incas and their predecessors developed centuries ago.

In January 2010, record rainfall caused massive flooding in the Cusco region of Peru. Bridges were washed away, 25,000 people were left homeless and 80% of harvests were destroyed. The railway to Machu Picchu was cut off. Losses were estimated at US$230 million (£170m).

This disaster took place in the heart of what was the Inca Empire, which once spanned an area from what is today near the Colombian border down to central Chile. The Incas’ efficient storage systems, sophisticated road network and ecological management supported up to 14 million people before European conquest and colonisation.

So could some of this modern-day catastrophe have been avoided if the landscape still retained its natural tree cover – forests and high-altitude vegetation that slow water and reduce erosion?

A new paper in the journal Ambio offers a long-term perspective. I was part of a team of researchers from the University of Sussex, the International Potato Center in Lima and Cusco-based NGO Ecoan, who examined microfossils such as pollen in sediment cores from Lake Marcacocha, near Cusco. These act as an environmental archive, recording shifts in vegetation, farming and climate over centuries.

The evidence shows that from around the year 1100, during a period of global warming known as the Medieval Climatic Anomaly, Andean communities moved higher up into the mountains. They built terraces, irrigated slopes, and planted trees such as alder to make the soil more fertile and provide wood.

Alpaca
Alpaca evolved in the Andes and can live there sustainably.
Galyna Andrushko / shutterstock

Llamas and their cousins alpacas were vital as they were hardy, light-footed, and supplied wool, fuel and fertiliser. Their communal dung heaps even show up in the lake sediments, revealed by spikes in fossils of certain dung-eating mites that thrived when llama caravans were pastured nearby.

Together, these practices stabilised soils, reduced erosion, and allowed large populations to thrive in the Andes.

An ecological and social transformation

When the Spanish arrived in the 1530s, this balance was upended. New livestock – cattle, sheep and goats – trampled vegetation and eroded soils. Their free-ranging herds left waste across the landscape, unlike llamas and their easily-collectible dung.

At the same time, the Spaniards cut down forests for timber and charcoal, in contrast to the Inca who had imposed harsh penalties to protect their woodland resources. The 17th century Spanish pastor and chronicler, Bernabé Cobo, remarked that a Spanish household used as much fuel in one day as a native household would in an entire month.

The lake sediments record the ecological damage of the era: excess nutrients from dung, more erosion, and a collapse of the Inca’s sustainable land management.

This isn’t a simple story in which the Inca were perfect for the environment and the Spaniards entirely negative, but there are clear lessons to be learned. The indigenous people, normally pushed to poorer lands at high altitude, adapted to what pragmatically works.

In the Andes, many highland communities still support each other through deep-rooted traditions, involving collaboration and reciprocity. Some of the most promising climate solutions today build on this heritage.

Communities restoring Andean vegetation

One co-author of the paper, Cusco biologist Tino Aucca Chutas, founded the NGO Ecoan in 2000, to protect rare high-altitude Polylepis cloud forests. These gnarled, moss-covered trees capture water from clouds and release it slowly, making them vital for downstream water supply. Only small fragments of the original forests remain.

Gnarled, moss-covered trees.
Polylepis forest soak up moisture and release it slowly.
Ammit Jack / shutterstock

Through the regional movement Accion Andina, founded by Ecoan and non-profit organisation Global Forest Generation, 12 million Polylepis trees have been planted across the Andes. In 2023, Accion Andina was awarded the prestigious global Earthshot Prize. The ultimate goal is to fully restore the forests over the next century.

Another co-author, Graham Thiele of the International Potato Center in Lima, argues that native agroforestry – combining traditional crops, trees and llamas – should be part of a “second climate-smart agricultural revolution” in the Andes.

The Andes are at the sharp end of climate change. The glaciers are retreating, rainfall is becoming more erratic, and disasters like the Cusco floods will happen more often. But history shows societies have adapted before.

Inca-style terraces, cloud forests and llamas aren’t relics of the past – they are the tools required now, particularly vital with the glaciers soon gone. As South America faces a looming water crisis, the clock is ticking, and the lessons of the Inca may be more urgent than ever.

The Conversation

Alex Chepstow-Lusty has received funding from NERC, CNRS and the French Institute of Andean Studies.

ref. Lessons from the Incas: how llamas, terraces and trees could help the Andes survive climate change – https://theconversation.com/lessons-from-the-incas-how-llamas-terraces-and-trees-could-help-the-andes-survive-climate-change-258148

Our medieval murder maps reveal the surprising geography of violence in 14th-century English cities

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephanie Brown, Lecturer in Criminology, University of Hull

Bodyguard and queen kill King of Lydia. Illuminated manuscript of Cité de Dieu by Maître François (circa 1475). Author provided, CC BY-SA

A recent YouGov poll found that the word that Americans most associate with the middle ages is “violent”. Medieval towns may appear to be full of random violence, every alleyway a potential crime scene, every tavern brawl ending in bloodshed. But our recent research reveals a more complex, and in some ways familiar, reality.

In 14th-century London, York and Oxford, lethal violence clustered in a small number of hotspots, often no more than 200 or 300 metres long. Just as in modern cities, crime was not evenly spread but concentrated in certain streets and intersections where people, goods and status converged. The surprising difference is that in the middle ages, the busiest and wealthiest areas were often the most dangerous.

Stained glass showing Cain killing Abel
Cain Killing Abel, stained glass from York Minster’s great east window.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

Our Medieval Murder Map project uses coroners’ inquests (jury investigations into suspicious deaths) to pinpoint the locations of 355 homicides between 1296 and 1398. These records detail where the body was found, when the attack happened, the weapon used, and sometimes the quarrels, rivalries or insults that triggered it.

The cases from the coroners’ records were geocoded (turning a description of a place, like an address, into a pair of numbers, latitude and longitude, to show its exact position) using thematic maps provided by the scientific team of the Historic Towns Trust. What emerges is a vivid street-level picture of urban violence seven centuries ago.

The patterns are striking. Homicides clustered in markets, major thoroughfares, waterfronts and ceremonial spaces. These were areas of intense activity, where economic and social life intersected and where conflicts could be played out before a public audience.

Sundays were particularly deadly. After a morning of churchgoing, the afternoon often brought drinking, games and arguments. Violence peaked around curfew in the early evening.

A tale of three cities

The three cities we looked at differed sharply in their overall levels of violence. Oxford’s homicide rate was three to four times higher than that of London or York.

This was not random. The medieval university attracted young men aged between 14 and 21, many living far from home, armed and steeped in a culture of honour and group loyalty. Students organised themselves into “nations” based on their regional origins and quarrels between northerners and southerners regularly erupted into street battles.

Legal privileges for clerics, which included students, meant that they were often immune from prosecution under common law, creating a climate in which serious violence could flourish with little fear of punishment.

Each city’s hot-spots had their own character. In London, Westcheap, the commercial and ceremonial heart of the city, saw murders linked to guild rivalries, professional feuds and public revenge attacks. The bustling Thames Street waterfront, by contrast, was home to sudden quarrels among sailors and merchants, sometimes escalating from petty disputes into fatal encounters.

In York, one of the most dangerous spots was the main southern approach through Micklegate to Ouse Bridge. This was more than just a gateway into the town – it was a commercial and civic hub, lined with shops and inns, and the site of processions and public gatherings. Such a space naturally drew travellers, traders, and townspeople into close contact and into conflict.

Another York hot-spot was Stonegate, a prestigious street that formed part of the ceremonial route to York Minster. These patterns reflect York’s particular blend of commerce, ceremony and civic life, where spaces of wealth and display doubled as stages for rivalry, revenge and the public assertion of honour.

In Oxford, the concentration of killings in and around the university quarter reflected the constant tensions between students and townspeople and the factionalism within the student body itself. Clashes were often fuelled by drink, insults and a readiness to defend group honour with swords or knives.

The geography of medieval violence was shaped by visibility as much as opportunity. Busy streets and central markets offered the greatest number of potential rivals and bystanders and so were ideal stages for settling disputes in ways that preserved or enhanced reputation. Public killings could send a powerful message, whether to a rival guild, a hostile faction or the wider community.

In this sense, the urban logic of violence in the middle ages echoes patterns found in modern cities, where certain micro-locations consistently generate higher crime rates. The difference is that in medieval England, poverty was not the main driver. Poorer, peripheral neighbourhoods saw fewer homicide inquests, while affluent and prestigious districts often drew the most danger.

The Medieval Murder Map offers a rare opportunity to see the medieval city as its inhabitants experienced it: a landscape where the streets themselves shaped the rhythms of danger, and where wealth, power and proximity could be as deadly as poverty and neglect. Far from being random, medieval violence followed rules – and those rules were written in the geography of the city.


Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


The Conversation

Stephanie Brown has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).

Manuel Eisner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Our medieval murder maps reveal the surprising geography of violence in 14th-century English cities – https://theconversation.com/our-medieval-murder-maps-reveal-the-surprising-geography-of-violence-in-14th-century-english-cities-263380

What makes Lake Iro in Chad so special? It’s not just a viral sunglint photo

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Pierre Rochette, Emeritus professor in geophysics, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)

Lake Iro in Chad was in the news in early August 2025 after a picture taken by a NASA astronaut was published showing it looking like a large, circular silver mirror as sunlight reflected off its surface and into space. The phenomenon is known as a sunglint and can happen to any water surface under the right conditions. The startling picture led The Conversation Africa to find out more about the lake. Pierre Rochette is an emeritus professor in geophysics from Aix-Marseille University in France. He has studied the lake, and navigated it too for a geophysical study. He answers questions about its properties as an impact crater from an ancient meteor.


What’s there to know about Lake Iro?

The lake is in south-eastern Chad, about 120 km from the border with the Central African Republic.

Lake Iro lies in the middle of an “inland delta”, which was formed by river waters diverging from the Bahr Salamat, a river which flows in the wet season, with very limited flow in the dry season.

It has a semi-circular shape and is about 12 km in diameter. A number of rivers meander around it.

Iro Lake is a vital resource for people living in the area. It provides permanent water and fodder for the large herds of cattle migrating from the Sahelian zone when it’s too dry to keep the animals up north.

People there also produce dried smoked fish, which is exported.

What’s unique about the lake?

Iro may be the largest extraterrestrial impact crater lake in Africa. Volcanic or karstic (where rock has dissolved) crater lakes are much more abundant on Earth.

When an asteroid or comet strikes the Earth’s surface at a speed of about 10km per second, it excavates a crater about ten times larger than itself. So the extraterrestrial body must have been 1km wide in the case of Iro Lake.

My research shows several examples of such impact craters in Chad. Their age is unknown, but likely older than ten million years.

The crater that is home to Lake Iro is a bit larger than the better known Bosumtwi Lake in Ghana. Bosumtwi crater was also excavated by an asteroid strike, but more recently, about one million years ago.

Africa has only 20 proven impact craters (among which seven have a diameter larger than 10km). That corresponds to one tenth of the total proven craters on Earth.

Since 2014, no new crater has been discovered in Africa. A large number (around 49, according to some studies) and a few other potential impact structures have been proposed in Africa, mostly based on satellite imagery and topography.

But solid proof for impact in these proposed structures, including Iro lake, is lacking due to limited or non-existent field studies.

As a group of scientists we have been heavily involved in tracking down impact craters on the continent. Our most recent work involves an ongoing study of the 40km diameter Velingara structure in Senegal.

Studying large impact craters is important to better evaluate the future threat of asteroid impacts. They also provide potential resources (like water, petrol and metals) and a record of ancient climates in the sediments accumulated in the crater lake.

How do you know it started off as a meteor crater?

Proving the impact nature of a circular structure requires traces of either extraterrestrial matter or of very high pressures endured by the target material.

Due to the likely old age and thus strong erosion of Iro’s circular depression, hardly any rock can be found on the surface. Only drilling for several hundred metres can reach the impacted rocks and thus provide definitive proof. This is a very hard task in such a remote area.

Nevertheless, the known geological features of the area provide no other explanation for the presence of this circular depression, apart from an impact.

That’s why we consider Iro Lake as a potential impact structure. It’s still unproven, but likely.

What are its distinctive geological features?

The area around Iro is extremely flat, as demonstrated by the slope of the Bahr Salamat river, south of the lake, of the order of 0.2 metres per kilometre. This explains the meandering nature of the river, highlighted by the published sunglint image.

Bahr Salamat’s altitude south of Iro is 396 metres, higher by only 40 metres from its altitude 160km to the west-south-west. In fact the Bahr (“river” in the local language) seems to go around the Iro lake depression (the average altitude of the lake is 387 metres).

This is odd as the river should have been attracted towards the depression, but can be explained by the fact that the impact generated a regional uplift that resulted in the Bahr changing its course to the south, to avoid the uplifted region.

What is a sunglint?

Depending on the angle of view, any body of water can behave as a mirror for a light source, such as the sun.

Completely still water just reproduces the object emitting the light, like a perfectly still mountain lake reproduces the rocky landscape above it.

But if the water surface is disturbed by wavelets, the perfect reflection vanishes, and is replaced by blurred light – in this case from the sun. This is the sunglint.

Anybody can experience it in clear weather from an aeroplane or from the top of a mountain, looking at a landscape containing water surfaces riddled by a breeze, in the direction of the sun.

Spectacular examples of sunglints, especially when the sun is not at its highest point (at noon), are reported from satellite imagery, as can be seen here.

The visual phenomenon is not limited to satellite imagery. The term sunglint has been in use since the 1960s. Earlier mentions of the phenomenon used the term “sun glitter”.

The Conversation

Pierre Rochette receives funding from Agence Nationale de la Recherche (French ministry of Science), ET-Megafire grant ANR-21-CE49-0014-03. His mission to Iro lake was supported by the University of N’Djamena in Chad, as well as the Institut de Recherche et Développement (IRD)

ref. What makes Lake Iro in Chad so special? It’s not just a viral sunglint photo – https://theconversation.com/what-makes-lake-iro-in-chad-so-special-its-not-just-a-viral-sunglint-photo-263228

Christians and the British empire: how a church NGO got entangled in colonial violence in Kenya

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Poppy Cullen, Lecturer in International History, Loughborough University

In the 1950s, Kenyans fought against colonial control in what came to be known as the Mau Mau rebellion. In response, the British government announced a state of emergency in 1952 and engaged in a brutal counter-insurgency campaign to secure control of colonial Kenya.

During the emergency, tens of thousands of Kikuyu, Embu and Meru – tribal groups predominantly from central Kenya – were detained without trial in camps. These detention camps relied on torture sanctioned by government to get detainees to renounce their nationalistic ambitions.

More than one million other Kenyans were forcibly relocated into new and controlled villages. These were frequently sites of forced labour, coercion and violence.

This was supported by the colonial policy of “rehabilitation”. The objective was to get Mau Mau adherents to “confess” their Mau Mau activities, give up their ties to the movement and receive education to become valuable colonial subjects.

But rehabilitation became a cover for excessive violence perpetrated against those in camps and villages.

It was not just the colonial state which engaged in rehabilitation. NGOs also employed people and spent money to help enact rehabilitation policies. These organisations included Save the Children and the Red Cross.




Read more:
Academic sleuthing uncovered British torture of Mau Mau fighters


My recent research looks at another organisation that became actively involved: the Christian Council of Kenya. I am a historian of the relationship between Kenya and Britain before and after independence, and interested in the intersection between humanitarianism and decolonisation.

The Christian Council of Kenya was established in 1943 as an ecumenical group of missions and churches based in Kenya. It involved all the major Anglican churches, but few African Independent Churches. It was mostly made up of white European Church leaders and missionaries.

It was not a very powerful organisation until the 1950s. This all changed with the Mau Mau emergency. The council viewed its involvement in Mau Mau rehabilitation as an opportunity to evangelise and win converts to Christianity.

The council’s involvement reveals the variety of ways that NGOs became involved – and sometimes implicated – in policies of colonial violence.

The emergency provided the Christian Council of Kenya the opportunity to grow through a process of “NGO-isation”. This involved the transformation of missionary organisations into NGOs during the period of decolonisation.

As secular NGOs emerged, and policies of development increased, missions expanded their activities. This included employing new staff, fundraising, organising ambitious development projects, and working with governments and other NGOs. These were all things the council first did during the emergency.

In the process, the council became part of the colonial system of violence and mass incarceration. While sometimes directly criticising the government, it came to support the government and sanction its violence.

This was especially clear in later years when violence and torture increased but the council spoke out less against them. Through its place on a rehabilitation advisory committee and its direct connection to the governor, the council positioned itself as an ally of government rather than a critic.

The council’s involvement

In 1954, the Kenya colonial government invited the Christian Council of Kenya to help with the project of rehabilitation. This involved employing staff who could work in detention camps and new villages.

The council worked with Christian Aid in Britain, which raised funds for its activities. Christian Aid was at the time expanding from its roots in Europe. Working with the council in Kenya was Christian Aid’s first major project in Africa. The council also received colonial government grants.

The Christian Council of Kenya appointed a general-secretary, Stanley Morrison, a British national who led council efforts in the rehabilitation programme. Morrison believed that detainees would feel a spiritual lack after renouncing Mau Mau and that Christianity could fill the gap.

He saw working with Christian Aid and the government as a chance for growth and actively set about pursuing these opportunities. A key part of this involved sending priests into prisons and detention camps. This was a vast and literally captive audience for evangelism.

The council also designed a “cleansing ceremony” for detainees. This was intended to follow an extensive programme of Christian instruction, in which detainees would renounce their adherence to Mau Mau and embrace Christianity.

But the Christian revival it hoped for did not take place. The council’s activities and influence were limited, mainly due to the fact that there were hundreds of thousands in detention and over a million people in new villages. The council did not have the funds to employ enough people to meet this need. This meant that interventions like the cleansing ceremony weren’t widespread.

The complexities

The Christian Council of Kenya’s relationship with the colonial government was complicated.

On the one hand, it shared common aims with the government. On the other, the council was also concerned about the violence and abuses that occurred in the emergency.

This raised a challenge frequently faced by NGOs working in sites of violence: whether and how to voice criticism while ensuring access to their intended recipients.

Council members had different views. The group criticised the government publicly several times, but more often preferred to raise concerns privately. In this way, it ensured its friendly relationship with the colonial government.

The biggest clash was between Anglican bishop Leonard Beecher and David Steel, the moderator of the Church of Scotland. Steel favoured a direct approach against the violence, preaching a sermon that was broadcast on radio to raise awareness of abuses. Beecher criticised this as likely to damage the Christian Council of Kenya’s relationship with the government.

The government invited the council to join the Rehabilitation Advisory Committee in October 1954. This gave it the chance to mitigate excesses, but also meant it was implicated in government policy.

The council’s criticisms decreased further over the final years of the emergency. For example, when told of the “dilution technique”, which involved beating detainees who refused to confess their Mau Mau oaths, the council shrugged it off with the view that those men were probably psychiatric cases.

As the fighting wound down from 1957, the council no longer focused on rehabilitation, but on long-term development activities, such as training church leaders, running youth training programmes and working with industry.

By the official end of the emergency in 1960 when the colonial government lifted restrictions, the Christian Council of Kenya was well established as a development-focused NGO, with an active portfolio of activities, supported by Christian Aid in the UK, and with close relations to the Kenya government.

The opportunity that the council expected from the emergency – more converts – did not arise. But there was an opportunity for it in its own expansion.

The consequences

My findings highlight the need to pay more attention to missions and churches as major actors at the end of empire. They are often overlooked in favour of political actors, but could have played significant roles behind the scenes.

The council, with Christian Aid’s ongoing support, continued working in Kenya past independence, and still exists. It was renamed the National Council of Churches of Kenya. In 1963, the year of Kenya’s independence, the council appointed its first African general-secretary. Its role in the emergency helped set up its later success.

The Conversation

Poppy Cullen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Christians and the British empire: how a church NGO got entangled in colonial violence in Kenya – https://theconversation.com/christians-and-the-british-empire-how-a-church-ngo-got-entangled-in-colonial-violence-in-kenya-262566

Millionaires may not be fleeing the UK in droves – but there are reasons these stories persist

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rowland Atkinson, Professor and Research Chair in Inclusive Societies, University of Sheffield

Balate.Dorin/Shutterstock

News stories in recent months have claimed that more than 16,500 millionaires are expected to leave the UK in 2025 due to the country’s increasing tax burden. Notably, the abolition of “non-dom” tax rules has been touted as one of the reasons for this “millionaire flight”. It might seem that efforts to tax very wealthy residents is foolish – killing the goose that lays the golden egg.

It is hard to overstate how important the topic of taxation is. Most people’s daily lives are heavily underwritten by everything that income from taxes can buy – public services like healthcare and education, defence, roads and infrastructure, to name just a few.

Claims of fleeing millionaires centre on the UK as a high-tax economy. The state chooses, so the thinking goes, to stifle talent or encourage it to move to lower-tax countries. But these observations don’t always stand up to scrutiny when we look more broadly at the statistics and get into the methods underpinning them.

The idea of a wealth exodus is a powerful metaphor – a kind of inverse of the suggestion that rich countries are deluged by migrants. After all, who wants to see any exodus from the UK – especially of the richest among us? But we also want those with the most to pay into a system to improve the fortunes of the people with the least.

So let’s turn back to the question of tax. Non-doms (rich long-term UK residents who claim to be “domiciled” elsewhere and who will in future have to pay tax on all income they earn, whether overseas or in the UK) and thousands of other people are apparently leaving for lower-tax regimes. But where have these claims come from?

Consultancy firm Henley & Partners, the company behind the projected 16,500 fleeing millionaires figure, says it advises people on obtaining citizenship through investment. The company has been tracking the locations of the rich using data from research firm New World Wealth and their findings have been used widely across the UK media.

But New World Wealth’s database tends to focus on entrepreneurs and company founders (around 50% of the 150,000 on its database). This group is often more mobile, with wealthier millionaires being more easily tracked than millionaires with fewer assets. Such figures do not include property millionaires.

Second, Henley & Partners says that migration figures are based, among several other measures, on evidence of whether the millionaires in the database spend more than six months in another country. This means that someone who, for example, lived overseas for seven months of the year but retained a UK passport, home and business could be counted as an out-migrant.

Another problem is that one way migration data is verified is by using sites like LinkedIn to notionally identify where millionaires are working. But this may not be where they actually live.

Henley & Partners says both it and New World Wealth have been tracking “millionaires on the move” for more than a decade. New World Wealth says it uses multiple sources to map millionaire migration, including data from investment migration schemes and enquiries about these schemes, property registers, company registers, data from high-end removal firms, as well as information about new family offices being set up. And Henley & Partners says it has never funded any lobby group or political party.

(Swiss bank UBS/Credit Suisse has also forecast a large number of millionaires leaving the UK – from 3.06 million “total millionaires” (someone who is a millionaire based on all their assets), it projects a fall to 2.54 million by 2028.)

More millionaires

But even working with these estimates (around 9,000 for 2024 and the 16,500 figure for 2025) gives a number of rich people leaving or expected to leave the UK that hovers between close to zero and 1% of the UK population of millionaires.

Bear in mind that the number of homes worth more than a million pounds in Britain is now around 702,000, and that the number of people with a million pounds or more in personal wealth is more than 3 million.

All of this suggests the estimates of out-migration constitute a tiny fraction of the UK’s millionaire population. These could be the UK’s wealthiest millionaires and biggest taxpayers – but without better data it’s impossible to say for certain.

There’s other evidence to challenge the idea that high taxes are pushing the UK’s wealthy population out. A survey by pressure group Patriotic Millionaires found that most people who are wealthy are concerned about the state of the UK and are willing to pay more. It is also important to note that wealth taxes are very popular among the general population.

In our work on London’s super-rich we saw that millionaires are attached to the city, seeing it as an unrivalled location globally. There is a lot of money around and a lot of property wealth – but also many who are willing to pay more in taxes.

But there are those who lobby to create a more advantageous tax environment for the wealthy. The income of these sectors is driven by high-value sales – whether of a business, shares and assets or luxury goods, for example.

black mercedes car parked outside an expensive terraced home
Other professions rely on the high-value purchases of the super-rich for their income.
Viiviien/Shutterstock

Some newspapers, writers, influencers and those in the finance, luxury and property sectors may have good reason to perpetuate a sense of a wealth exodus. For them it may be a good story, but we feel it needs to be challenged.

Ongoing reports of wealth migration have had significant consequences. It has already been suggested that Chancellor Rachel Reeves is considering reversing the decision to abolish non-dom status, for example. This had been expected to bring to the exchequer of £12.7 billion over five years. But, so far, the non-dom exodus does not appear to be happening.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Millionaires may not be fleeing the UK in droves – but there are reasons these stories persist – https://theconversation.com/millionaires-may-not-be-fleeing-the-uk-in-droves-but-there-are-reasons-these-stories-persist-259591

Supernovae: a first-of-its-kind star explosion raises new questions about these momentous events

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cosimo Inserra, Reader in Astrophysics – Associate Dean of EDI, Cardiff University

Keck Observatory/Adam Makarenko

Stars often end their lives with a dazzling explosion, creating and releasing material into the universe. This will then seed new life, leading to a cosmic cycle of birth, death and rebirth.

Astronomers around the world have been studying these explosions, called supernovae (derived from the Latin “an extremely bright new star”), and have discovered tens of different types.

In 2021, astronomers observed a bright supernova, dubbed SN2021yfj, two billion light years away. In a recent paper, published in Nature, astronomers observed it for more than a month and discovered that it exhibits the visible signatures of heavier elements – such as argon, silicon and sulphur – since the onset of the explosion. This was previously unobserved in any stellar explosion.

Supernovas violently eject stellar material into the cosmos, roughly keeping the same onion structure the star had before its death. This means that lighter materials – such as hydrogen and helium – will be in the outer layers and heavier ones – such as iron, silicon and sulphur – in the inner layers.

However, massive stars can lose part of their layers during their evolution via winds (like the Sun), great eruptions (like the star Eta Carinae), or a gravitational and energetic “tug of war” with a companion star in a binary system. When this happens, circumstellar material will form around the star and will eventually be hit by the ejected material in the explosion.

In a galaxy, there are an enormous number of stars. If you think that there are at least two trillion observed galaxies, you can picture what a vast playground of discoveries scientists play with every day. Although not all stars end with an explosion, the proportion is large enough to allow scientists to confirm and study their shell structure and chemical composition.

The luminosity (brightness) of the new discovery in terms of timeframe and behaviour was similar to other known and well-studied stellar explosions. The chemical signatures discovered in their electromagnetic spectra (colours) and their appearance over time pointed to a thick inner stellar layer expelled by the star.

Eta Carinae
Eta Carinae may become a supernova similar to the most recent explosion.

This was then struck by material left in the star and expelled during the explosion. However, some traces of light elements were also present, in direct clash with the heavy elements as they should be found in stellar layers far apart from each other.

The astronomers measured the layer velocity to be around 1,000 km/s, consistent with that of massive stars called Wolf-Rayet, previously identified as progenitor stars of similar stellar explosions. They modelled both the luminosity behaviour and electromagnetic spectra composition and found the thick layer, rich in silicon and sulphur, to be more massive than that of our Sun but still less than the material ejected in the final explosion.

Heavy elements

The new discovery, the first of its kind, revealed the formation site of the heavy elements and confirmed with direct observations the complete sequence of concentric shells in massive stars. Some stars develop internal “onion-like” layers of heavier elements produced by nuclear fusion, which are called shells. The latest findings have left the astronomy community with new questions: what process can strip stars down to their inner shells? Why do we see lighter elements if the star has been stripped to the inner shells?

This new supernova type is clearly another curveball thrown by the Universe to the scientists. The energy and the layers composition cannot be explained with the current massive star evolution theory. In the framework of mass loss driven by wind (a continuous stream of particles from the star), a star stripped down to the region where heavy elements form is difficult to explain.

A possible explanation would require invoking an unusual scenario where SN2021yfi actually consists of two stars – a binary system. In this case, the stripping down of the principal star would be carried out by a strong stellar wind produced by the companion star.

An even more exotic explanation is that SN2021yfi is an extremely massive star, up to 140 times that our Sun. Instabilities in the star would release very massive shells at different stages of its evolution. These shells would eventually collide with each other while the star collapsed into a black hole, leading to no further material released into the cosmos during the explosion.

To improve our understanding of stellar evolution, we would need to observe more such objects. But our comprehension could be limited by their intrinsic rarity – because the possibility of finding another explosion like SN2021yfi is less than 0.00001%.

The Conversation

Cosimo Inserra receives funding from Foundation MERAC (Mobilising European Research in Astrophysics and Cosmology) and the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC).

ref. Supernovae: a first-of-its-kind star explosion raises new questions about these momentous events – https://theconversation.com/supernovae-a-first-of-its-kind-star-explosion-raises-new-questions-about-these-momentous-events-263554

Canada’s class divide at the ballot box is growing

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Matt Polacko, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Political Science, University of Toronto

Canada’s recent federal election reversed a trend of declining voter turnout, increasing by more than six percentage points over 2021. Elections Canada reported a turnout of almost 70 per cent, the highest level in 32 years.

The predominant consensus as to why turnout surged this year is the increased stakes at play amid United States President Donald Trump’s repeated threats to Canadian sovereignty and his imposition of heavy tariffs on Canadian goods.

While this is certainly true, this explanation somewhat obscures the fact that the election was also heavily focused on the state of the Canadian economy. Ongoing tensions with the U.S. were front and centre, to be sure, but voters were also concerned about the rapidly rising cost of living as well as housing affordability and job precarity.

These economic anxieties were simply magnified by the U.S.-Canada trade war and its perceived pocketbook threats to jobs and inflation.

Turnout by social status

Can Canada expect voter turnout to increase further in the future?

Probably not, given that both support for democracy and satisfaction with democracy have been on the decline, with roughly half of Canadians not feeling represented by their government. These indicators are particularly acute among Canadians of lower class, income and education levels.

To better understand these trends, I investigated turnout by social status since the 1960s in new research published in the Canadian Journal of Political Science.

I found that people at lower socio-economic levels are significantly less likely to vote than the rest of the population. This was not always the case.

Since the 1980s, these individuals have become much less likely to vote than their higher socio-economic counterparts. This has opened up a large turnout gap for each demographic group.

The voter turnout gap between the bottom and top third of income earners has increased roughly 12 percentage points since 1980 and between non-degree and degree holders by roughly seven percentage points.

Electoral participation

These large turnout gaps are being driven by the demobilization of lower status individuals, as middle-income earners and the middle class have tended to vote at rates much closer to the upper class and top third of earners.

When we compare these class turnout gaps to other advanced democracies, Canada’s are quite large. This finding shows that like the U.S., social class has a modest effect on which party that voters support in Canada, but a particularly strong influence on electoral participation.

What could be driving the class turnout gap and demobilization of lower socio-economic individuals?

Prevailing evidence points to the resource model of political participation, whereby individuals with jobs, a higher income and education are more likely to have access to a wider range of resources (particularly money, networks, time and skills), which better facilitates their participation in politics.

But people must also be motivated to participate by interest groups and political candidates and parties.

Failure to prioritize the economy

A crucial way political parties attempt to mobilize voters is through their platforms. Using data form Comparative Manifesto Project, an international research program, I show that over time, parties in Canada have devoted increasing attention to socio-cultural issues compared to economic issues, especially since the 1980s.

This reduced focus on economic issues has tended to align with both a decline in overall turnout as well as the decrease in voter turnout of lower status individuals. Could there be a connection?

When I examine economic preferences by socio-economic status in Canada, it is revealing that lower status individuals care a lot about economic issues; they’re significantly more likely to favour economic redistribution than the rest of the population.

a graph shows support for economic redistribution by class
Support for redistribution by class, education, and income, with 95 per cent confidence intervals, from 1988 to 2021.
(Canadian Journal of Political Science), CC BY-NC

Therefore, it’s not surprising that I found lower voters are more likely to cast ballots when political parties devote greater attention to economic issues.

This research suggests that Canada’s party system has failed to adequately prioritize economic issues to keep lower socio-economic people engaged in voting. It’s not surprising these groups check out of politics, especially when there is mounting evidence across the country that legislators favour higher status voters.

Political disengagement of large social groups is a fundamental problem that deeply undermines democracy and representative government.

A growing class gap in electoral participation means that the elevated position in society of the privileged few can magnify political and social inequalities in a never-ending loop. Socio-economic inequality fosters political inequality, which then fosters socio-economic inequality, and so on in a pervasive self-reinforcing cycle.

Politicians should take note

The 2025 federal election was the first in many years where the economy and pocketbook issues were in the spotlight, which very likely played a role in the uptick in turnout to buck recent trends. In the coming months, once the data is available, I will test this assumption through further research.

However, parties should take note if they want to increase the electoral participation of lower status groups, especially with rising inequality and a cost-of-living crisis showing little signs of abating.

The Conversation

Matt Polacko receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), and Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture (FRQSC).

ref. Canada’s class divide at the ballot box is growing – https://theconversation.com/canadas-class-divide-at-the-ballot-box-is-growing-263504

Drug dealers are plundering people’s homes into ‘trap houses,’ driving up homelessness and violence in Thunder Bay

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Marta-Marika Urbanik, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta

Public concerns about fentanyl’s proliferation across Canada have focused on overdose deaths and drug-related disorders. However, in addition to these pressing concerns, our recent research in Thunder Bay, Ont., unmasks additional impacts of Canada’s street-based drug economy.

Our work with 81 unhoused and street-involved community members reveals how big-city drug traffickers moving into smaller Canadian communities can wreak havoc. These out-of-town dealers often forcefully take over people’s homes so they can use them as a base to sell and produce drugs.

These groups and their home takeovers are a significant contributor to homelessness. Home takeovers force people out of housing and into homelessness, deepening cycles of poverty, housing instability and trauma.

Drug traffickers move in

In recent years, drug trafficking groups have distributed and manufactured fentanyl within
and beyond Canada. Canada’s major urban centres, like Toronto and Edmonton, are now saturated with various criminal groups competing for a share of profits from the illicit drug trade.

Consequently, some groups have figured out that expanding or exporting their operations into smaller Canadian communities like Thunder Bay can be immensely profitable. Smaller cities often bring less competition, significantly drive up drug prices and provide these newly arrived dealers with greater anonymity from law enforcement.

Drug traffickers’ movements into smaller cities have raised serious public safety concerns, increasing local residents’ exposure to gun and drug-related violence.

Organized drug trafficking networks have significant resources but even so, moving into a new community to set up shop within the criminal underworld is no easy task.

One reason is that smaller communities often have some established players in the informal drug economy who may not be willing to step aside or share their client base with the newly arrived urban dealers.

That means entrepreneurial groups have adapted the long-standing practice of deploying home takeovers within drug economies. This works for their market expansion efforts..

‘Trap houses’

In a home takeover, out-of-town drug traffickers prey on low-income residents in social housing units and those who are otherwise marginalized. They forcefully take over their residence, and convert them into “trap houses.”

In other words, people’s residences become the base from which these groups produce and sell drugs and operate their business. These trap houses shield the drug traffickers from police and other authorities by reducing their need to sell drugs in public spaces.

Residents often have no choice but to accept these groups into their residence. Our research participants reported that out-of-town drug traffickers use a range of violent, coercive and manipulative tactics to gain initial access to their homes, including providing free drugs, forcing drug repayments, violence and extortion.

As one of our participants said, resisting a home takeover is almost impossible because drug traffickers can always find a way into their homes and will retaliate if they can’t get in:

“…they find their way in. There’s always a way in, and there’s always a weak point.”

Drug traffickers often prey on seniors or newly housed individuals, often within days or weeks of them moving in:

“When a homeless person gets pulled off the street, and they get given [a housing unit]… [the drug traffickers] reach out anywhere between six and eight weeks, and then it becomes a trap [house].”

Homelessness and housing insecurity

Residents whose homes have been taken over are left with little to no recourse.

Reporting takeovers to police or housing authorities is rarely an option. Many residents fear eviction, criminal charges or that dealers will retaliate with violence toward them or their family and friends. As one participant put it:

“If you call the cops, you’re probably dead.”

Given these fears, they see abandoning their home as the only way to escape this dire situation.

By not reporting to their housing authority or police, their homelessness and need for new housing remain undocumented. Critically, many former residents are often precluded from joining other housing support waiting lists.

Even after moving and somehow managing to get a new residence, several of our participants became homeless once again after their new place was also taken over.

Risk for homelessness

Home takeovers should be treated as a serious risk factor for homelessness.

Social housing providers can help by creating pathways for residents to report these takeovers safely, protecting them from legal consequences, and by moving people quickly into a new residence if needed, without penalizing them.

Police also play a critical role. They must treat residents experiencing home takeovers as victims, not as suspects, and build trust with the victimized individuals assuring them that they can be protected from retaliation if they speak up.

Addressing home takeovers is not only about limiting drug trafficking — it is also about protecting people’s homes, reducing homelessness and strengthening community safety.

The Conversation

Marta-Marika Urbanik receives funding from Killam Trusts and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Carolyn Greene receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Katharina Maier receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Matthew Valasik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Drug dealers are plundering people’s homes into ‘trap houses,’ driving up homelessness and violence in Thunder Bay – https://theconversation.com/drug-dealers-are-plundering-peoples-homes-into-trap-houses-driving-up-homelessness-and-violence-in-thunder-bay-260061