Category: Academic Analysis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benjamin Selwyn, Professor of International Relations and International Development, Department of International Relations, University of Sussex

Extreme heat and drought could damage harvests and worsen global food insecurity this summer.

Climate scientists, agricultural experts and policymakers warn that a super El Niño could tip vulnerable populations towards famine. El Niño is a climate phenomenon in the Pacific that affects weather patterns globally. Rare “super” El Niños generate exceptionally intense warming of water at the surface of the Pacific, with temperatures rising more than 2°C above historical averages. This sharply disrupts global weather, increasing the risk of extreme heat, droughts and flooding.

Yet El Niño is only one pressure bearing down on an already dysfunctional and fragile global food system. Hunger is fundamentally political and economic.

Wars disrupt trade. Inequality limits access to food. Both are intensified by a profit‑driven food system that prioritises feeding animals for slaughter over feeding people. Millions of people are vulnerable even in normal times – and catastrophically so when shocks arrive.

El Niño alters rainfall, shifts jet streams and raises global temperatures.

Human‑induced global heating intensifies these dangers. A study by the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Meteorological Organization shows that rising heat could make farm work unsafe for much of the year across South Asia, sub‑Saharan Africa and parts of the Americas. Crop yields have dropped sharply above 30°C, while heat stress reduces livestock productivity and survival.

Modern agriculture depends heavily on fossil‑fuel‑based fertilisers transported over long distances. If fertiliser fails to arrive in time for key planting windows, yields decline months later. In wealthy countries this translates into higher prices; in poorer ones, it translates into hunger.

Sub‑Saharan Africa is particularly exposed, importing around 80% of its fertiliser.

Read more:
How the Iran war could create a ‘fertiliser shock’ – an often ignored global risk to food prices and farming

Yet the current Middle East war has revealed already existing fault-lines. Over recent decades, food production has been reorganised into long, energy‑intensive supply chains. These chains rely on cheap fossil fuels, synthetic fertilisers and monocultures designed to maximise output rather than resilience.

My research shows that such systems can simultaneously raise total food production while worsening food insecurity.

Nowhere is this clearer than in heavily indebted countries across the developing world. In parts of sub‑Saharan Africa, the Middle East and the Caribbean, governments are struggling with high food import bills alongside heavy debt repayments. This leaves little financial buffer to cushion households when prices spike.

Unsurprisingly, hunger is rising most rapidly where debt and food dependence intersect. Because of this, the humanitarian charity Oxfam is calling for G7 countries (including the UK, France and Germany) to redirect less than 3% of their military spending to vulnerable countries to reduce chronic hunger while easing debt pressures.

Deeper structural problems

Emergency finance is essential – but it is only a stop‑gap. Preventing future food crises requires structural change to how food is produced.

Livestock production is among the most fertiliser‑ and fossil‑fuel‑intensive forms of agriculture. It is responsible for about 14.5% of all human-induced greenhouse gas emissions.

A lot of farmland grows maize and soy to feed livestock rather than people. These “feed crops” require increasing fertilizers to maintain the same output. Studies on maize production in China find that exposure to temperatures above 28°C leads to sharp increases in fertiliser use. The feed-livestock complex therefore results in rising fossil‑fuel use – a pressure intensified by climate breakdown.

Meanwhile, global meat production is predicted to double between the early 2000s and 2050. When grazing land and feed cropland are combined, livestock production accounts for roughly 80% of global agricultural land.

Expanding this system increases land use, fertiliser demand, energy inputs and greenhouse gas emissions – exactly the opposite of what a climate‑stressed world requires.

Rather than simply reflecting consumer demand, state support enables the expansion of feed-livestock production. Of the approximately US$540 billion (£400 billion) annual subsidies to agriculture, the largest recipients are beef and milk producers. Many subsidies provide support to buy pesticides and fertilisers.

Imagine if such funds were redirected to food production for human need and planetary health?

A shift away from feed‑intensive livestock systems towards more plant‑based, agroecological farming would reduce pressure on land, while cutting demand for fertilisers and fossil fuels. Agroecology is a form of farming that works with ecological processes, emphasising crop diversity, nutrient cycling, healthy soils and locally adapted practices instead of heavy chemical inputs.

It is often claimed by large agribusiness companies (such as fertiliser and pesticide producers) that chemical‑intensive farming is around 20% more productive than agroecology. But this doesn’t take into account the environmental costs of damage to soil health or water pollution, for example.

Even where agroecology delivers slightly lower yields, reducing the production of crops to feed livestock frees up land. This allows agroecological farms to scale up and increase their food output. Studies show how diverse agroecological systems, including mixed crop-livestock farming, produce stronger food security and more nutritional food crops than industrial monoculture agriculture.

In parts of southern Malawi, farmers relied on monocropped maize supported by expensive fertiliser. Good years brought modest yields; bad years brought hunger. When farmers shifted to maize–legume intercropping – combining maize with pigeon pea, cowpea or groundnut – yields increased. Maize yields increased by about 800kg per hectare with less fertiliser, providing protein‑rich legumes and greater stability in dry years.

With state support, such approaches could be scaled to strengthen national food security.

Climate and geopolitical shocks – from El Niño, global heating or wars – hit a food system which already magnifies environmental and social vulnerabilities. Feed‑based livestock production worsens climate breakdown, diverts land and resources from feeding people, and deepens risk. Shifting to agroecological, plant‑centred food systems is essential, but requires sustained political action and public pressure.

Benjamin Selwyn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How a super El Niño could trigger global famine – https://theconversation.com/how-a-super-el-nino-could-trigger-global-famine-281486

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Håkan Brorson, Professor of Plastic Surgery, Lund University

For many women with lipodoema, the diagnosis comes after years of being told the same thing: eat less, more more. The problem is that the fat accumulating around their hips and legs isn’t responding to diet or exercise, because it was never caused by them in the first place.

Lipoedema is a long-term condition that affects the way fat is stored in the body. It mainly affects women and usually develops or worsens at times of hormonal change, such as puberty, pregnancy or menopause. The link with these life stages is one reason researchers think hormones may play a role, although the exact cause is still not fully understood.

Lipoedema may also run in families, which suggests that genetic factors could be involved.

It usually appears as a symmetrical build-up of fatty tissue around the hips, buttocks and legs. In some people, it also affects the arms. The upper body may remain much smaller, which can make the body look noticeably out of proportion. A common feature is that the hands and feet are usually unaffected, so there may be a clear difference between the affected limbs and the unaffected hands or feet.

Lipoedema is often mistaken for general weight gain, obesity or lymphoedema. Lymphoedema is swelling caused by a build-up of fluid when the lymphatic system is not draining properly.

Lipoedema primarily involves abnormal fat distribution. This is why the name can be confusing: although “oedema” usually refers to fluid swelling, lipoedema is not caused by fluid build-up. Some people may develop swelling or lymphatic problems alongside lipoedema, particularly in very advanced cases, but these are not the defining feature.

Misunderstanding lipoedema can delay diagnosis and leave people feeling blamed for symptoms that are not simply a result of lifestyle. Many people with lipoedema describe pain, tenderness, heaviness in the affected areas and a tendency to bruise easily. In more severe cases, the size and weight of the affected limbs can make walking, exercising and everyday movement more difficult.

Lipoedema can also overlap with obesity. Someone can have lipoedema and obesity at the same time, which can make diagnosis and treatment more complicated. Obesity may increase strain on the body, worsen mobility and overload the lymphatic system. Where lipoedema is advanced, especially if body weight is also very high, this can contribute to secondary lymphoedema.

Because lipoedema is not a fluid condition, treatments designed for lymphoedema may not have the same effect. Manual lymphatic drainage is a specialist massage technique intended to encourage fluid to move through the lymphatic system, but evidence for its usefulness in lipoedema itself remains limited.

Read more:
What are lymph nodes? And can a massage really improve lymphatic drainage?

Lipoedema is usually diagnosed through a person’s medical history and a physical examination. There is no single blood test or scan that can confirm it. A healthcare professional will look for typical signs, such as symmetrical fat distribution, tenderness, easy bruising and the sparing of the hands and feet.

They may also use a simple clinical check called Stemmer’s sign. This involves trying to pinch and lift the skin at the base of a toe or finger. If the skin cannot be lifted easily, this can suggest lymphoedema. In lipoedema, Stemmer’s sign is negative, meaning the skin can still be pinched.

Myths and management

There are still myths around lipoedema, partly because research is developing and because the condition has historically been under-recognised.

One common claim is that lipoedema fat never responds to diet or exercise. The reality is more nuanced. Healthy eating, physical activity and weight management can still improve health, pain, mobility and quality of life, particularly for people who also have obesity. The aim should be to support strength, movement, comfort and long-term health, without encouraging crash dieting or blaming the patient.

Low-impact exercise can be particularly helpful. Walking, cycling and water-based exercise can support mobility without placing too much strain on painful joints or heavy limbs.

Compression garments also help some people by reducing heaviness, discomfort and swelling. These are close-fitting medical garments that apply controlled pressure to the affected area. Good skin care is important too. This includes keeping the skin clean and moisturised, drying carefully between skin folds and treating cuts promptly, especially if swelling or reduced mobility makes the skin more vulnerable to irritation or infection.

Lipoedema can affect a person’s emotional wellbeing and quality of life. This does not mean it directly causes mental health disorders. But living with chronic pain, changes in body shape, reduced mobility and repeated medical dismissal can take a toll.

People may feel self-conscious, frustrated or isolated, especially if they have spent years being told their symptoms are simply a matter of weight. Some research suggests that many patients diagnosed with lipoedema report significant psychological distress before lipoedema-related symptoms begin. Psychological and social support is therefore an important part of care.

There is no cure for lipoedema, but symptoms can be managed. The best approach is usually holistic, meaning it looks at the whole person rather than treating one symptom in isolation. This may include movement, compression, pain management, weight support where appropriate, skin care and emotional support.

In some cases, surgery may be considered. Special liposuction techniques, designed to be gentler on the lymphatic system, may reduce pain and improve mobility for some people, although the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence notes that evidence is still developing.

For people with severe obesity, bariatric surgery, an umbrella term for procedures that modify the digestive system to help people lose weight, may also improve symptoms and daily functioning.

Because knowledge about lipoedema varies, it is important to seek advice from healthcare professionals who understand the condition. Organisations such as The International Lipoedema Association provide further information and support.

Good care should recognise both the physical symptoms and the emotional impact, without reducing lipoedema to either a cosmetic concern or a simple weight issue. Better recognition can help people get support earlier, manage symptoms more effectively and move away from years of confusion, blame and delayed care.

Håkan Brorson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Lipoedema: the painful condition too often dismissed as obesity – https://theconversation.com/lipoedema-the-painful-condition-too-often-dismissed-as-obesity-281778

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nitya Rao, Professor of Gender & Development, University of East Anglia

Many people are migrating within countries across south Asia to cope with extreme weather. In Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal, people often move from rural homes to urban metropolises when their homes and livelihoods become damaged or threatened by cyclones and storms, floods and droughts.

Most previous research has focused on migration of men who move to seek employment and how that affects the women and families they leave behind. But many women also move as a result of climate-related extreme weather.

Migrant households take many forms. My team’s research involved collecting data both through surveys and interviews with close to 1,200 households across these countries. Our work reveals a complex picture.

In India, Nepal and Bangladesh, women tend to be more involved in farming and livestock care. Men migrate to cities to work in construction or factories, often returning home for annual visits, or more often if they are closer to home.

“My husband has been away for many years,” 35-year-old Bagyalata, who lives in Odisha, a state in eastern India, told us. “I am busy with cattle and other farm work throughout the day but am also responsible for the children. Whenever there is any problem, the teachers ask me to come.”

But in Bhutan, it’s more common for women to move away to find work, either on their own or with their families. As one 45-year-old man describes: “My wife lives and works in Thimphu. As the eldest son, I returned to the village to look after my parents and disabled brother. Our family relies on income from oranges, but this has been declining due to irregular rainfall and new [crop] pests.”

Bhutan and Nepal are both mountainous areas prone to floods and landslides. Water collection has traditionally been a woman’s task. But piped water systems provided by the state have made water supplies more reliable and accessible. That said, other domestic and care tasks such as cooking, childcare and care of older relatives continue to remain the responsibility of women. This leaves them with little time for other activities. One woman, Darji, in Nepal told us, “I could do tailoring, but with caring for the family and animals, I don’t have any time”.

Who controls the assets?

Despite contributing more to the workforce, women in Bangladesh, India and Nepal still don’t have much control over assets (land ownership and family finances). They don’t get much say in terms of political leadership either.

In Indrawati, a rural region in Nepal, one woman living with her two children told us: “Although my mother-in-law permits me to use the land to farm vegetables, I must give her half the harvest.” Access to land continues to be mediated through family and kinship structures.

In Bhutan, matrilineal inheritance or the inheritance of land through the female line (from mother to daughter) means that women own more land, especially in non-migrant and couple-migrant households.

It is only when women migrate that they start to have control over the income they earn and investments they make. This can strengthen the decision-making position of other women who remain, as households reorganise around women’s contributions, both in terms of money and social support.

One 40-year-old widow in Odisha, India, had multiple jobs in order to support her four children. She farmed millets and turmeric plus she collected firewood in the forest and foraged for seasonal foods such as mushrooms. Her oldest daughter moved to a coastal town to work in a fish factory.

The widow told us: “She wanted to go … there was no money at home. She said she will make extra to help us.” Payments from her oldest daughter provide financial support for the family. That extra money also enables her to make somewhat risky financial decisions including shifting to a cash crop, cashew in this case. Cashews are subject to both price fluctuations and climatic variability, but they can lead to more profit, so she hopes this risk will pay off in the long term.

Reconfiguring the norm

Climate pressures deepen some existing gendered and intergenerational inequalities. For example, extreme weather can increase women’s work burdens without necessarily improving their asset ownership, financial control or community leadership.

But our research shows how climate pressures have complex influences on migration and adaptation. Climate migration can lead to a renegotiation of household relationships – this depends on who moves and who stays. Other factors include the material conditions and resources available to the household, the social dynamics and support, as well as gender norms around roles, responsibilities and expectations.

In Nepal, we see overall a movement towards building more reciprocal relationships. This enables parents to contribute jointly to their future and help build a more stable future for their children. As Diya Gurung from Nepal confidently told us, “How can a husband decide without consulting his wife, or vice versa?”

Bhutan reflects a continuation of cultural advantages in terms of economic and social equity, though this is being disrupted somewhat by migration. There is currently an emphasis on building unity and community cohesion in rural areas, witnessing rapid depopulation. In India and Bangladesh, women are taking on greater responsibility to manage farms, handle finances and participate in agricultural cooperatives or savings groups, often without control or leadership.

Fair wages and working conditions are key. But beyond that, climate migration is changing the gendered responsibilities for care at home and at work within families. It also affects who owns and controls finances and land, and it influences how households make decisions. To support families as the dynamics change, it’s important to strengthen women’s land rights, improve access to financial services and support collective institutions that enable meaningful participation and leadership.

Nitya Rao received funding under the Successful intervention pathways for migration as adaptation (SUCCESS) project (Project no. 110007-003) by UK aid from the UK government and the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada, as part of the Climate Adaptation and Resilience (CLARE) research programme.

– ref. Who moves away when climate change hits? The hidden household politics of migration – https://theconversation.com/who-moves-away-when-climate-change-hits-the-hidden-household-politics-of-migration-281470

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Catrin Cousins, Senior Lecturer in Fashion Marketing, Cardiff Metropolitan University

Indie sleaze is back, but not as you remember it. The 00s scene’s revival taps into a growing backlash against hyper-polished influencer culture, offering a messier, more authentic alternative that feels both nostalgic and deliberately staged.

The original indie sleaze look of the 2000s was an intentionally unrefined way of dressing, driven by a desire to stand apart from mainstream fashion, with a carefully constructed sense of effortless cool.

The look was built from a recognisable set of clothing and styling details.

Black or acid-wash skinny jeans were central, paired with vintage T-shirts featuring band logos or bold graphics. Leather biker jackets reflected indie and punk influences, while sheer tights, often with rips or ladders, were styled with body-con dresses and oversized knits worn over mini-skirts. Footwear reinforced the relaxed, undone feel with worn-in Dr Martens, Converse and ballet flats completing the look.

Culturally, the trend was rooted in the indie music scenes and nightlife cultures of cities like London and New York. Bands like The Strokes, Arctic Monkeys, The Libertines and Yeah Yeah Yeahs influenced the style by popularising a deliberately dishevelled, off-duty look that blurred the line between stage wear and everyday dress.

The style was also worn by well known models such as Kate Moss and it girl Alexa Chung. These women brought the look to a wider audience, as they captured its mix of nonchalance and effortless styling in front of the camera and across early digital media.

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The origin of indie sleaze

Indie sleaze emerged just before social media became fully embedded in everyday life. While early platforms like Tumblr played a role in circulating party photography and candid, flash-heavy imagery, the moment still felt more spontaneous and less controlled. It was a time before style was divided into “aesthetics” and “cores”, when young people dressed a certain way because they were part of a scene, not because they had discovered a neatly packaged, shoppable trend online.

As such, the original indie sleaze sat at a transitional moment, where subculture, style and digital self-presentation began to merge, but had not yet become fully commodified.

The indie sleaze revival taps into a desire for something that feels raw, imperfect and less controlled, in contrast to today’s hyper-curated digital environment. What makes indie sleaze appealing to a new generation is perhaps not simply how it looked, but what it allowed – messiness, excess, emotional openness and a rejection of constant self-improvement.

But there’s a contradiction. The original indie sleaze was socially driven, shaped by nightlife and real-world scenes, whereas the 2026 version exists within a culture that is far more curated. In many ways, the “sleaze” is missing. What remains is a stylised version of messiness.

The current revival grows out of the Y2K trend (a revival of early 2000s fashion and aesthetics), but it’s best understood as a reaction or mutation of it rather than a continuation. The initial Y2K revival (late 2010s into early 2020s) was glossy and hyper-feminine, reintroducing early‑2000s silhouettes like low‑rise jeans, micro bags, butterflies, neon and logo culture.

Indie sleaze draws on a similar era, but strips away the polish. Where Y2K is shiny, indie sleaze is grimy. Where Y2K is cute and curated-for-pretty, indie sleaze is curated-for-attitude. This is where the looks overlap. Neon carries over but is used abrasively rather than playfully. Ballet flats reappear but styled with sheer tights and dark makeup rather than the sweet and girly aesthetic from before. The low-effort silhouettes remain but are framed as emotional and anti-glam rather than flirty.

Culturally, there remains a strong link to both a musical and digitally social narrative. Take for example the song Messy, by Lola Young. Not only does the artist herself confirm to the semiotic iconography of the look with her unprettified dark, smudged makeup, heavy boots, leather, denim and oversized silhouettes, but the song itself communicates a message of messiness. Not in a chaotic party sense, but in its emotional exposure.

Lyrically the song explores themes of rejecting polite femininity; she’s too loud, too emotional, too much and she’s not interested in fixing that. That attitude translates into what indie sleaze represents today. The refusal of optimisation, acceptance of visible flaws and leaning into excess rather than managing it away.

The resurgence also reflects how we now engage with the past through platforms like TikTok and Instagram, where cultural moments are converted into digestible visual codes. Indie sleaze is no longer a subculture but an archive of recognisable signs: smudged makeup, flash photography, slip dresses, battered leather. These reference points are easy to remix and circulate, making the trend especially suited to algorithmic spaces and inseparable from digital culture, even as it romanticises pre-digital freedoms.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Indie sleaze: a brief fashion history, from messy rebellion to mainstream revival – https://theconversation.com/indie-sleaze-a-brief-fashion-history-from-messy-rebellion-to-mainstream-revival-282793

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Cork, Senior Lecturer in Physiology, Anglia Ruskin University

Weight-loss injections, such as Wegovy and Mounjaro, have transformed how we treat obesity. Around 1.6 million adults in Great Britain have used weight-loss drugs in the past year, with the vast majority of patients buying these drugs privately.

The issue with these weight-loss drugs is that, despite their success in shedding weight while patients are taking them, studies report significant weight regain when people come off them. What’s more, the health benefits seen when taking these drugs, such as reductions in blood pressure, blood glucose and lipids, also disappear.

In the UK, a private prescription for Mounjaro costs about £300 a month. And therein lies the issue. The ongoing cost is unsustainable for most patients.

The reason these drugs are so expensive is mainly due to the way they are made. First, the active components of these drugs are peptides – small proteins that are rapidly degraded in the stomach and digestive tract, meaning they must be administered via an injection. Second, the injector pens are expensive to make and they must be stored in a fridge.

Orforglipron (brand name: Foundayo), a once-daily pill-based weight-loss drug that targets the same GLP-1 system as Wegovy, has recently been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for treating obesity. Rather than the active compound being a peptide, it is instead a “small molecule”, meaning it can withstand the harsh environment of the digestive system and is much cheaper to make and store. (Most drugs, including aspirin, ibuprofen and statins, are small-molecule drugs.)

This makes orforglipron a promising new arrival on the weight-loss market, with the potential to democratise access to these important medications. In the US, the cost of a month’s supply of orforglipron is between US$149 and US$299 (£112-£224), compared with over US$1,000 for a monthly supply of Mounjaro.

Clinical trials have shown that orforglipron results in just over 15% body weight loss in adults with obesity, placing it on par with that seen with Wegovy, but significantly lower than the 21% weight loss seen with Mounjaro.

What is much more interesting, however, is the prospect that patients could use orforglipron to tackle the big problem of weight loss drugs: the rapid weight regain seen following their cessation.

Keeping the weight off

Researchers recently published findings from a trial investigating whether weight loss achieved through either Wegovy or Mounjaro could be sustained by switching to orforglipron.

The study recruited patients who had successfully lost at least 5% of their body weight over 72 weeks while on one of the two existing weight-loss jabs. Patients were taken off their original medication and given either orforglipron or a placebo drug for 52 weeks.

Among patients who originally took Mounjaro, those on placebo regained just over 50% of the lost weight at week 52. In contrast, those who took orforglipron regained just 26%, with over two-fifths of participants maintaining over 80% of their body weight reduction.

Similar results were seen in patients who had originally taken Wegovy, with those taking a placebo pill regaining 62% of their lost body weight, compared to 21% weight regain in those taking orforglipron.

Across both groups, people who took orforglipron also saw lasting improvements in key health markers, including blood sugar, blood pressure, insulin and cholesterol levels.

The trial was small – just over 100 people in each group – but it suggests a promising path: that weight loss achieved through these medications can be maintained in the long term, along with their wider health benefits, in a way that may also be more affordable.

Orforglipron is not yet licensed in the UK for weight loss. Assuming it is approved by the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, it is anticipated to be available late 2026 to early 2027.

Simon Cork does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A pill helps you keep weight off after you come off weight-loss jabs – new study – https://theconversation.com/a-pill-helps-you-keep-weight-off-after-you-come-off-weight-loss-jabs-new-study-283034