Les violences sexuelles sur les campus universitaires ne diminuent pas. Voici ce qu’il faut faire

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Isabelle Daigneault, M.Ps., Ph. D., professeure titulaire et psychologue, Université de Montréal

Agressions, coercition, harcèlement… Les violences sexuelles sont toujours présentes sur les campus universitaires, et les taux ne diminuent guère, même si on en parle davantage. Comment les diminuer de manière substantielle ?

Un des problèmes est le manque de prévention. Celle-ci reste tardive, fragmentée et souvent peu efficace.

C’est ce que nous avons constaté dans une étude que notre groupe de recherche affilié à la Chaire sur les violences sexistes et sexuelles en milieu d’enseignement supérieur, de l’UQAM, a mené auprès de 704 femmes entrant à l’université et représentatives d’une population québécoise de plus de 36 000 étudiantes.

Un constat préoccupant

Notre étude nous a permis de constater que près de la moitié des femmes interrogées n’avaient reçu aucun message de prévention avant leur arrivée.

Parmi celles qui y avaient été exposées au cours de leur vie, l’information provenait de moins de deux sources, principalement de proches ou des réseaux sociaux. Les effets étaient tout aussi limités : une légère hausse de moins de 2 % du sentiment d’efficacité à faire face à un agresseur potentiel, mais aucun impact mesurable sur les mythes du viol, le blâme des victimes, la perception du risque ou la connaissance de stratégies de résistance efficaces.

Le problème est plus large. Au Québec, l’Institut de la statistique du Québec (ISQ) a annulé l’enquête qui devait actualiser les données, privant la province d’indicateurs essentiels pour suivre l’évolution des violences sexuelles en milieu postsecondaire.

L’annulation découle probablement en partie de compressions budgétaires qui plombent actuellement le milieu de l’enseignement supérieur et du choix de s’en remettre à l’Enquête sur la santé mentale étudiante, que le ministère croyait suffisante. Or, ses questions beaucoup plus limitées n’ont été posées qu’à une fraction des personnes répondantes et avec un taux de réponse trop faible, rendant les données peu utiles.

Cette absence de données contraste avec le fait que les universités produisent elles-mêmes une recherche solide, qu’elles utilisent encore trop peu pour guider leurs pratiques préventives.

La recherche existe, mais elle n’est guère appliquée dans des programmes de prévention.

Trois stratégies

La littérature internationale, notamment la synthèse de plusieurs expertes en prévention de l’agression sexuelle en Amérique du Nord, en 2020, recommande d’articuler trois stratégies complémentaires au collège et à l’université :

  • Programmes de résistance et d’autodéfense féministe affirmative pour les femmes ;

  • Programmes visant les normes sociales masculines ;

  • Formations de témoins actifs.

Ces approches ne sont efficaces que si elles sont cohérentes, ciblées et intensives. Lorsque la prévention est tardive, brève et limitée à des messages généraux, les effets restent faibles.

À l’inverse, des programmes intensifs (jusqu’à 12 heures au cours d’un semestre), structurés et ancrés dans la pratique, comme ceux proposés par un groupe de chercheures à l’Université de Windsor, dont la plus récente remonte à 2023, ont démontré qu’ils peuvent réduire les agressions sexuelles subies par les étudiantes, même lorsqu’ils sont offerts à l’université avec peu d’expositions préalables.




À lire aussi :
A-t-on les bons outils pour prévenir les violences sexuelles sur les campus ?


Une prévention universitaire qui n’arrive pas à compenser les lacunes

Parmi nos participantes, 271 ont été suivies durant leur première année universitaire. Leur exposition aux messages de prévention sur les campus était limitée : 93 % des personnes exposées le sont moins de trois heures, principalement via des formations en ligne, et moins de 10 % ont été exposées à du contenu d’autodéfense – alors que les programmes efficaces reposent précisément sur des activités en personne, de plus de trois heures et intégrant un volet d’autodéfense féministe.

Après douze mois, certains résultats sont préoccupants. Nous nous attendions à voir des progrès plus marqués. Or, un seul effet positif existe, mais il est minime : une hausse de 1 à 3 % du sentiment d’efficacité à réagir face à un agresseur. Concrètement, il faut deux sources préventives supplémentaires pour que les participantes augmentent leur sentiment d’efficacité à faire face à un agresseur potentiel d’un seul point sur une échelle de 63 points. Un effet aussi faible a peu de signification pratique.

Deux effets néfastes dominent toutefois. D’abord, les participantes sont moins nombreuses à rapporter qu’elles utiliseraient au moins une stratégie de résistance verbale ou physique ferme (44 %), comme celles enseignées dans les formations d’autodéfense féministes, qu’au début de l’étude (80 %). Cette baisse importante n’est légèrement atténuée que chez les 7 % de participantes ayant reçu trois heures ou plus de prévention sur le campus.

Ensuite, la perception du risque personnel évolue dans une direction contraire à celle recherchée. Les étudiantes très peu exposées (moins d’une heure) développent une perception du risque légèrement plus juste, mieux alignée avec la réalité des violences sexuelles sur les campus.

À l’inverse, celles exposées trois heures ou plus voient leur perception du risque diminuer, illustrant un biais d’optimisme : l’idée que « Cela n’arrive qu’aux autres ».

Ces résultats indiquent qu’en l’absence d’interventions intensives, qui soient ciblées, structurées et adaptées, la prévention universitaire ne compense pas le manque de prévention préalable et peut même conduire à des reculs sur des éléments clés.

Une expertise scientifique disponible, mais sous-utilisée

Dans une perspective de santé publique, la prévention devrait être présente du préscolaire, du primaire et du secondaire jusqu’aux cégeps et aux universités.

Chaque niveau contribue à renforcer les connaissances, à modifier les normes sociales, à développer des stratégies de résistance et à soutenir l’intervention des témoins. Quand ce continuum est absent ou incomplet, les interventions collégiales et universitaires doivent compenser des années de prévention insuffisante.


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Les équipes de recherche universitaires produisent des connaissances rigoureuses sur les programmes efficaces, mais ces données sont encore peu intégrées aux politiques internes, à la programmation de prévention et aux communications institutionnelles.

Le fossé entre la science et l’action demeure un obstacle majeur.




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« Elle l’a bien cherché » : que disent les incels de la série Adolescence ?


Des balises connues, mais insuffisamment implantées

L’Institut national de la Santé publique du Québec, ainsi que les experts nationaux et internationaux, convergent vers la même conclusion : la prévention doit être multiniveaux, répétée, intensive, ciblée et évaluée en continu.

L’annulation de l’enquête de l’Institut de la Statistique du Québec limite par ailleurs la capacité de mesurer l’impact des politiques mises en place au Québec, comme la Loi visant à prévenir et à combattre les violences à caractère sexuel dans les établissements d’enseignement supérieur, et d’assurer la reddition de comptes des établissements.

Pour un véritable leadership institutionnel

Les universités sont idéalement positionnées pour montrer la voie : infrastructures de recherche, réseaux d’expertise, accès aux données, capacité d’évaluation, mandat social. Elles pourraient être des leaders dans l’élaboration d’une programmation de prévention solide et continue.

Le constat est clair : la stagnation des taux de violence ne découle pas d’un manque de connaissances, mais d’un manque d’implantation, de cohérence et de continuité. Des solutions existent déjà, ont été testées et sont efficaces. Le défi est désormais de les appliquer de manière systémique et durable, en combinant autodéfense féministe, interventions sur les normes sociales et formations de témoins actifs, afin de protéger véritablement les filles, les jeunes femmes et l’ensemble des communautés.

La Conversation Canada

Membre du comité des partenaires en violence sexuelle du Secrétariat à la condition féminine du gouvernement du Québec, Isabelle Daigneault est membre de l’Ordre des psychologues du Québec et dirige le laboratoire de recherche sur les trajectoires de santé et de résilience des jeunes agressés sexuellement (TRAJETS). Elle est chercheuse membre régulière au Centre de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les problèmes conjugaux et l’agression sexuelle (CRIPCAS), à l’Équipe violence sexuelle et santé (ÉVISSA), financés par les fonds de recherche du Québec, ainsi qu’à la Chaire de recherche sur les violences sexistes et sexuelles en milieu d’enseignement supérieur (VSSMES). Elle a reçu des financements des Instituts de recherche en santé du Canada, du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada, du Ministère de l’enseignement supérieur du Québec et de l’Université de Montréal.

Membre du Conseil du statut de la femme pour le gouvernement du Québec et de l’Ordre des psychoéducateurs et des psychoéducatrices du Québec, Geneviève Paquette dirige le Groupe de recherche et d’intervention sur les adaptations sociales de l’enfance financé par l’Université de Sherbrooke et l’Équipe de recherche sur l’adaptation positive et la santé mentale des jeunes exposés à un risque accru d’adversité familiale ou sociale financée par le Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture (FRQSC). Elle est chercheuse membre régulière au Centre de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les problèmes conjugaux et l’agression sexuelle (CRIPCAS) et à la Chaire de recherche sur les violences sexistes et sexuelles en milieu d’enseignement supérieur. Elle a obtenu des financements de recherche provenant des Instituts de recherche en santé du Canada, du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada, du FRQSC et du ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur du Québec.

Jacinthe Dion est titulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Canada sur la violence sexuelle chez les jeunes vulnérables, surnommée Aquarelle, et co-titulaire de la Chaire de recherche VISAJ sur la vie et la santé des jeunes. Psychologue et professeure titulaire au Département de psychologie de l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, elle est également membre du Comité scientifique et de gouvernance du Centre de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les problèmes conjugaux et l’agression sexuelle (CRIPCAS) et membre régulière de l’équipe Violence sexuelle et santé (ÉVISSA) et de l’Équipe de recherche sur l’adaptation positive et la santé mentale des jeunes exposés à un risque accru d’adversité familiale ou sociale, financés par le Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture (FRQSC). Elle est aussi membre du Centre d’études interdisciplinaires sur le développement de l’enfant et la famille (CEIDEF). Ses recherches sont financées par le programme de Chaires de recherche du Canada, le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines, les Instituts de la recherche en santé du Canada (CRSH), l’Agence de la santé publique du Canada, le Secrétariat à la condition féminine du Québec et le Ministère de l’éducation du Québec.

Martine Hébert est titulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Canada sur les traumas interpersonnels et la résilience et cotitulaire de la Chaire interuniversitaire Marie-Vincent sur les agressions sexuelles envers les enfants. Elle dirige l’équipe Violence sexuelle et santé (ÉVISSA) financée par le Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture et elle est chercheuse membre régulière au Centre de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les problèmes conjugaux et l’agression sexuelle (CRIPCAS). Elle est également membre de la Chaire de recherche sur les violences sexistes et sexuelles en milieu d’enseignement supérieur (VSSMES) et de la Chaire de recherche Sécurité et intégrité en milieu sportif (SIMS). Ses recherches sont financées par le programme des Chaires de recherche du Canada, des Instituts de recherche en santé du Canada (IRSC) et de l’Agence de santé publique du Canada (ASPC).

ref. Les violences sexuelles sur les campus universitaires ne diminuent pas. Voici ce qu’il faut faire – https://theconversation.com/les-violences-sexuelles-sur-les-campus-universitaires-ne-diminuent-pas-voici-ce-quil-faut-faire-271251

Greenland’s Inuit have spent decades fighting for self-determination

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Susan A. Kaplan, Professor of Anthropology, Director of Peary-MacMillan Arctic Museum and Arctic Studies Center, Bowdoin College

People walk along a street in Nuuk, the capital of Greenland. Ina Fassbender/AFP via Getty Images

Amid the discussion between U.S. President Donald Trump and Danish and European leaders about who should own Greenland, the Inuit who live there and call it home aren’t getting much attention.

The Kalaallit (Inuit of West Greenland), the Tunumi (Inuit of East Greenland) and the Inughuit (Inuit of North Greenland) together represent nearly 90% of the population of Greenland, which totals about 57,000 people across 830,000 square miles (2.1 million square kilometers).

We are Arctic anthropologists who work in a museum focused on the Arctic and its people. One of the areas we study is a land whose inhabitants call it Kalaallit Nunaat, or land of the Kalaallit. Known in English as Greenland, it is an Indigenous nation whose relatively few people have been working for decades to reclaim their right to self-determination.

Arrivals from the west

For nearly 5,000 years, northwestern Greenland – including the area that is now the U.S. Space Force’s Pituffik Space Base, formerly known as Thule Air Force Base – was the island’s main entry point. A succession of Indigenous groups moved eastward from the Bering Strait region and settled in Siberia, Alaska, Canada and Greenland.

Approximately 1,000 years ago, the ancestors of the Inuit living in Greenland today arrived in that area with sophisticated technologies that allowed them to thrive in a dynamic Arctic environment where minor mishaps can have serious consequences. They hunted animals using specialized technologies and tools, including kayaks, dog-drawn sleds, complex harpoons, and snow goggles made from wood or bone with slits cut into them. They dressed in highly engineered garments made from animal fur that kept them warm and dry in all conditions.

Their tools and clothing were imbued with symbolic meanings that reflected their worldview, in which humans and animals are interdependent. Inughuit families who live in the region today continue to hunt and fish, while navigating a warming climate.

Local people fish from a small boat by an iceberg with an ice cave, near Ilulissat, in 2008.
Bryan Alexander, courtesy of the Peary-MacMillan Arctic Museum, Bowdoin College, CC BY-NC-ND

Arrivals from the east

At Qassiarsuk in south Greenland, around the time Inuit arrived in the north, Erik the Red established the first Norse farm, Brattahlíð, in 986, and sent word back to Iceland to encourage others to join him, as described in an online exhibit at the Greenland National Museum. Numerous Norse families followed and established pastoral farms in the region.

As Inuit expanded southward, they encountered the Norse farmers. Inuit and Norse traded, but relations were sometimes tense: Inuit oral histories and Norse sagas describe some violent interactions. The two groups maintained distinctly different approaches to living on the land that rims Greenland’s massive ice sheet. The Norse were very place-based, while the Inuit moved seasonally, hunting around islands, bays and fjords.

As the Little Ice Age set in early in the 14th century, and temperatures dropped in the Northern Hemisphere, the Norse were not equipped to adjust to the changing conditions. Their colonies faltered and by 1500 had disappeared. By contrast, the mobile Inuit took a more flexible approach and hunted both land and marine mammals according to their availability. They continued living in the region without much change to their lifestyle.

A center of activity

In Nuuk, the modern capital of Greenland, an imposing and controversial statue of missionary Hans Egede commemorates his arrival in 1721 to establish a Lutheran mission in a place he called Godthåb.

In 1776, as trade became more important, the Danish government established the Royal Greenland Trading Department, a trading monopoly that administered the communities on the west coast of Greenland as a closed colony for the next 150 years.

By the 19th century some Kalaallit families who lived in Nuuk/Godthåb had formed an educated, urban class of ministers, educators, artists and writers, although Danish colonists continued to rule.

Meanwhile, Kalaallit families in small coastal communities continued to engage in traditional economic and social activities, based on respect of animals and sharing of resources.

On the more remote east coast and in the far north, colonization took root more slowly, leaving explorers such as American Robert Peary and traders such as Danish-Greenlandic Knud Rasmussen a free hand to employ and trade with local people.

The U.S. formally recognized Denmark’s claim to the island in 1916 when the Americans purchased the Danish West Indies, which are now the U.S. Virgin Islands. And in 1921, Denmark declared sovereignty over the whole of Greenland, a claim upheld in 1933 by the Permanent Court of International Justice. But Greenlanders were not consulted about these decisions.

People gather outdoors carrying red and white flags.
People protest President Donald Trump’s desire to own Greenland outside the U.S. consulate in Nuuk, Greenland, in January 2026.
AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka

The world arrives

A 1944 ad urging U.S. customers to buy shortwave radios touts contact with the people of Greenland as one benefit.
Courtesy of the Peary-MacMillan Arctic Museum, Bowdoin College, CC BY-NC-ND

World War II brought the outside world to Greenland’s door. With Denmark under Nazi control, the U.S. took responsibility for protecting the strategically important island of Greenland and built military bases on both the east and west coasts. The U.S. made efforts to keep military personnel and Kalaallit apart but were not entirely successful, and some visiting and trading went on. Radios and broadcast news also spread, and Kalaallit began to gain a sense of the world beyond their borders.

The Cold War brought more changes, including the forced relocation of 27 Inughuit families living near the newly constructed U.S. Air Force base at Thule to Qaanaaq, where they lived in tents until small wooden homes were built.

In 1953, Denmark revised parts of its constitution, including changing the status of Greenland from a colony to one of the nation’s counties, thereby making all Kalaallit residents of Greenland also full-fledged citizens of Denmark. For the first time, Kalaallit had elected representatives in the Danish parliament.

Denmark also increased assimilation efforts, promoting the Danish language and culture at the expense of Kalaallisut, the Greenlandic language. Among other projects, the Danish authorities sent Greenlandic children to residential schools in Denmark.

In Nuuk in the 1970s, a new generation of young Kalaallit politicians emerged, eager to protect and promote the use of Kalaallisut and gain greater control over Greenland’s affairs. The rock band Sumé, singing protest songs in Kalaallisut, contributed to the political awakening.

Sumé, a rock band singing in Kalaallisut, the Greenlandic language, helped galvanize a political movement for self-determination in the 1970s.

In a 1979 Greenland-wide referendum, a substantial majority of Kalaallit voters opted for what was called “home rule” within the Danish Kingdom. That meant a parliament of elected Kalaallit representatives handled internal affairs, such as education and social welfare, while Denmark retained control of foreign affairs and mineral rights.

However, the push for full independence from Denmark continued: In 2009, home rule was replaced by a policy of self-government, which outlines a clear path to independence from Denmark, based on negotiations following a potential future referendum vote by Greenlanders. Self-government also allows Greenland to assert and benefit from control over its mineral resources, but not to manage foreign affairs.

Today, Nuuk is a busy, vibrant, modern city. Life is quieter in smaller settlements, where hunting and fishing are still a way of life. While contemporary Greenland encompasses this range of lifestyles, Kalaallit are unified in their desire for self-determination. Greenland’s leaders have delivered this message clearly to the public and to the White House directly.

The Conversation

Susan A. Kaplan has received funding from NSF, NEH, IMLS, SSHRC and private foundations to pursue anthropological and archaeological research in Nunatsiavut, NL, Canada; and offer Arctic-focused outreach programs, museum exhibits and conferences.

Genevieve LeMoine receives funding from the National Science Foundation, Office of Polar Programs, the National Geographic Society, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. She has conducted fieldwork in Avannaata Kommunia, Kalaallit Nunaat in collaboration with Nunatta Katersugaasivia Allagaateqarfialu/Greenland National Musuem and Archives and the University of California, Davis.

ref. Greenland’s Inuit have spent decades fighting for self-determination – https://theconversation.com/greenlands-inuit-have-spent-decades-fighting-for-self-determination-274268

Où vit-on le plus vieux ? Ce que la géographie dit d’une Europe de plus en plus fragmentée

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Florian Bonnet, Démographe et économiste, spécialiste des inégalités territoriales, Ined (Institut national d’études démographiques)

On peut encore gagner des années d’espérance de vie en Europe : les régions pionnières en matière de longévité en apportent la preuve, année après année. Pourtant, depuis le milieu des années 2000, tandis que certaines régions avancent, d’autres décrochent. Dans ces dernières, l’allongement de l’espérance de vie est freiné par une mortalité autour de 65 ans qui ne recule plus, voire réaugmente.


Depuis plus d’un siècle et demi, l’espérance de vie progresse régulièrement dans les pays riches. Les gains ont été spectaculaires au XXe siècle, grâce au recul des maladies infectieuses puis aux progrès de la médecine cardiovasculaire.

Cependant, depuis quelques années, une question obsède les experts : et si cette formidable mécanique s’essoufflait ? Dans plusieurs pays occidentaux, les gains d’espérance de vie sont devenus modestes, voire inexistants.

Certains chercheurs y voient le signe que nous approchons d’un « plafond » biologique de la longévité humaine. D’autres, au contraire, estiment que des marges de progression existent encore.

Pour trancher, il ne suffit pas de regarder les chiffres nationaux. En effet, derrière la moyenne d’un pays se cachent des réalités régionales très contrastées. C’est ce que nous avons montré dans une étude tout juste publiée dans Nature Communications. Analysant des données collectées entre 1992 et 2019, elle a porté sur 450 régions d’Europe occidentale regroupant près de 400 millions d’habitants.

Une étude européenne d’une ampleur inédite

Pour mener à bien nos travaux, nous avons rassemblé des données de mortalité et de population en provenance d’instituts statistiques nationaux de 13 pays d’Europe occidentale, de l’Espagne au Danemark, du Portugal à la Suisse.

À partir de ces données originales, nous avons d’abord mené un large travail d’harmonisation, crucial parce que les régions ne sont pas toutes de taille équivalente, et que les données étaient plus ou moins détaillées selon les pays.

Nous avons ensuite reconstitué, entre 1992 et 2019, pour chaque région, l’évolution annuelle de l’espérance de vie à la naissance, un indicateur qui reflète la mortalité à tous les âges. Grâce à des méthodes statistiques avancées, nous avons pu dégager les grandes tendances de fond, au-delà des fluctuations de court terme entraînées par des épisodes tels que la canicule de 2003, ou des épidémies virulentes de grippe saisonnière telle que celle de 2014-2015. Nous arrêtons nos analyses à l’année 2019, car il est aujourd’hui encore trop tôt pour savoir si la pandémie de Covid-19 a impacté ces tendances sur le long terme, ou uniquement entre 2020 et 2022.

Le résultat obtenu nous donne un panorama inédit des trajectoires régionales de longévité en Europe sur près de trente ans, duquel nous pouvons tirer trois enseignements.

Premier enseignement : la longévité humaine n’a pas atteint ses limites

Le premier message fort de notre étude est le suivant : les limites de la longévité humaine ne sont pas encore atteintes. En effet, en nous concentrant sur les régions pionnières qui affichent les niveaux d’espérance de vie les plus élevés (en bleu sur le graphique ci-dessous), nous ne constatons aucune décélération des progrès.

Évolution de l’espérance de vie dans les régions pionnières et en retard d’Europe occidentale, 1992–2019. La ligne rouge (respectivement bleue) représente la moyenne de l’espérance de vie à la naissance des régions appartenant au décile supérieur (respectivement inférieur) de la distribution. La ligne noire indique la moyenne pour l’ensemble des 450 régions. Les valeurs minimale et maximale sont représentées par des symboles distincts, correspondant aux régions concernées.
Florian Bonnet, Fourni par l’auteur

Les régions concernées continuent à gagner environ deux mois et demi d’espérance de vie par an pour les hommes, et un mois et demi pour les femmes, un rythme équivalent à celui observé durant les décennies précédentes. Parmi elles figuraient en 2019 les régions du nord de l’Italie, de la Suisse tout comme certaines provinces espagnoles.

Pour la France, on y retrouve des départements tels que Paris, les Hauts-de-Seine ou les Yvelines (aussi bien pour les hommes que pour les femmes), et les départements autour de l’Anjou et de la frontière suisse (uniquement pour les femmes). En 2019, l’espérance de vie y atteignait près de 83 ans pour les hommes, et 87 pour les femmes.

Autrement dit, malgré les inquiétudes récurrentes, rien n’indique à ce jour que la progression de la durée de vie ait atteint un plafond de verre ; l’allongement de l’espérance de vie reste possible. C’est un résultat fondamental, qui nuance les discours alarmistes : il existe encore un potentiel d’amélioration.

Deuxième enseignement : des situations régionales divergentes depuis le milieu des années 2000

Le tableau devient plus sombre quand on se penche sur les régions en retard, indiquées en rouge sur la figure ci-dessus. Dans les années 1990 et au début des années 2000, ces régions connaissaient des gains rapides d’espérance de vie. Les progrès y étaient même plus rapides qu’ailleurs, conduisant à une convergence des espérances de vie régionales en Europe.

Cet âge d’or, cumulant hausse rapide de l’espérance de vie en Europe et réduction des disparités régionales, a pris fin vers 2005. Dans les régions les plus en difficulté, qu’il s’agisse de l’est de l’Allemagne, de la Wallonie en Belgique, ou de certaines parties du Royaume-Uni, les gains d’espérance de vie ont fortement ralenti, atteignant des niveaux quasiment nuls. On ne retrouve pas de départements français parmi ces régions pour les femmes, mais en ce qui concerne les hommes, les départements de la région Hauts-de-France y figurent.

Au final, l’Europe de la longévité est de plus en plus coupée en deux. D’un côté, des régions pionnières qui poursuivent leur progression ; de l’autre, des régions en retard où la dynamique s’essouffle, voire s’inverse. Nous vivons donc une véritable divergence régionale, qui contraste avec l’élan de rattrapage des années 1990.

Troisième enseignement : le rôle décisif de la mortalité entre 55 et 74 ans

Pourquoi un tel basculement ? Au-delà de l’espérance de vie par âge, nous avons cherché à mieux comprendre ce changement spectaculaire en analysant l’évolution des taux de mortalité par âge.

Nous pouvons affirmer que cette divergence régionale ne s’explique ni par l’évolution de la mortalité infantile (qui reste très faible) ni par l’évolution de la mortalité au-delà de 75 ans (qui continue de reculer un peu partout). Elle vient principalement de la mortalité autour de 65 ans.

Dans les années 1990, celle-ci reculait rapidement, grâce à la diffusion des traitements cardiovasculaires et à des changements dans les comportements à risque. Mais depuis les années 2000, ce progrès s’est ralenti. Dans certaines régions, le risque de mourir entre 55 et 74 ans a même commencé à augmenter à nouveau ces dernières années, comme le montrent les cartes ci-dessous.

Variation annuelle en pourcentage de la probabilité de décéder entre 55 et 74 ans chez les hommes (à gauche) et les femmes (à droite) dans 450 régions d’Europe occidentale, entre 2018 et 2019.
Florian Bonnet, Fourni par l’auteur

C’est notamment le cas de la plupart des départements du pourtour méditerranéen français pour les femmes, qui apparaissent en rose clair. C’est aussi le cas d’une grande partie de l’Allemagne. Or ces âges intermédiaires sont cruciaux dans la dynamique des gains d’espérance de vie, car un grand nombre de décès s’y concentrent. Une stagnation ou une hausse de la mortalité entre 55 et 74 ans suffit à briser la dynamique d’ensemble.

Même si notre étude ne permet pas de cerner les causes précises expliquant ces évolutions préoccupantes, la littérature récente nous permet d’avancer quelques pistes, qui devront être testées scientifiquement à l’avenir. Parmi elles, on retrouve les comportements à risque, notamment le tabagisme, mais aussi la consommation d’alcool, la mauvaise alimentation, ou le manque d’activité physique, qui sont autant de facteurs qui se concrétisent à ces âges.

Par ailleurs, la crise économique de 2008 a accentué les inégalités territoriales en Europe. Certaines régions ont souffert durablement, fragilisant la santé des populations y vivant, tandis que la croissance est à nouveau vigoureuse dans d’autres régions où les emplois fortement qualifiés se concentrent. Ces facteurs nous rappellent que la longévité n’est pas seulement une affaire de progrès de la médecine, mais qu’elle s’explique aussi par des facteurs économiques et sociaux.

Et demain ?

Notre étude délivre un double message. Oui, il reste possible d’allonger l’espérance de vie. Les régions pionnières en Europe en donnent la preuve : elles continuent à progresser régulièrement, sans signe de plafonnement. Cependant, cette progression n’est pas partagée par tous. Depuis quinze ans, une partie de l’Europe décroche, en particulier à cause de l’évolution de la mortalité autour de 65 ans.

L’avenir de la longévité humaine semble, encore aujourd’hui, moins dépendre de l’existence d’un hypothétique plafond biologique que de notre capacité collective à réduire les écarts d’espérance de vie. En extrapolant les tendances récentes, on peut craindre qu’une Europe à deux vitesses ne se crée, opposant une minorité de territoires qui continuent à repousser les frontières de la longévité, et une majorité de territoires où les progrès s’étiolent.

En clair, la question n’est plus seulement de savoir jusqu’où l’espérance de vie peut grimper, mais surtout quels sont les territoires qui pourront en bénéficier.


Pour aller plus loin :

Nos résultats détaillés, région par région, sont disponibles dans une application interactive en ligne.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Où vit-on le plus vieux ? Ce que la géographie dit d’une Europe de plus en plus fragmentée – https://theconversation.com/ou-vit-on-le-plus-vieux-ce-que-la-geographie-dit-dune-europe-de-plus-en-plus-fragmentee-274375

La selección de Eva Catalán: motivación y deseo

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Eva Catalán, Editora de Educación, The Conversation

Klochkov SCS/Shutterstock

Nos ha pasado a todos: soñamos con algo especial, grande o pequeño (desde un abrigo precioso y carísimo que esperamos encontrar de rebajas a un viaje, pasando por un ascenso, un trabajo muy deseado, un premio o que determinada persona nos corresponda con su amistad o con su amor); durante semanas, meses, puede que años, es lo primero que pensamos al despertar.

Intuimos, sabemos, que nuestra vida cambiará cuando lo logremos. Y cuando lo logramos, es cierto: cambia. Durante unas horas, unos días, unos meses… pero en un momento dado aquel objetivo ideal pierde su brillo, se vuelve habitual, y ya no nos hace tan felices. Así estamos diseñados. Y tiene un nombre: adaptación hedónica.

Este fenómeno fue descrito por los expertos estadounidenses Philip Brickman y Donald T. Campbell en 1971. Deseamos algo, lo logramos; pasamos a desear otra cosa. El filósofo Spinoza ya consideraba en el siglo XVII el deseo como la expresión de la esencia humana.

Y como explica Juan Antonio Moreno Murcia de la Universidad Miguel Hernández en su artículo sobre los propósitos de año nuevo, desear, querer cosas que no tenemos, es lo que nos mueve, lo que nos empuja a actuar: el motor de nuestra existencia. Podemos existir sin deseo, desde luego. Pero es una existencia bien distinta. Con menos saborcillo, también con muchos menos sinsabores.

Hay distintas maneras de desear. A la hora de elegir objetivos, las motivaciones, es decir las razones por las que queremos algo, pueden marcar la diferencia entre perseverancia y procrastinación, satisfacción y frustración. De ahí que cuando nos marcamos propósitos de año nuevo, la clave del éxito no esté tanto en qué queremos lograr como en para qué o por qué lo queremos.

Esto tiene implicaciones no solo cuando nos apuntamos al gimnasio, sino también cuando elegimos un grado universitario, estudiamos para un examen, o decidimos nuestro destino de vacaciones. Si el objetivo es extrínseco y superficial (estar más delgado, sacarse un título, recibir un reconocimiento externo, lucirnos en redes sociales), curiosamente, la motivación puede flaquear antes.

Es una de las razones por las que algunos propósitos de año nuevo están condenados al fracaso o por la que cuando premiamos a un estudiante si saca buenas notas no estamos favoreciendo tanto sus ganas de aprender como sus ganas de recibir la recompensa. Además, este tipo de motivación extrínseca conduce más a menudo a la “adaptación hedónica” de la que hablaba al principio.

Sin quitar importancia a la satisfacción momentánea de llevar un abrigo bonito, estas lecturas nos enseñan que se puede ser intencional y estratégico incluso para desear cosas y encontrar la motivación en las que nos toca hacer, aunque no las hayamos deseado.

The Conversation

ref. La selección de Eva Catalán: motivación y deseo – https://theconversation.com/la-seleccion-de-eva-catalan-motivacion-y-deseo-274228

US cash, sponsored shirts and TV deals: how money took over English football

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robin Ireland, Honorary Research Fellow, University of Glasgow

Creativa Images/Shutterstock

It’s almost too easy to make the case that men’s football in England has become overly commercial. At the start of this season, one Premier League striker cost £125 million. And with an annual TV broadcasting deal worth £1.25 billion, more money is flying around the top level of the sport every year.

But it hasn’t always been this way. So how has the sport become so dominated by commerce?

This was what I wanted to find out when I started looking into the history of the club I have supported ever since I was a young student in the 1970s. And it turns out that Norwich City is a good example of a side which has tackled the various economic factors that have transformed English football over the past five decades.

In the 1970s for example, those factors were often a challenge for businesses and households, with high inflation, high unemployment and slow economic growth.

Football clubs were not immune, and it was not an easy task to keep them going as sustainable businesses (especially when hooliganism and violence were lurking outside – and sometimes even inside – the stadium).

It was during that decade (April 1977) that Norwich City employed its first ever commercial manager, Nigel Mackay, who was fully aware that the existence of his very role was potentially upsetting to football purists. But it turned out to be a well-timed appointment.

Two years later, the Football Association allowed clubs to put sponsors’ names on players’ shirts. Four years after that, in July 1983, a meeting of Football League chairmen agreed a television deal with the BBC and ITV which allowed shirt advertising to appear on TV screens for the first time.

Norwich City’s first shirt sponsorship dealwas a three-year contract with a local double-glazing company, worth £50,000 a year, which was considered a milestone in the Norfolk club’s history.

Other clubs were a little more ambitious. And as football clubs continued to try to maximise their income, Tottenham Hotspur FC became the first club to be floated on the stock market in 1983.

A league of their own

The 1980s was a decade which saw a series of football related tragedies, including the Bradford fire in May 1985 which led to 56 deaths, and the deaths of 39 fans at Heysel in Brussels just 18 days later.

At the end of the decade, the horror of the Hillsborough disaster in April 1989, when 97 Liverpool fans died, proved a turning point both in how football was perceived, and how it was governed.

In 1991, the Football Association proposed all-seater stadiums for safety reasons, and a radical transformation of the sport to enable it to develop its commercial potential while leaning towards more affluent consumers.

And while Margaret Thatcher had been deposed as leader of the Conservative party in November 1990, her legacy of free market expansion and the sale of national assets to private investors was mirrored in the world of football.

The decision to allow the top 22 clubs to break away to form a new elite league in 1992 was a victory for those who sought to exploit and commodify football.

That year the “new” top division of English football launched its inaugural season in a fizz of colour and noise. The whole entertainment extravaganza borrowed much from American sport including exciting camera angles, trenchant pundits and new kick-off times to suit television audiences and advertisers.

And the US idea of mixing up television, commercial sponsorship and sport was clear to see as the media mogul Rupert Murdoch acquired the broadcasting rights to live coverage of the Premier League – using it to build his global audience for paid-for satellite television.

There were, of course, also increased ticket prices for those fans still wanting to attend matches at their local ground.

Winners and losers

Remarkably (it seems now), Norwich City were the unlikely leaders of the Premier League for the majority of its first season, before being deposed by Alex Ferguson’s Manchester United. And as others have mentioned, the financial reality in today’s game is that clubs like Norwich, Leeds United, Burnley and Ipswich Town are unlikely to match their successes of the past.

For its part, Norwich City, like many other English clubs, ended up turning to American ownership.

Before that, it was the famous TV cook Delia Smith and her husband who helped to bail their local club out of one of their periodic financial crises in 1997. The couple remained majority shareholders on the club’s board for more than 25 years, and probably never originally planned to hand over their beloved club to a US consortium in March 2025.

In many ways they were bowing to the inevitable. For the English Premier League, with its huge broadcasting revenues and sponsorship income, looks more like an exclusive club with every season that passes.

Fans have been transformed into consumers of a global entertainment product, at the expense of the competition and excitement which the new Premier League had promised. Success is now fundamentally bought with the vast riches generated by television, commercial income and the deep pockets of billionaires.

The result has pros and cons. As Delia Smith said herself: “There’s two ways to look at it. One is that the Premier League is the best in the world and everybody lauds us and our competition, but in another way we’ve lost so much of what football is. I think that’s a bit sad.”

The Conversation

Robin Ireland is affiliated with the Health Equalities Group (registered charity) as Director of Research (Honorary).

ref. US cash, sponsored shirts and TV deals: how money took over English football – https://theconversation.com/us-cash-sponsored-shirts-and-tv-deals-how-money-took-over-english-football-266416

Too many students drop out of A-levels – here’s how to help them pick a course they’ll stick with

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nigel Newton, Lecturer in Education, Cardiff Metropolitan University

Dmytro Zinkevych/Shutterstock

You can probably remember at least one education choice you regret. You don’t have to be lazy or naive to pick the wrong subject, just lacking in information about what you will actually have to study on the course.

In England, this problem is concentrated at age 16. Young people are expected to choose a small set of subjects – three or four A-levels, or just one T-level, for example – that will shape not just their next two years but potentially how they succeed in the future.

In theory, there is lots of support: open evenings, prospectuses, taster sessions, careers platforms, guidance interviews. Yet disengagement and drop-out remain familiar features of post-16 education. One reason is that the system often treats course choice as a question of career opportunity, while leaving something oddly under-discussed: the curriculum itself.

That matters because students aren’t just choosing “qualifications”. They are choosing to spend hundreds of hours studying – reading, writing, experimenting, analysing – and then to be assessed in particular ways.

In a recently published study, I analysed an unusual dataset: what students thought about the A-level courses they were taking before they began them, and then, later, how well they did in those courses.

The study followed 191 students in a school sixth form who completed 674 questionnaires across 24 A-level subjects. The questionnaires were based on the specific curriculum topics and assessment practices that students would need to engage with on the courses offered in that sixth form.

The questionnaires asked how interested the teenagers would be in studying DNA, including what it is and how it works for A-level biology, for instance, or how much they’d enjoy learning about the management and conservation of coastlines for A-level geography. The questionnaires also asked how they viewed courses in relation to their future career aspirations and progression to university.

Across the subjects with enough data, students who reported higher interest in the content of a course were significantly more likely to complete their courses. But whether a student thought an A-level was valued by future employers, or that would help their progression to university, appeared less likely to affect their chances of completing the course.

This doesn’t mean careers don’t matter to course choice, but it does suggest career aspirations may not be enough to keep students motivated through the weekly pressures of course study.

Schools and colleges go to great lengths to provide guidance. But more information is not the same as meaningful engagement with what a course involves. Previous research suggests students often don’t rely on the course information they’re given to make decisions.

Choice overload

Linked to this is what psychologists call choice overload. Although we value having options, more choice can increase anxiety, reduce satisfaction and encourage us to take shortcuts when making decisions. It’s one reason students simplify decisions by picking subjects they think they know from GCSE, or those their friends are taking.

And for young people from backgrounds affected by disadvantage, choices can narrow towards what seems most likely to lead to employment, even where other interests exist.

Students looking at information on paper
Choice overload can affect decision-making.
gonzagon/Shutterstock

And there’s another layer too: the environment of choice is shaped by competition. Research has shown that sixth forms are using open evenings just as much to market themselves to students as to provide information on what their courses cover.

For instance, in the competitive post-16 marketplace, a school may feel it is risky to recruitment efforts to dwell on the reality that their A-level history focuses on religion in the Tudor period rather than the saucier intrigues of the royal court. “Selling” and “informing” don’t always align.

Education policy implicitly assumes young people are to treat post-16 choices as an optimisation problem: maximise exchange value, keep doors open, choose strategically. This can reduce study to a trade-off: endure now, benefit later. For some learners, that works.

For many, it doesn’t, especially when their attention is already being pulled in multiple directions and when anxiety about their future is high.

But interest in what they are actually studying should not get lost. Interest sustains attention and effort. If we don’t know students’ levels of interest in course content to begin with, it becomes difficult to tell whether later underperformance reflects a poor fit between student and course, or limitations in how teaching and assessment are supporting that engagement.

Curriculum-first guidance is needed, making curriculum and assessment visible early and central to sixth forms and colleges’ offers to students. This should be at the heart of how they support teenagers making choices about their post-16 education.

There’s an additional benefit. If curriculum-specific interests can be measured reliably, this could help schools and colleges evaluate mismatches between course provision, the learners’ interests, and outcomes, creating a new way of thinking about “quality” in post-16 education.

It’s not only about who drops out, or whether GCSE results predict how well students do, but whether sixth forms and colleges are building on students’ intrinsic interests in curriculum disciplines.

It may not be impossible to avoid all regrets about choices in education. But if we start by asking learners what knowledge they would enjoy engaging with and acquiring over the next two years, we may go a long way in reducing those course choice doubts and improving the odds that their motivation survives the first difficult term.

The Conversation

Nigel Newton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Too many students drop out of A-levels – here’s how to help them pick a course they’ll stick with – https://theconversation.com/too-many-students-drop-out-of-a-levels-heres-how-to-help-them-pick-a-course-theyll-stick-with-273406

Saipan: Roy Keane World Cup drama is a highly entertaining slice of Irish football history

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laura O’Flanagan, PhD Candidate, School of English, Dublin City University

In the summer of 2002, a dispute inside the Republic of Ireland’s football camp spiralled into a national controversy. Few sporting rows have lodged themselves in the Irish imagination as stubbornly as Keane v McCarthy in Saipan, culminating in Keane’s departure from the Irish World Cup squad.

Directed by Glenn Leyburn and Lisa Barros D’Sa, Saipan takes a deliberately narrow focus of the saga, centring on the breakdown of the relationship between Ireland captain Roy Keane and manager Mick McCarthy, framing it as an intimate power struggle. This choice grounds the film and keeps it from slipping into nostalgia or easy hero worship.

Roy Keane (Éanna Hardwicke) is all coiled intensity. The film captures his sense of grievance and moral rigidity without smoothing over the damage it causes. Keane’s frustrations centre on what he sees as a lack of professionalism within the Irish setup in Saipan, from inadequate training facilities to a broader culture of complacency and indulgence.




Read more:
Saipan: the story behind Roy Keane’s World Cup walkout on Ireland’s football team


Keane is a man driven by standards that feel absolute, and the film is careful to show how those standards inspire as much as they alienate. Hardwicke’s terrific performance sits in the space between principle and obsession. He never softens Keane into a misunderstood martyr, nor does he paint him as a simple villain.

Steve Coogan plays Mick McCarthy with a quiet, pained restraint, but the portrayal is far from generous. His McCarthy is isolated and increasingly evasive, a man struggling to assert authority while appearing overwhelmed by events of his own making. He is framed as a figure losing control, unable or unwilling to meet Keane’s demands head on. Coogan avoids outright caricature, but the balance of sympathy is clear, and Saipan’s version of events leans decisively in Keane’s favour.

Saipan also addresses Keane’s questioning of McCarthy’s Irishness, a move that shifts the dispute beyond football and into the terrain of identity. The film does not endorse this line of attack, instead pointedly setting it against the legacy of Jack Charlton (Ireland manager from 1986 to 1995), another English-born figure, but one whose leadership was rarely challenged. (Charlton is one of only 11 honorary Irish citizens.)

McCarthy was born in Barnsley in Yorkshire, but is one of many second-generation Irish players who qualified for the team through their Irish parents. By framing his criticism in these terms, Keane attempts to undermine McCarthy’s legitimacy, using Irishness as a tool in a conflict about standards and authority, and gesturing towards the complexity of Ireland’s relationship with Englishness.

Celtic Tiger excess

When the film shifts its focus to the Football Association of Ireland, its patience wears thin. Saipan portrays an administration steeped in Celtic Tiger excess, treating the 2002 World Cup as a jolly rather than a professional obligation.

In the film version, brown envelopes are slipped out with ease, camp followers hover with no clear purpose, and champagne bottles appear in saunas as preparation drifts into farce. The depiction is unmistakable: this was an organisation cushioned by boom-time arrogance, insulated from consequence, and wholly unprepared for a player who demanded standards it had little interest in meeting.

Balancing the drama, there are scenes of unexpected humour, particularly in scenes involving the squad, where downtime, routines and shared spaces are closely observed. Visually and tonally, these moments recall Taika Waititi’s Next Goal Wins, with comedy in proximity and rhythm rather than punchlines. That lightness is always shadowed by the dangerous edge of Keane’s disapproval, which hangs over the group and gives even the quietest scenes a sense of latent threat.

The film’s use of archival footage and music leans heavily into nostalgia, situating Saipan firmly within its early-2000s moment. The opening notes of Oasis’ Acquiesce land purposefully, a song built around unity and defiance, and sung by two brothers whose own feud would become legendary. It is an on-the-nose choice, particularly coming from an English band with a strong Irish heritage, but an effective one, framing the film around themes of loyalty, fracture and unresolved conflict before a word is spoken.

Saipan is a highly entertaining slice of both Irish and football history. This fallout was never really about one training session or one confrontation. It was about standards colliding with systems, and a country watching itself argue in public. That the dispute still provokes such certainty and division is part of the film’s point. Some rows are simply never settled.

The Conversation

Laura O’Flanagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Saipan: Roy Keane World Cup drama is a highly entertaining slice of Irish football history – https://theconversation.com/saipan-roy-keane-world-cup-drama-is-a-highly-entertaining-slice-of-irish-football-history-274346

Muscle twitches: why they happen and what they mean

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

Toa55/Shutterstock.com

You’re relaxing on the sofa when suddenly your eyelid starts twitching. Or perhaps it’s a muscle in your arm, your leg, or your foot that begins to spasm – sometimes for a few seconds, sometimes for hours or even days. It’s an unsettling sensation that affects about 70% of people at some point in their lives.

Muscle twitches fall into two main types. There’s myoclonus, where a whole muscle or group of muscles twitch or spasm. Then there’s fasciculation, where single muscle fibres twitch – often too weak to move a limb but visible or sensed beneath the skin.

Many factors can trigger both types of twitching, but people often fear the worst. Some fear it could signal multiple sclerosis – a condition that requires extensive testing, including a lumbar puncture to look for inflammation and MRI scans to detect brain changes.

For many people, however, twitching is simply an annoyance. Once doctors rule out serious causes, everyday features of modern life often turn out to be the trigger.

Too much caffeine, for instance, can cause muscle twitching. As a stimulant, it affects both skeletal and cardiac muscle, increasing heart rate and having a similar effect on skeletal muscle in areas such as the arms and legs. It slows down the time it takes for muscles to relax and increases the amount of calcium ions released within muscles, disrupting normal muscle contraction patterns.

Other stimulants such as nicotine, cocaine and amphetamines can cause similar muscular twitching. These substances interfere with the neurotransmitters that control or influence muscle function.

Some prescription medications can also trigger twitching. Antidepressants and anti-seizure drugs, blood pressure medicines, antibiotics and anaesthetics can all cause muscular side-effects.

When minerals run low

Twitching isn’t only caused by what you consume, it can also stem from what your body lacks. Hypocalcaemia, a drop in the amount of calcium in the body, is associated with twitching, particularly in the back and legs.

Calcium is fundamentally important in helping muscle cells rest and remain stable between contractions. When calcium levels fall, sodium channels open more easily. Sodium floods in and, as a result, nerves become hyperactive and muscles contract when they shouldn’t.

There are recognised twitching areas associated with hypocalcaemia, including the Chvostek sign, which is seen in the face and can be triggered by tapping the skin of the cheek just in front of the ear.

Chvostek sign.

Magnesium deficiency can also cause muscle twitching. Some causes of magnesium deficiency are a poor diet or poor absorption in the gut, usually due to conditions such as coeliac disease or other gastrointestinal conditions.

Some medications, particularly when taken over a long period, can cause a drop in magnesium levels in the body. Proton pump inhibitors used to treat reflux and stomach ulcers are recognised for this effect.

Low potassium is another mineral that can cause muscle twitching. Potassium helps muscle cells rest. It’s usually at high levels inside the cell and lower outside, but when potassium levels outside the cell fall, the electrical balance shifts, making muscle cells unstable and prone to misfiring, causing muscle spasms.

If you have no underlying gastrointestinal conditions, eating a healthy, balanced diet is usually enough to ensure you have enough of each of these minerals for normal muscle function.

A healthy water intake is important too, as dehydration affects the balance of sodium and potassium, resulting in abnormal muscle function, such as twitching and spasms. This is even more important during exercise, where overexertion can cause the same phenomenon.

The brain plays a role as well. Stress and anxiety can cause muscles to twitch as a result of overstimulation of the nervous system by hormones and neurotransmitters such as adrenaline.

Adrenaline increases the “alertness” of the nervous system, meaning it’s ready to trigger muscle contraction. It also increases the amount of blood flow and changes the tension of the muscles, which when a surge of energy arrives – or if the muscle is held in suspense for long periods – can result in twitching.

Adrenaline can also result in the nervous system responding to altered levels of neurotransmitters, causing muscle movement when the body is actually at rest.

Infectious agents can cause muscle twitching and spasms, too. The most commonly known is probably tetanus, which causes a phenomenon called lockjaw, where the neck and jaw muscles contract to the point where it becomes difficult to open the mouth and swallow. Lyme disease, from ticks, can also cause muscle spasms.

Many different infections can affect either the nerves or the muscles and can lead to twitching. Cysticercosis, toxoplasmosis, influenza, HIV and herpes simplex have all been linked to muscle twitching.

When doctors rule out these causes, some people receive a diagnosis of benign fasciculation syndrome – involuntary muscle twitching with no identifiable underlying disease.

It’s unknown how common it is, but it’s believed to affect at least 1% of the healthy population. It can persist for months or years, and for many, although benign, it doesn’t resolve completely.

For many people, muscle twitches remain a manageable annoyance rather than a sign of disease. But for others, a healthcare professional may need to rule out more serious causes.

The Conversation

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Muscle twitches: why they happen and what they mean – https://theconversation.com/muscle-twitches-why-they-happen-and-what-they-mean-269556

Stone baby: the rare condition that produces a calcified foetus

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

Miridda/Shutterstock

For some women, pregnancy is a time of profound loss. Not all pregnancies progress as expected. One serious complication is ectopic pregnancy, a condition in which a fertilised egg implants somewhere other than the uterus.

The uterus is the only organ designed to stretch, supply blood and safely support a developing pregnancy. When implantation occurs elsewhere, the pregnancy cannot develop normally and poses significant risks to the mother.

In a very small number of cases, implantation occurs within the abdominal cavity. This is known as an abdominal pregnancy and means the embryo attaches to structures such as the bowel or abdominal lining rather than reproductive organs, often undetected.

There are rare reports of such pregnancies continuing into late gestation and, in extraordinary circumstances, a baby being born healthy. Far more often, however, the outcome is one of the strangest phenomena documented in medicine.

This outcome is known as a lithopaedion, a term derived from Greek that translates literally as “stone baby”. Fewer than 350 to 400 cases have been described in the medical literature, making it exceptionally rare.

In these cases, a woman usually experiences at least the early stages of pregnancy. Some reach full term and even go through labour; the body initiates the physical process of childbirth, but no baby is delivered. In some instances, particularly where access to healthcare is limited, a pregnancy may go entirely unnoticed.

The foetus in these cases has sadly died. After approximately three months of gestation, the foetal skeleton begins to ossify into bone. Ossification is the normal biological process by which soft cartilage turns into hardened bone. Once this has occurred, the foetal remains are too large and structurally complex for the body to break down and absorb.

During a typical pregnancy, the placenta plays a crucial role in regulating the exchange of nutrients and immune signals between mother and foetus. At the same time, the maternal immune system enters a state of immune tolerance: it is partially suppressed to prevent it from attacking the genetically distinct foetus. When the foetus is no longer viable, these protective mechanisms disappear. The immune system then recognises the foetal tissue as foreign and potentially dangerous.

To protect itself from infection or inflammation, the body may respond by calcifying the foetus. Calcification involves the gradual deposition of calcium salts around tissue, effectively isolating it. This process seals the foetus off from surrounding organs, preserving it in place and preventing further harm.

Calcification as a defensive response is not unique to pregnancy. The process of dystrophic calcification occurs when calcium deposits form in dead or damaged tissue. Calcium binds to phospholipids, which are fat-based molecules that make up the outer structure of cells and help hold cell membranes together, stabilising the area and limiting injury. A similar biological mechanism contributes to calcium build-up in blood vessels during atherosclerosis, a condition associated with heart disease.

Lithopaedion formation has also been observed in other species, including rabbits, dogs, cats and monkeys. One of the earliest recorded human cases dates back to 1582, involving a 68-year-old French woman who carried a lithopaedion for 28 years.

Another widely reported case describes a woman in China who carried one for over 60 years. Some lithopaedions have been reported to weigh more than two kilograms, roughly the weight of a full-term newborn. In one exceptionally rare case, a woman was found to have twin lithopaedions.

Symptomless cases

Some women carry a lithopaedion without symptoms for many years. Others develop complications caused by its presence in the abdomen. These include pelvic abscesses, which are collections of infected fluid, twisting or obstruction of the intestines that interfere with digestion, fistula formation – meaning abnormal connections between organs – and other abdominal symptoms such as pain or swelling.

Cases without symptoms are often discovered postmortem – after death during examination. When symptoms do occur, surgical removal is usually required. Because lithopaedions develop outside the uterus, they may attach to nearby organs such as the bowel or bladder.

Each case must therefore be carefully assessed. Surgery may be performed laparoscopically, using small incisions and a camera to minimise recovery time, or may require a more extensive open abdominal procedure.

Diagnosis almost always relies on medical imaging. This often occurs incidentally while investigating other symptoms. Calcified foetal bones can be identified using X-rays, ultrasound or CT scans. CT scans are particularly useful because they provide detailed cross-sectional images that clearly show both bone and surrounding soft tissue.

Lithopaedion cases are now exceptionally rare, likely even more so in modern medicine due to accurate pregnancy testing, early ultrasound scanning and routine antenatal care. Although these cases are medically unusual, they highlight both the vulnerability and resilience of the human body. Whether supporting new life or responding when pregnancy ends unexpectedly, the body works to protect the person carrying the pregnancy, sometimes in ways that continue to surprise medicine centuries later.


Strange Health is hosted by Katie Edwards and Dan Baumgardt. The executive producer is Gemma Ware, with video and sound editing for this episode by Sikander Khan. Artwork by Alice Mason.

In this episode, Dan and Katie talk about a social media clip from tonsilstonessss on TikTok.

Listen to Strange Health via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript is available via the Apple Podcasts or Spotify apps.

The Conversation

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Stone baby: the rare condition that produces a calcified foetus – https://theconversation.com/stone-baby-the-rare-condition-that-produces-a-calcified-foetus-274178

Why Heineken’s zero-alcohol London Underground campaign fell flat

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonatan Sodergren, Lecturer in Marketing, Bristol University Business School, University of Bristol

Brewing giant Heineken’s advertising campaign promoting its zero-alcohol beer on the London Underground forced its way into the public conversation. By temporarily altering signs and renaming stops to things like Oxf0.0rd Circus and Waterl0.0, the 0.0 brand placed itself inside one of the UK’s most recognisable public institutions.

The Heineken stunt reflects a wider return of offline brand “activations” – when marketers look for the type of presence that can’t be scrolled past in crowded digital environments. These campaigns, from Netflix’s “experiences” to promote the new season of Stranger Things to live events like Red Bull’s Flugtag, which turn stunts into shareable spectacles.

The Dutch brewer’s campaign was designed to mark dry January; but whether the visibility translated into impact is another matter.

The reasoning behind it was clear. London Underground is famous for its unwritten rules – stand on the right, avoid eye contact and under no circumstances strike up a conversation with a stranger. But Heineken 0.0 attempted to turn it into a hub for connection, using its temporary rebranding of the Bakerloo line to encourage commuters to rediscover real-world socialising. Without alcohol, of course.

As part of the promotion, Heineken was also handing out free 0% beer at Waterloo station over a couple of days in January. The company said it hoped the move would encourage Tube users to make small talk with a stranger after its own data showed 63% of passengers said they were “very unlikely” ever to do this.

Younger generations are drinking less alcohol than their predecessors, and zero-alcohol products are increasingly in the public eye. Campaigns like the Heineken one show how non-alcoholic drinks can be marketed in ways that grab attention and remain culturally relevant.

My research into zero-alcohol marketing focuses on how brands use visual and textual strategies to communicate responsibility and reshape social norms around drinking.

But from that perspective, the Heineken 0.0 campaign reveals some notable shortcomings.

1. Accessibility

Heineken 0.0’s temporary rebranding drew criticism from disability advocates. Campaign group Transport for All warned that altering station names and navigation signage could create confusion for passengers, particularly those with visual impairments, learning disabilities, neurodivergence or fatigue.

Transport for London (TfL), which runs London Underground, pointed out that the changes were limited to certain platform signs and and assessed to ensure they didn’t negatively affect services, staff or customers. But nonetheless, critics hit back that even subtle rebranding risks turning routine journeys into stressful or unsafe experiences for vulnerable commuters.

2. Station mix-up

Heineken 0.0’s campaign for dry January included an unfortunate error: some signs displayed stations out of sequence. While the rebranding was intended as a playful stunt, the mistake risked confusing passengers who rely on accurate station information. TfL told The Conversation it was a printing error and that the signage was corrected, but apologised to customers for any confusion.

3. Implicit assumptions

Although the aim was to promote alcohol-free socialising, the campaign could inadvertently reinforce the idea that beer – or alcohol more broadly – is a prerequisite for connection. By pairing interaction on the Tube with the act of drinking, even a zero-alcohol beer, the campaign relies on familiar cultural tropes that link social environments with alcohol.

For commuters already wary of public interaction, this may undercut the message of inclusive, alcohol-free connection. The campaign’s playful intent is clear, but its execution subtly leans on entrenched assumptions about alcohol and sociability. This limits its potential to challenge norms.

4. Out of place

Heineken said its campaign was “playful” and meant to encourage socialising, but it feels out of step with the reality of commuting. Alcohol has been banned on TfL services since 2008, and most passengers are simply on their way to or from work, focused on their phones, schedules or morning coffee. They aren’t generally thinking about a beer, even when it is alcohol-free.

The activation makes a bold visual and social statement, but it doesn’t fully fit the context. A promotion tied to everyday routines, like coffee or snacks, would have felt more natural in this environment. The stunt sparks conversation, but the setting remains a mismatch.

Campaigns of this type should focus on settings that are actually designed for social connection. For example, a pop-up at a music festival or airport lounge could offer zero-alcohol tastings alongside prompts (so called because they gently cue participation and spark interaction without requiring commitment).

Prompts could include trivia games, mini challenges or small plates of food. These could even be curated to reflect the destination and create a memorable pre-flight experience – paired with a celebratory clink of 0.0 glasses, of course.

These experiences make interaction effortless and enjoyable, reinforcing the idea that socialising doesn’t require alcohol. By embedding responsibility, relevance and context into both strategy and execution, zero-alcohol campaigns can get people talking, while also making zero-alcohol socialising feel aspirational.

There’s no doubt that Heineken 0.0’s London Underground stunt grabbed attention, but the criticisms reveal how it could have been stronger. Accessibility must be central, ensuring that the campaign doesn’t obstruct, exclude or make everyday travel more difficult. And precision matters too. After all, mistakes only reflect badly on the brand.

The Conversation

Jonatan Sodergren does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Heineken’s zero-alcohol London Underground campaign fell flat – https://theconversation.com/why-heinekens-zero-alcohol-london-underground-campaign-fell-flat-273543