The Pennine hills are full of holes – here’s how they’re helping fight climate change

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Johnston, Honorary Research Associate in Peatland Hydrology, University of Manchester

Excavators cut shallow areas in the peatlands as part of a project to develop more wetlands. Adam Johnston, CC BY-SA

Thousands of holes are appearing in the Pennine hills, as part of efforts to improve carbon storage by restoring damaged peatland.

Peat itself is carbon rich and so as it grows it will help to capture the CO₂ that is produced by industrial fossil fuel use that is warming the atmosphere.

Meanwhile, damaged or drained peatlands turn into a carbon source, releasing greenhouses gases themselves. About 15% of the world’s peatlands have been drained, making these kind of restoration projects essential.

But now a new project is attempting to bring these wetlands back to life. On Holcombe Moor in the West Pennines, 3,000 bunds were created in 2021, with a further 700 in 2024 as part of Natural England’s Nature for Climate Peatland Grant Scheme. Improvements are already starting to be seen.

What’s the history here?

The hills of the West Pennines are no stranger to holes, with a long history of lead and coal mining stretching back to the Roman period.

Coal fired the mills nearby during the industrial revolution in cities such as Manchester, Leeds and Sheffield. Smoke drifted back to the hills, carrying the heavy metal impurities of lead and arsenic from coal burning.

The industrial legacy remains visible in the elevated concentrations of heavy metals near the soil surface, which made it difficult for most plants to survive. Areas were stripped of all vegetation, leaving expanses of exposed soil. In the most affected places, these erosional gullies cut deep into the surface, turning places like Kinder Scout into a moonscape.

What was exposed and eroded so quickly had taken over 8,000 years to form. Much of the Pennines are covered in blanket peatland, a type of bog made through the slow accumulation of partially decayed plant matter (the type of soil we call peat).

The conditions for peat to form require a delicate balance, with the water table maintained high enough to limit the decomposition of plant matter, while still allowing plants to grow. Not just any plant can tolerate these harsh growing conditions. One species is truly specialised to bog life and forms the main building block of peat itself – Sphagnum.

A close up of Sphagnum moss.
The Sphagnum moss being used in the peatlands project.
Adam Johnston, CC BY-SA

Finding a super moss

Sphagnum moss is the key ecosystem engineer in peatlands, holding up to 20 times its weight in water to maintain the saturated conditions needed for its growth.

When in a healthy state, new Sphagnum grows up through the older moss, raising the water table with it to leave the older moss submerged, partially decayed, which forms the peat itself. Bogs grow only millimetres per year, but over millennia this can build several metres of peat.

The organic nature of peat means it is carbon rich, so much so that UK peatlands store over 3 billion tonnes of carbon, around ten times more than all UK woodland carbon stocks.

Restored wetlands could also help protect the area from wildfires at the UK starts to see more extreme temperatures.

A close up of a bund pool with a measuring stick in it.
Measuring a bund pool.
Adam Johnston., CC BY-SA

Human pressure and pollution

With human pressures, including past industrial pollution, bog growth has been disrupted. Sphagnum has disappeared from these peatlands.

Now, peatland restoration efforts are under way. From the early 2000s organisations including Moors for the Future Partnership have spent decades blocking gullies to raise water tables, reseeding bare peat and planting Sphagnum moss, transforming the worst affected peatlands from dark moonscapes to vibrant green moss-scapes.

Though blocking erosional gullies with stone or timber dams has proven successful in deeply eroded peat, restoring flatter moorland plateaux presents a different set of challenges. Namely, how to restore the wet conditions required to encourage more Sphagnum moss to grow. However, this hasn’t stopped restoration organisations from trying a novel restoration method which might work to restore flatter peatlands.

Five years on from the start of the project, the original bunds are covered with grasses and many pools are now brimming with Sphagnum moss, looking more like natural bog pools.

Scallop bunds are crescent-shaped pools, created by digging shallow scrapes in the peat surface using special low impact excavators. The aim is to capture surface water which would otherwise run quickly off the hill after rainfall. The water stored in bund pools helps to maintain wetter conditions at the bog surface for Sphagnum moss to re-establish and grow on moorland plateaus.

The National Trust, in partnership with the University of Manchester, is undertaking long-term research to understand the potential for bunds as a peatland restoration method.

The 2025 drought followed one of the driest springs in England for over 100 years.

It provided the first test of extreme weather in this peat bund experiment. Preliminary monitoring during the 2025 drought suggests bunded areas remained wetter for longer than unrestored peat, helping to maintain wetter conditions near the peat surface for longer – the conditions required to support Sphagnum growth.

The excavator machines up on the hills today don’t signal a return to the industrial past, but an attempt to restore the damage it left behind.

The Conversation

Adam Johnston has received funding from charities delivering peatland restoration

ref. The Pennine hills are full of holes – here’s how they’re helping fight climate change – https://theconversation.com/the-pennine-hills-are-full-of-holes-heres-how-theyre-helping-fight-climate-change-282925

Ebola outbreak declared a global health emergency – what you need to know

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alimuddin Zumla, Professor of Infectious Diseases and International Health, UCL

The World Health Organization (WHO) has declared the Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo a “public health emergency of international concern”, with cases now confirmed in neighbouring Uganda. Here is what you need to know.

What is Ebola?

Ebola is a serious potentially fatal infectious disease. It causes fever, damage to blood vessels, and in severe cases, bleeding, organ failure and death. It was first identified in 1976 in central Africa and most outbreaks have occurred there since.

What is Bundibugyo virus, and how is it different from “regular” Ebola

Ebola is actually a group of related viruses. The most well-known and deadly is the Zaire strain, which has caused the largest outbreaks. Bundibugyo is a different strain, first identified in Uganda in 2007.

The Bundibugyo virus tends to kill around 30-50% of those infected – serious, but slightly lower than some Zaire outbreaks.

To put that in context, seasonal flu kills fewer than one in 1,000 people. COVID killed around one to two in 100 people early in the pandemic. Ebola is therefore far more deadly than most diseases most people have encountered. Outcomes depend on factors like how quickly someone receives care, the strength of the local health system and whether the patient has other underlying conditions.

Existing Ebola vaccines were designed for the Zaire strain and may not protect against Bundibugyo.

How does Ebola spread from person to person?

Ebola spreads through direct contact with an infected person’s body fluids, such as blood, vomit, diarrhoea, sweat or semen. This most commonly happens when caring for sick patients, during traditional burial practices involving the body, or through contact with infected animals. Ebola does not spread through the air like flu or COVID, and people are not contagious before their symptoms begin.

Why has this outbreak appeared in Uganda, and could it spread internationally?

Uganda borders the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where Ebola outbreaks occur regularly. People, animals and goods move frequently across that border, which can allow disease to spread before it is detected. International spread via air travel is possible but unlikely to cause a major global outbreak – Ebola requires close physical contact to spread, and international monitoring and airport screening systems help catch cases early.

What is a “public health emergency of international concern”?

This is the World Health Organization’s highest level of global health alert. It signals that an outbreak poses a potential international risk and that countries need to work together urgently. It helps unlock funding, technical support and faster international cooperation. It does not mean a global pandemic is inevitable. It is a tool to mobilise a rapid, coordinated response.

What are the symptoms of Bundibugyo virus disease?

Early symptoms are similar to flu or malaria: fever, tiredness, headache, muscle pain and sore throat. As the illness progresses, patients may develop vomiting, diarrhoea, abdominal pain, a rash, confusion and shock. Some patients experience bleeding, though this is not universal. Because the early symptoms overlap with many common diseases, laboratory testing is needed to confirm the diagnosis.

Why do Ebola outbreaks keep occurring in the DRC?

Scientists believe Ebola lives naturally in certain fruit bats. Outbreaks usually begin when people come into contact with infected animals – for example, through hunting or handling wildlife. The DRC experiences repeated outbreaks because of dense forests, high human-wildlife contact, weak health infrastructure, conflict, poverty and limited access to medical care. Climate change and deforestation may increase the risk further.

If there is no vaccine, what treatments are available?

There is no approved vaccine or targeted treatment for Bundibugyo virus specifically. Patients are treated with supportive care, meaning medical treatment that keeps the body functioning while it fights the infection. This includes fluids, oxygen, nutritional support and treating complications. Good supportive care can significantly improve a patient’s chances of survival. Researchers are actively studying antiviral drugs and antibody treatments that might work against multiple Ebola strains.

What is being done to stop the outbreak?

Health authorities, supported by the WHO and international partners, are working to identify cases quickly, isolate patients, trace people who may have been exposed, and educate communities. Safe burial practices are also critical. The global capacity to respond to Ebola has improved greatly over the past decade, with better laboratory testing, faster information-sharing, and stronger regional coordination.

Is there an Ebola vaccine? If not, are there developments in this field?

Yes, two vaccines exist for the Zaire strain of Ebola and have proven highly effective. However, neither is approved for Bundibugyo virus. Scientists are now working urgently to develop vaccines that protect against multiple Ebola strains at once. New antibody treatments that could work across different strains are also in development, with promising results in early research. The current outbreak has reinforced how important it is to invest in these broader tools before the next crisis strikes.

The Conversation

Alimuddin Zumla does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ebola outbreak declared a global health emergency – what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/ebola-outbreak-declared-a-global-health-emergency-what-you-need-to-know-283130

Why European households throw away so much food – and how to curb the waste mountain

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian Williams, Professor of Applied Environmental Science, University of Southampton

ArieStudio/Shutterstock

Europe is wasting huge amounts of food while millions of people globally experience hunger. Wars in Ukraine and the Middle East have squeezed supply chains. The cost of living crisis has pushed many families to the edge.

Without strengthening environmental sustainability, supply chain resilience and household affordability, food security risks will increase significantly. Yet households still throw away huge amounts of edible food. This is not just waste. It is lost calories, lost money and a growing climate problem.

My team’s new analysis of European households find they discard more than 70kg of food per person each year. An estimated 69 million tonnes of food was wasted in Europe and the UK in 2025 according to our calculations, based on average food waste for the EU and the UK, and the current combined population. But it’s a global problem: around the world in 2022 – the latest year we have data for – households, retail and food service wasted 1.052 billion tonnes.

The European Commission reports that a four‑person household would save €400 (£346) per year on food that is ultimately wasted. But the problem is not simply about money. The main drivers of food waste are lack of knowledge and understanding, as well as health-related concerns about supposedly out-of-date food, plus an increase in eating for convenience.

Here’s why Europeans waste food and what we should do about it.

Shopping: why we buy more than we eat

Promotions and panic buy triggers push people to buy more than they need. Multi-buy deals, three-for-two and buy-one-get-one-free offers nudge shoppers to take more than they need. Time pressure and shopping while hungry make this worse. Our analysis shows planning matters: people who check their fridge and shop with a list waste less.

Retail design plays a key role. Large pack sizes and limited small portion options mean single households buy food they cannot finish. Near-expiry discounts can help, but only if shoppers have a plan to use or freeze the food. Retail nudges must be paired with household tools, not left to chance.

hand scraping food waste from chopping board into bin
When people understand the difference between quality and safety, they throw away less.
Pormezz/Shutterstock

Once food is home, everyday management determines whether it is eaten or discarded. Confusion over date labels is a major driver of avoidable waste. Many people treat “best before” as a safety cutoff. They throw food away to avoid the risk of illness. This fear outweighs guilt about wasting food. Simple clarity on labels would cut discards fast.

Storage skills matter too. Freezing, batch cooking and first in, first out routines (using oldest stock first, with newest stock used last) dramatically reduce spoilage. Frozen food is wasted far less than fresh. Teaching basic storage and quick preservation techniques is a high‑return, low‑cost fix.

Food planning can be hard: modern life is busy – people eat on the go and many rely on convenience meals. That convenience culture increases waste. Social norms push buying too much food. Hosting, hospitality and the desire to offer choice leads households to cook more than they need. In some cultures, abundance equals care – and that creates more uneaten food being left on plates.

Income alone does not explain the pattern. We found no simple link between national GDP (the standard measure of the size of an economy and of economic growth) and household food waste. Wealthier countries can waste less, but the relationship is inconsistent and shaped by local habits, tourism and measurement methods. The real drivers are behavioural and contextual.

Next steps

Our study points to three clear ways to strengthen policy and build resilience of food supply chains by cutting waste.

First, fix the signals. Standardise date labels and run a public information campaign. When people understand the difference between quality and safety, they throw away less.

Second, change retail practices. Encourage smaller pack sizes, resealable formats and messaging on promotions to encourage items are frozen for a future date. Incentivise supermarkets to sell imperfect produce and to price near expiry items clearly to encourage people to buy them.

Third, support households directly. Fund community cooking classes, fridge management campaigns and simple digital tools that track what’s in the home. Invest in kerbside food collections and food digestion treatment so unavoidable waste is diverted from landfill.

No single policy will solve household food waste. Interventions must combine retail reform, clear regulation and consumer support. They must be tailored to local cultures and household types and designed to strengthen the maintenance of food security.

We can cut household food waste quickly by encouraging clear labels, smarter shopping and better storage. Small changes at home add up to big savings for the planet and for family budgets.

The next step is simple: design policies that work for people where they live, shop and cook. That not only cuts down on food waste – we will also save money, emissions and dignity (by enabling people to access and use food without shame or judgement and without the need for charitable food banks).

This all increases our food security. The solutions are practical, cheap and ready to scale. There is no time to waste.

The Conversation

Ian Williams receives funding from UK Research Councils, including the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council’s Impact Acceleration Account.

ref. Why European households throw away so much food – and how to curb the waste mountain – https://theconversation.com/why-european-households-throw-away-so-much-food-and-how-to-curb-the-waste-mountain-282198

Raghu Rai: the trailblazing photographer who documented the vast diversity of a changing India

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Parvati Nair, Professor of Hispanic, Cultural and Migration Studies, Queen Mary University of London

In April, as India’s governing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ran elections in parts of the country, a visionary Indian passed away. He went quietly, much as he had lived, and left behind a vast photographic archive of the world’s most populous nation.

Raghu Rai (1942-2026) was India’s foremost photographer. Born prior to independence in what is now Pakistan, he and his family were one of the many millions forced to relocate during Partition.

For more than 60 years, Rai created a continuous visual record of India post-independence. He photographed major national figures, important moments in the country’s complex development, and the wide diversity – geographic, religious, cultural, social and ethnic – that shapes what it means to be Indian.

In subtle but persistent ways, his images challenged the country’s current dominant narratives. His work raised doubts about rigid nationalist rhetoric, government policies, and some of the questionable myths that underpin the ideology and politics of Hindu nationalism.

Photographs of a changing nation

Rai rose to international fame when he became the first Indian to join the renowned photographic agency Magnum. Well before then, though, his images were in the global daily press. As such, his photography is intrinsically woven into how India came to be thought of at home and abroad.

Rai shot both in colour and black-and-white, his aesthetic turning ordinary moments into fragments of awe, insight and grace. His lens captured the breadth of India – from Kashmir to Kerala, and from the Himalayas to the Arabian Sea.

He photographed major establishment figures and the many unpredictable moments of everyday life, including quiet, personal scenes of reflection. His subjects ranged from leaders such as Indira Gandhi, the Dalai Lama and Mother Teresa to the landscapes and ordinary people of rural and urban India.

Thematically, Rai’s images spanned city life, spiritual journeys, landscapes and many other aspects of Indian society. They were often shot from a wide-angled lens that framed social scenes. His images of classical Indian musicians offer proof of how photographs can hold the flow and rhythm of music through nuanced attention to tonality, mood and evocation.

But perhaps most haunting is his photograph of a dead infant buried in rubble. It was captured in the aftermath of the world’s worst industrial tragedy, the Bhopal disaster of 1984.

Over 500,000 people in the vicinity of the Union Carbide India Limited pesticide plant were exposed to the highly toxic gas methyl isocyanate. The child’s open, sightless eyes force the viewer to look this horror in the face.

In Rai’s wide-ranging photographs, the nation appears in transformation. His work helped Indians to see themselves as part of this larger national movement, connected through shared relationships and interactions. In his images, you can see the colours, contrasts, tensions and energy of Indian life, captured in brief moments that seem to flow into one another.

To consider the panorama of his work is to see India not as divided or hierarchical, but as a complex, interconnected mix of people and cultures.

A spiritual exploration

Rai’s death marks the end of an era of photojournalism forged in pre-digital times. Much changed in his lifetime, but his dedication to photography was, as he put it, a spiritual exploration. His work reflects this search for revelation across the length and breadth of India.

This idea of “quest” should be heeded. Its relevance is more urgent today than ever, as India’s Hindu nationalist government finds yet more ways to extend its grip on this vast and diverse nation – promoting the view that to be truly Indian, one must adhere to its ideology.

Rai’s images go beyond what is shown in the frame, opening up possibilities that aren’t fully defined or explained. His work traces the evolution of India over more than half a century, and proposes endless facets of the country in ways that build connections across geographies, perspectives and people.

The Conversation

Parvati Nair does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Raghu Rai: the trailblazing photographer who documented the vast diversity of a changing India – https://theconversation.com/raghu-rai-the-trailblazing-photographer-who-documented-the-vast-diversity-of-a-changing-india-282934

80 % des engrais utilisés en Afrique sont importés : comment les systèmes alimentaires peuvent s’adapter au choc iranien

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Jaron Porciello, Visiting Fellow in the School of Integrative Plant Science, Cornell University

Le conflit dans le golfe Persique perturbe l’approvisionnement en engrais, et les systèmes alimentaires africains risquent d’en pâtir.

Les systèmes agroalimentaires (les activités qui relient les personnes, les investissements et les décisions impliqués dans la production et la distribution de denrées alimentaires et de produits agricoles) dépendent d’un flux constant d’intrants tels que les engrais, ainsi que des marchés, des infrastructures et des décisions politiques et commerciales.

Ces systèmes alimentaires peuvent absorber les chocs et trouver de nouveaux moyens de maintenir l’approvisionnement même sous pression. Mais ils sont également fragiles. Une perturbation dans une partie du système a des répercussions sur les autres, comme le montre clairement le conflit en Iran qui a éclaté fin février 2026.




Read more:
Guerre en Iran : la solidité du Kenya de nouveau à l’épreuve


Voici comment la guerre contre l’Iran affecte les agriculteurs et les systèmes alimentaires d’Afrique subsaharienne : les pays du Golfe (dont l’Iran) sont le plus grand exportateur au monde d’ingrédients pour engrais. À lui seul, l’Iran est le quatrième plus grand exportateur mondial d’urée, un ingrédient clé des engrais – et l’un des moins chers

Le Nigeria, le Ghana, le Togo, le Kenya, la Tanzanie et l’Afrique du Nord achètent tous de l’urée depuis l’Iran.

Le Qatar est un autre producteur et exportateur clé d’urée. Mais il a cessé de produire de l’urée début mars 2026. En effet, il a besoin de gaz pour la fabriquer – et ses usines de gaz ont été touchées par des missiles iraniens.

Le trafic maritime dans le détroit d’Ormuz, étroit passage situé près de l’Iran, a baissé de 95 % depuis le début de la guerre. Cela signifie que les engrais qui continuent d’être produits dans les pays du Golfe ne peuvent plus quitter la région.

C’est une mauvaise nouvelle pour l’Afrique subsaharienne, qui importe environ 80 % des engrais qu’elle utilise. Ces importations proviennent de notamment de la Russie,, d’Europe, de l’Ukraine, de l’Inde, de la Chine et des États du Golfe. Le Malawi, par exemple, importe 52 % de ses engrais du Golfe. Le Maroc, le Nigeria et l’Afrique du Sud importent également des ingrédients des pays du Golfe et les utilisent pour fabriquer des engrais qu’ils exportent.




Read more:
Guerre en Iran : une « tempête parfaite » pour les prix du pétrole et du gaz ?


Les prix des engrais ont déjà augmenté. Et, contrairement au pétrole, il n’existe pas de réserve stratégique coordonnée au niveau international pour les engrais. Lorsque l’approvisionnement est perturbé, il le reste.

Je suis chercheure et praticienne et j’étudie comment les données et les politiques peuvent être mises à contribution pour prendre de meilleures décisions dans les systèmes alimentaires et l’agriculture. Récemment, j’ai fait partie d’une équipe qui a étudié les moyens de mettre fin à la faim et à toutes les formes de malnutrition en modifiant le système agroalimentaire afin que les aliments nutritifs soient plus disponibles, abordables et accessibles aux communautés pauvres, souvent rurales.

Nous nous intéressons tout particulièrement aux types d’interventions susceptibles d’attirer des investissements tant du secteur privé que du secteur public.

Nos recherches ont montré que la nourriture en Afrique est souvent disponible, mais qu’elle n’est pas abordable, sûre ou suffisamment variée pour constituer une alimentation saine. Par exemple, au cours des 50 dernières années, les politiques gouvernementales ont favorisé les subventions, les incitations tarifaires et les programmes d’achat visant la culture de denrées de base (maïs, blé, riz). Mais à elles seules, ces cultures ne sont pas très riches en nutriments. Se focaliser principalement sur elles équivaut à marginaliser les aliments plus riches en nutriments.

Nos recherches ont mis en évidence plusieurs moyens permettant aux systèmes agroalimentaires africains de fournir des aliments plus nutritifs à l’avenir. Cela est possible même lorsque l’approvisionnement en engrais est limité. Nous en présentons quelques-uns ci-dessous.

De la pandémie à la guerre en passant par Ormuz : les chocs liés aux engrais en Afrique

Les perturbations dans l’approvisionnement en engrais et les dommages causés aux systèmes agroalimentaires en Afrique ne sont pas un phénomène nouveau.

Entre 2020 et 2024, les chaînes d’approvisionnement en engrais ont été mises à rude épreuve par la COVID-19, puis par la guerre en Ukraine. Les agriculteurs africains ont amorti ces chocs en réduisant la quantité d’engrais utilisée pour leurs cultures. Mais cela a entraîné une baisse des rendements, une diminution des revenus et un resserrement des budgets des ménages.




Read more:
Les répercussions de la guerre avec l’Iran sur la mer Rouge et la Corne de l’Afrique


Il est important de rappeler que l’approvisionnement en engrais est étroitement lié à des décennies de politiques de subvention, d’investissements publics et de débats sur le type d’agriculture que les gouvernements africains devraient promouvoir. Ces approvisionnements sont très contestés et politisés, façonnés autant par l’histoire et le pouvoir que par les données agronomiques et les choix économiques des ménages.

La menace actuelle de pénurie n’est qu’une partie du tableau.

Dix moyens pour les pays africains de s’en sortir en utilisant moins d’engrais

Les systèmes alimentaires africains qui survivront à la crise des engrais liée à la guerre en Iran seront ceux qui mettront en place des programmes axés sur la nutrition et continueront d’investir dans des innovations réduisant la dépendance aux engrais.

Notre rapport identifie dix interventions à fort impact qui améliorent la nutrition et les résultats alimentaires. Plusieurs d’entre elles sont particulièrement pertinentes à l’heure actuelle :

  • Les agriculteurs devraient commencer à cultiver des fruits, des légumes et des légumineuses, et pratiquer l’agroforesterie. Cela améliore la santé des sols et permet de produire des aliments riches en nutriments.

  • Les potagers familiaux peuvent améliorer l’alimentation et la sécurité alimentaire des ménages, à condition que les personnes bénéficient d’une formation et d’une éducation nutritionnelle.

  • L’aquaculture (poisson) et l’élevage durables, y compris la volaille, stimulent la production et la consommation de protéines.

  • Les cultures biofortifiées, telles que les haricots riches en fer cultivés au Rwanda et les patates douces à chair orange au Mozambique, intègrent directement les nutriments dans la culture pendant la production. Comme elles contiennent plus de nutriments, elles ne gaspillent pas autant d’engrais.

  • Les infrastructures de stockage et de distribution réduisent la détérioration des aliments. Elles améliorent également la qualité des aliments.

  • Les aliments peuvent être enrichis (en y ajoutant des vitamines et minéraux essentiels) lors de leur transformation. Cela améliore la valeur nutritionnelle sans nécessiter de changements dans les méthodes de culture.

  • Des pratiques de manipulation des denrées alimentaires et de gestion agricole doivent être mises en place pour garantir la sécurité sanitaire des récoltes.

  • L’éducation nutritionnelle contribue à faire de meilleurs choix alimentaires au quotidien afin que, lorsque la nourriture est disponible, elle permette d’adopter une alimentation plus variée et plus nutritive.

  • Les programmes de protection sociale, tels que les transferts monétaires et les bons alimentaires, aident les familles lorsque les prix augmentent.

  • La fourniture de repas scolaires spécialement conçus pour être nutritifs offre un retour sur investissement élevé.

La marche à suivre

Nos recherches soulignent que ces interventions ne peuvent fonctionner que sous la forme d’un ensemble ou d’un paquet de mesures de soutien. La question du genre est également importante. Nos recherches ont montré que les femmes ne parviennent pas toujours à manger des aliments riches en nutriments, même lorsqu’il y en a davantage à la maison.

Ces interventions représentent ce qui fonctionne aujourd’hui. Mais les gouvernements et les chercheurs devraient également voir plus loin. Par exemple, des scientifiques du Centre for Research on Programmable Plant Systems, (dont des chercheurs de l’université Cornell) mettent au point des plantes spécialisées appelées « plantes indicatrices ». Une plante dite “indicatrice” est généralement placée stratégiquement dans un champ de cultures pour servir de système d’alerte précoce.

Ils ont par exemple mis au point un plant de tomate qui vire au rouge vif lorsque la présence d’azote dans le sol tombe à des niveaux critiques. Ce plant fournit aux agriculteurs des informations précises et en temps réel sur les besoins de leurs champs.

Des outils comme ceux-ci pourraient transformer la relation que les agriculteurs entretiennent avec les engrais. Ils permettent, en effet, de réduire le gaspillage, de diminuer les coûts et d’intégrer une forme « d’intelligence fertilisante » au sein même du système agricole.

The Conversation

Jaron Porciello bénéficie d’un financement du BMZ allemand et de la Fondation Gates.

ref. 80 % des engrais utilisés en Afrique sont importés : comment les systèmes alimentaires peuvent s’adapter au choc iranien – https://theconversation.com/80-des-engrais-utilises-en-afrique-sont-importes-comment-les-systemes-alimentaires-peuvent-sadapter-au-choc-iranien-282621

What you need to know about the Ebola outbreak that has the WHO concerned

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Thomas Jeffries, Senior Lecturer in Microbiology, Western Sydney University

The World Health Organization has declared the Ebola outbreak in West Africa a public health emergency of international concern.

So far, 336 people have been infected in the central African and East African countries of Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. At least 88 people have died.

Ebola is caused by a group of viruses called Orthoebolaviruses. The strain of the virus responsible for the outbreak, Bundibugyo, is rare. There is no vaccine to protect the public from its spread, making it particularly dangerous.

The WHO declares a public health emergency of international concern when there is a serious, sudden, unusual or unexpected outbreak that requires an international response to reduce its spread.

It has previously declared public health emergencies during outbreaks of mpox, COVID, Ebola, Zika, polio and swine flu.

When did this outbreak start?

The virus was first detected on May 5 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and was confirmed as the Bundibugyo strain on May 15.

The disease had spread to Uganda, with two cases detected in the nation’s capital, Kampala.

A recent suspected case in the DRC’s most populous city, Kinshasa, did not test positive but it seems likely that the outbreak could arrive in this city.

The WHO has warned the true scale of the outbreak is likely larger than current figures suggest.

How does it spread?

African fruit bats appear to be the natural hosts of the virus. Monkeys, apes and antelope can catch the infection from bats.

The first human case was identified in the DRC in 1976. This is the 17th outbreak. The worst outbreak was the 2014–16 West Africa epidemic, which was caused by the Zaire strain and killed more than 11,000 people.

The virus spreads from human to human through direct contact with the bodily fluids of an infected person, such as blood, faeces or vomit, including after they’ve died.

Health-care workers and caregivers face the highest risk of infection.

What are the symptoms?

The symptoms of Ebola disease can be sudden and include a fever, fatigue, malaise, muscle pain, headache and sore throat.

These are followed by vomiting, diarrhoea, abdominal pain rash, and symptoms of impaired kidney and liver functions, leading to organ failure. In some cases, there is bleeding and haemorrhaging.

Overall, around 50% of people who contract Ebola die from it. The mortality rate of previous outbreaks ranges from 25–90%, depending on the strain and access to health care.

The current strain has a lower death rate of around 40%. However it’s considered more dangerous as there is no vaccine.

Why isn’t there a vaccine?

There are two approved vaccines for Ebola.

One, Ervebo, was released in 2015 and was provided to 345,000 people during the 2018–2020 outbreaks in the DRC. This works by using a protein from the Ebola virus to train our immune system to recognise and respond to the virus, without using a live strain.

The other vaccine, Zabdeno, has undergone clinical trials. It is mainly provided to primary contacts and health-care workers. This is because it requires two doses, several weeks apart, making it less suited to an emergency response.

Vaccines for the current Bundibugyo strain are sill in the research stage, having undergone pre-clinical trials in animal models.

How is it treated and managed?

There are no specific treatments for the Bundibugyo strain. Treatment focuses on managing the symptoms such as maintaining blood pressure, reducing vomiting and diarrhoea, maintaining hydration, and managing fever and pain.

Public health responses are overseen by the WHO’s Ebola surveillance strategy. The response combines community communication, rapid diagnosis, isolation, contact tracing and safe burials to stop transmission.

Contact tracing involves identifying everyone who had direct physical contact with a symptomatic case, monitoring them daily for 21 days, and isolating and testing anyone who develops symptoms.

Testing uses real-time PCR and rapid antigen tests (RATs) to detect viral particles in a similar way to COVID.

However, local conflict, poverty and difficult terrain combine to make field management challenging.

Should we be concerned?

The epicentre of the outbreak, Ituri province, is a conflict-affected, high-traffic mining region. Workers regularly move across health zones and borders, increasing the risk of spread.

At least four health-care workers have died, suggesting gaps in infection prevention at health-care facilities.

There is no current need for border closures but authorities have recommended the DRC and Uganda enhance contact tracing and scale-up laboratory testing.

Australia’s direct risk remains low, and the WHO has advised against travel restrictions. Australian border authorities require those returning from Ebola-affected regions to report this.

As this is a rapidly evolving situation, it’s important to remain up-to-date with current restrictions and quarantine guidelines.

The Conversation

Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What you need to know about the Ebola outbreak that has the WHO concerned – https://theconversation.com/what-you-need-to-know-about-the-ebola-outbreak-that-has-the-who-concerned-283133

Ebola survivors struggle to return to normal lives: what I found out in Sierra Leone and Liberia

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Kevin J.A. Thomas, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, Rice University

During the Ebola epidemic of 2014 to 2016, Musu, a resident of Monrovia, Liberia contracted the Ebola virus along with her husband, five sons and daughter.

A few weeks later, six members of her family died. Musu and her youngest son survived. Since then, their lives have not been the same. Her husband was the family’s sole breadwinner. Now a widow and a single parent, Musu struggles to make ends meet. As she put it, “There is no one here to help besides God. No boyfriend. No father. I am the father, the mother, the uncle, and the brother. At the place we are renting, we can’t even find food to eat.”

Musu is one of the many survivors who recovered from the world’s largest Ebola epidemic. The epidemic started as a localised disease outbreak in the village of Meliandou in Guinea but spread to neighbouring Liberia and Sierra Leone.

Over the course of three years, the disease infected 28,600 people. Approximately 11,000 of them died while 17,000 survived.

On 9 June 2016, the World Health Organization announced the official end of the Ebola epidemic in Liberia.

Compared to the widespread media coverage of the epidemic when it started, news reports on its aftermath have been limited. As a result, very few people know that Ebola survivors have struggled to continue with their lives since the end of the epidemic.

These survivors include widows like Musu, orphans who are now homeless, and thousands of people who are now blind or have permanent vision problems.




Read more:
Ebola survivors can lose their eyesight. What we’re doing to prevent it


I am a social demographer who studies health and population trends. My recent book Life After Epidemics: Ebola Survivors and the Social Dimensions of Recovery documents many of these experiences. Based on interviews with 250 Ebola survivors in Liberia and Sierra Leone, I set about trying to understand why many survivors live in worse conditions than before the epidemic, and what’s preventing them from returning to their normal lives.

Understanding these issues is a first step towards developing solutions to the problems currently faced by Ebola survivors. Learning about their experiences can prevent these problems from occurring among survivors of future epidemics.

Medical versus social responses to epidemics

The process of determining what went wrong begins by understanding the contrast between two types of responses to epidemics.

The first is the medical response, which emphasises the use of clinical medicine to save lives and care for infected patients.

The second is the social response, which addresses issues such as the provision of sustainable livelihoods, supporting orphans, and integrating survivors into their communities.

Policy makers placed a greater priority on short-term medical responses to the consequences of the Ebola epidemic than on long-term social responses.

The main objective of my research is to examine how Ebola survivors have been affected by that emphasis. I used information from interviews and other sources to assess how their health, sources of livelihood, and family lives have changed since the end of the epidemic.

The research provides evidence on the ways in which the limited investment in social responses continues to negatively affect the lives of survivors.

For example, there are no programmes that provide them with comprehensive access to healthcare, even though many of them are either blind, suffer from musculoskeletal conditions, have neurological conditions, or live with other long-term side effects of the virus.

It also describes the experiences of farmers in poor health, who can no longer till their land, and hunters who can no longer see. They are among the many survivors who were previously self-employed but have lost their sources of livelihood.

With the limited investment in social responses, the stigma of Ebola continues to thrive in local communities. As a result, the social interactions of Ebola survivors are often plagued by the fears of people who believe they are still infected. These fears caused business owners to lose clients and contributed to the end of marriages.

Many survivors no longer receive invitations to attend social events such as weddings and child naming ceremonies. In some cases, their children have also lost playmates after neighbours banned their children from playing with the children of Ebola survivors.

Humanitarian organisations played a major role in containing the spread of the disease during the epidemic. Some of their policies had unintended consequences, however, that have added to the problems of patients who survived. For example, the practice of burning the belongings of infected patients to prevent further transmission of the virus has increased economic hardship among many survivors.

The burning process led to financial losses among survivors who kept their savings under their mattresses, lost farming tools, and had to pay for equipment borrowed from neighbours that was also destroyed.

Some of the messages employed in public health campaigns used to contain the spread of the virus during the epidemic have also had unintended consequences. These campaigns warned the public to avoid touching infected people as a way of stopping transmission of the disease, because there was no cure for Ebola. Since the end of the epidemic, many people in local communities have continued to avoid touching survivors. They question how survivors can claim to be Ebola-free when the public was told that the disease had no cure.

Why Ebola survivors feel abandoned

Hearing the stories of the survivors made it clear that many of them felt abandoned. The visits from community leaders have stopped. The specialised care they received from hospitals has been discontinued. Many of the promises of political leaders who claimed they would provide resources to support their recovery remain unfulfilled. Some of the resources provided by donors were lost to fraud.

Meanwhile, Ebola survivors continue to be affected by the irreversible losses they experienced a decade ago. These experiences and the lack of attention to their social circumstances still define their lives.

Policy makers will need to give equal attention to medical and social issues when responding to future epidemics. This will require sustained investments to improve the lives of survivors long after we celebrate the end of epidemics.

The Conversation

Kevin J.A. Thomas received funding from the Andrew Carnegie Fellows Program while conducting the study described in this article.

ref. Ebola survivors struggle to return to normal lives: what I found out in Sierra Leone and Liberia – https://theconversation.com/ebola-survivors-struggle-to-return-to-normal-lives-what-i-found-out-in-sierra-leone-and-liberia-281678

¿Se puede medir el sufrimiento humano? Una pregunta incómoda para la medicina

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By José María Domínguez Roldán, Profesor de Bioética de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Salud y de la Vida, Universidad CEU Fernando III

Wasana Kunpol/Shutterstock

En la práctica clínica contemporánea pocos conceptos resultan tan decisivos y, a la vez, tan elusivos como el de sufrimiento. A pesar de su centralidad en la medicina, particularmente en los ámbitos de la enfermedad grave, la cronicidad y el final de la vida, la literatura muestra una notable pobreza en su clasificación. Esta carencia no es meramente académica: tiene consecuencias directas en la toma de decisiones clínicas, éticas y jurídicas.

En España, la Ley Orgánica 3/2021 de regulación de la eutanasia introduce un elemento de singular relevancia. En los dos supuestos habilitantes para solicitarla, figura como criterio la existencia de un “sufrimiento intolerable”. Esta formulación, aparentemente clara, encierra dificultades de primer orden: ¿cómo se mide el sufrimiento? ¿Qué tipo de sufrimiento se está considerando? ¿Bajo qué criterios puede calificarse como intolerable o irreversible?

El primer problema es conceptual. Como ya señalara el médico estadounidense Eric J. Cassell, el padecimiento no se identifica exclusivamente con el dolor físico ni se limita a él, sino que constituye una amenaza percibida para la integridad de la persona en su conjunto. De ahí se deriva una afirmación capital: no sufren los cuerpos, sino las personas. Esa idea obliga a renunciar a cualquier intento de reducir el sufrimiento a parámetros exclusivamente biológicos y a reconocer su carácter radicalmente impersonal.

Sin embargo, esta ampliación conceptual introduce una segunda dificultad: es una experiencia subjetiva. A diferencia de otros parámetros clínicos (un dato analítico o una prueba de imagen), no se puede cuantificar directamente. Solo puede ser referido por quien lo experimenta. Y lo que constituye una fuente de sufrimiento para una persona puede no serlo para otra. Esta subjetividad hace que su valoración clínica sea indirecta y mediada por la interpretación.

Las tres dimensiones del sufrimiento

Ante esta complejidad, resulta imprescindible avanzar hacia una clasificación, aunque sea de carácter operativo. Desde una perspectiva médica integradora cabe distinguir, al menos, tres dimensiones relevantes del sufrimiento:

  • Orgánico. Este es derivado de alteraciones físicas y medibles: dolor, falta de aire, fatiga crónica, etc. Posee una base biológica identificable y, en principio, susceptible de intervención terapéutica. Sin embargo, la relación entre lesión y sufrimiento es compleja: el dolor no siempre genera un sufrimiento proporcional, y no todo sufrimiento se debe a un daño orgánico.

  • Emocional o psicológico. Vinculado a estados afectivos como la ansiedad, la depresión, el miedo y la culpa. Este tipo de padecimiento puede coexistir con una enfermedad orgánica o presentarse de forma relativamente autónoma. Su relevancia es indiscutible en contextos como el diagnóstico de enfermedad grave y la pérdida de autonomía.

  • Existencial o espiritual. Este es, probablemente, el más difícil de estudiar. Se refiere a la percepción de pérdida de sentido, de identidad o de dignidad. Aparece de forma paradigmática en situaciones de enfermedad avanzada, dependencia o vulnerabilidad extrema. Nos recuerda que el ser humano es, en esencia, un Homo patiens.

A estas dimensiones cabe añadir otras complementarias. Por ejemplo, el sufrimiento social, derivado del aislamiento o la pérdida de rol. O el moral, asociado a conflictos de valores. En conjunto, estas formas configuran una experiencia multidimensional que no puede fragmentarse sin empobrecer su comprensión.

El sufrimiento invisible

Conviene subrayar, además, que el sufrimiento no se limita a los escenarios clínicos clásicos. Está presente en múltiples situaciones humanas, muchas de ellas invisibles o insuficientemente reconocidas.

Un ejemplo relevante es el suicidio. En España, según datos oficiales, en 2024 se registraron 3 953 defunciones por esa causa. La cifra, por sí sola, revela que el sufrimiento, especialmente el de naturaleza psíquica, constituye un fenómeno mucho más amplio, profundo y extendido de lo que a menudo se reconoce en el debate público.

El padecimiento que conduce al suicidio no siempre es visible ni fácilmente objetivable, pero su realidad es incuestionable.

¿Tratable o irreversible?

Otro problema es la dificultad para diferenciar entre el sufrimiento tratable y el considerado irreversible.

Desde un punto de vista clínico, la irreversibilidad suele asociarse con la evolución de una enfermedad o con la ausencia de alternativas terapéuticas eficaces. Sin embargo, cuando el sufrimiento es de naturaleza psicológica o existencial, esta categoría se vuelve extraordinariamente incierta. La historia clínica muestra que las experiencias de sufrimiento intenso pueden modificarse con el tiempo, mediante intervención terapéutica, acompañamiento o cambios vitales.

Finalmente, merece atención específica el sufrimiento asociado a la enfermedad mental. Se trata de una modalidad singular, caracterizado por su intensidad y, en ocasiones, por su dificultad para ser comunicado. Con frecuencia, además, es objeto de sospecha o de infravaloración social, lo que añade una carga adicional al propio padecimiento.

En definitiva, el sufrimiento humano no es una magnitud fácilmente medible, sino una experiencia compleja, multidimensional y profundamente personal. La medicina debe resistir la tentación de simplificarlo. El derecho, cuando lo utiliza como criterio decisivo, debe hacerlo con plena conciencia de sus límites. Porque allí donde intentamos medir, el sufrimiento nos recuerda que comprender sigue siendo, en último término, la tarea esencial.

The Conversation

José María Domínguez Roldán no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Se puede medir el sufrimiento humano? Una pregunta incómoda para la medicina – https://theconversation.com/se-puede-medir-el-sufrimiento-humano-una-pregunta-incomoda-para-la-medicina-280744

‘Me equivoqué’: una manera de mejorar la participación y la confianza en el aula

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Juan-Antonio Moreno-Murcia, Catedrático de Universidad, Universidad Miguel Hernández

¿Por qué, para muchos estudiantes, el objetivo es aprobar, o sacar una nota determinada, pero no se implican en el aula ni participan? Muchos alumnos escuchan, cumplen y responden cuando se les pide, incluso tienen buenos resultados, pero participan poco y evitan exponerse. Más allá de lo interesantes o relevantes que encuentre los contenidos, o del tipo de tarea que se proponga, uno de los factores clave está en cómo se presenta el profesor ante el alumnado y qué relación establece con ellos y con la disciplina.

Cada vez hay más evidencias de que mostrarse humano, reconocer dudas y no tener siempre la última palabra son cualidades que favorecen esa relación. La humildad intelectual, entendida como la capacidad de reconocer los propios límites y mostrarse abierto al aprendizaje, desplaza el protagonismo del ego hacia el proceso de enseñar y aprender.

Dicho de otro modo: esta modestia o humanidad no es una cualidad secundaria, sino una de las herramientas más eficaces para mejorar el aprendizaje.

Hallazgos recientes demuestran, como veremos a continuación, que cuando el profesorado no necesita parecer infalible, el alumnado se siente más seguro para participar, preguntar y equivocarse. La autoridad no desaparece, pero deja de apoyarse en la imposición y empieza a construirse sobre la confianza.

El profesor no tiene todas las respuestas

La evidencia confirma algo que muchos docentes han intuido: los estudiantes se implican más cuando sus docentes admiten dudas o errores. En estos contextos aumenta la sensación de aceptación, el sentido de pertenencia y disminuye el miedo a equivocarse.

Cuando el error se percibe como amenaza, la respuesta habitual es el silencio: muchos chicos y chicas que están interesados en la materia prefieren no participar. En cambio, cuando el docente lo normaliza, los estudiantes se atreven a preguntar y a probar. El aprendizaje deja de ser una búsqueda de la respuesta correcta y se convierte en exploración.

Los entornos que gestionan el error de forma constructiva generan mayor confianza y creencias más adaptativas sobre el aprendizaje. La humildad intelectual, en este sentido, no es solo una actitud, sino una herramienta pedagógica.

Menos control, más confianza

Durante mucho tiempo, la autoridad docente se ha asociado con el control y la distancia emocional. Sin embargo, este modelo puede tener efectos negativos. Los estilos autoritarios se relacionan con menor bienestar y mayor agotamiento en el alumnado.

Frente a ello, la evidencia apunta a modelos basados en la confianza. Los estudiantes no aprenden mejor cuando se sienten vigilados, sino cuando se sienten acompañados. La autoridad cambia de base: se construye sobre la coherencia, la justicia y el respeto.




Leer más:
Estudiantes ‘autónomos’: una meta que ha de construirse por etapas y con acompañamiento


Las emociones del docente también influyen. La forma de reaccionar ante el error o la participación condiciona la implicación del alumnado. Un clima tenso inhibe; uno respetuoso facilita. Más que controlar todo lo que ocurre, resulta más eficaz cuidar cómo ocurre.

Sentirse seguro para aprender

Aprender no es solo un proceso cognitivo, también es emocional. Por eso cuando los estudiantes perciben cercanía y comprensión, presentan menos ansiedad y mayor implicación.

Se trata de generar una sensación de pertenencia: si el alumnado siente que forma parte del proceso y que puede equivocarse sin ser juzgado, su disposición a aprender cambia. A veces basta un pequeño gesto para alterar ese equilibrio. Una reacción inadecuada ante un error puede hacer que un estudiante deje de intervenir durante semanas. Por el contrario, cuando el docente valora el intento antes que el acierto, la confianza se recupera.

La seguridad emocional no es un añadido, es una condición del aprendizaje. Cuando el alumnado se siente respetado, puede centrarse en comprender. Cuando no, parte de su atención se dedica a protegerse.




Leer más:
La historia oral mejora la empatía y motivación de los estudiantes: así la traemos al aula


Un profesor que también aprende

Otra señal poderosa es que el docente se muestre como alguien que sigue aprendiendo. No mediante discursos, sino en la práctica. Cuando incorpora ideas del alumnado o reconoce que revisa sus planteamientos, transmite que aprender es una actitud permanente.

Este enfoque coincide con las recomendaciones de la UNESCO del aprendizaje a lo largo de la vida. No se trata solo de formación continua, sino de apertura al cambio.

Además, este posicionamiento influye en el alumnado. Los entornos que promueven el desarrollo profesional docente favorecen la implicación y la mentalidad de crecimiento.




Leer más:
“Lo estás haciendo bien”: un mensaje básico en matemáticas, sobre todo para las niñas


Enseñar al corregir

La forma de dar retroalimentación influye directamente en cómo el alumnado entiende el aprendizaje. Cuando solo se señalan errores, muchos estudiantes asocian aprender con fallar. En cambio, cuando se reconoce el esfuerzo y se orienta la mejora, la respuesta cambia.

Si los docentes transmiten la idea de que las capacidades no son innatas o fijas y que pueden desarrollarse aumenta la persistencia y el rendimiento, además de la seguridad psicológica. No se trata de evitar la corrección, sino de cambiar su sentido.

No es lo mismo decir “esto está mal” que “vamos a ver cómo mejorarlo”. Cuando el docente no necesita imponer su criterio, la retroalimentación se convierte en ayuda, no en juicio. Pequeños cambios en cómo se dice tienen un gran impacto.




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Cómo preservar el esfuerzo en la era de la inteligencia artificial


Lo que los estudiantes no olvidan

La relación con el docente es uno de los factores que más influyen en el aprendizaje. Con el tiempo, muchos estudiantes olvidan contenidos, pero no cómo se sintieron al aprender. La cuestión no es solo cuánto sabe el docente, sino qué experiencia genera.

Por eso cuando el aula es un espacio donde se puede preguntar, equivocarse y participar sin miedo, además del rendimiento, mejora la relación con el conocimiento.

La humildad intelectual es una manera de exigir mejor y de reforzar la autoridad porque se ejerce de manera más justa y cercana. Porque muchas veces enseñar bien no consiste en demostrar lo que uno sabe, sino en crear las condiciones para que otros quieran aprender. Y para eso, a veces, lo más poderoso que puede hacer un profesor es algo aparentemente sencillo: dejar de tener siempre la razón.

The Conversation

Juan-Antonio Moreno-Murcia no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ‘Me equivoqué’: una manera de mejorar la participación y la confianza en el aula – https://theconversation.com/me-equivoque-una-manera-de-mejorar-la-participacion-y-la-confianza-en-el-aula-280287

Cómo diagnosticar el deterioro cognitivo precozmente con ayuda de la IA

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Paula Prieto Fernández, Doctora en Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca

Elnur/Shutterstock

Olvidar una palabra, perder el hilo de una conversación o tardar más en responder no siempre enciende las alarmas. De hecho, el deterioro cognitivo leve –una fase temprana asociada a enfermedades como el alzhéimer– suele pasar desapercibido durante años.

Y ese retraso importa: cuando aparecen los síntomas evidentes, el daño cerebral ya puede ser significativo. Por suerte, algo está cambiando: la inteligencia artificial empieza a detectar señales mucho antes de que sean visibles para médicos, familiares o incluso para la propia persona.

Cuando el lenguaje revela lo que la memoria oculta

Nuestro cerebro deja huella en cómo hablamos. No solo en lo que decimos, sino en cómo lo decimos. En las fases iniciales del deterioro cognitivo leve, aparecen cambios muy sutiles: frases más simples, menor riqueza léxica o pequeñas pausas que antes no existían. Son alteraciones tan finas que el oído humano no suele percibirlas. Sin embargo, los sistemas de inteligencia artificial sí pueden hacerlo.

Estos modelos analizan patrones lingüísticos y acústicos –como la velocidad del habla, la entonación o la complejidad gramatical– para identificar desviaciones respecto al funcionamiento cognitivo esperado. Basta una conversación de unos minutos para que un sistema de inteligencia artificial extraiga cientos de variables –desde características acústicas hasta patrones prosódicos– y construya un perfil cognitivo.

En distintos estudios, el análisis automático del lenguaje ha logrado diferenciar personas con deterioro cognitivo leve de aquellas sin afectación, mostrando una utilidad diagnóstica prometedora, incluso para anticipar qué personas desarrollarán alzhéimer en el futuro.




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Máquinas que ayudan a predecir el riesgo de enfermar de párkinson y alzhéimer


La voz como biomarcador invisible

La clave está en que estas herramientas, los “biomarcadores de voz”, capturan cambios que aún no son clínicamente evidentes, como las citadas alteraciones en la velocidad del habla (la persona tarda más en responder o hace más pausas), cambios en la entonación y el ritmo (voz más monótona o menos expresiva), aumento de errores lingüísticos (dificultad para encontrar palabras o uso de términos más vagos) o patrones sutiles en el lenguaje como frases más cortas y simples.

Además, la IA puede detectar cambios en el comportamiento digital, como una menor interacción en el uso del móvil, una reducción en la frecuencia de mensajes o llamadas e incluso dificultades en tareas cotidianas como escribir correctamente, navegar por internet e interactuar con asistentes virtuales. Son indicadores casi imperceptibles en una evaluación clínica tradicional, pero pueden ser detectados precozmente mediante algoritmos de inteligencia artificial.

Este enfoque abre la puerta a una monitorización continua y no invasiva del funcionamiento cognitivo, algo especialmente relevante si tenemos en cuenta que el deterioro cognitivo leve afecta a un porcentaje significativo de la población mayor. Entre un 12 % y un 20 % de las personas mayores de 60-65 años padecen esta condición, y el riesgo aumenta significativamente según se cumplen años.

Promesas y cautelas necesarias

A pesar de su potencial, estas herramientas no están exentas de limitaciones.
En primer lugar, muchos estudios se han realizado con muestras poco diversas, lo que puede afectar a su generalización. También existen riesgos de sesgo algorítmico: el lenguaje y la voz están profundamente influenciados por factores culturales, educativos y sociales.

Además, surgen importantes cuestiones éticas: ¿quién tiene acceso a estos datos?
¿Cómo se garantiza la privacidad? ¿Qué ocurre si una aplicación detecta riesgo sin supervisión clínica? La detección precoz no siempre es beneficiosa si no va acompañada de un contexto adecuado de intervención y apoyo.




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Hacia un nuevo modelo de diagnóstico

La inteligencia artificial no sustituirá al profesional sanitario, pero sí puede transformar su forma de trabajar. Estas herramientas podrían integrarse como sistemas de cribado en atención primaria, aplicaciones de seguimiento domiciliario o plataformas de telemedicina, facilitando una detección más temprana y accesible.

En un contexto en el que las enfermedades neurodegenerativas siguen aumentando, anticiparse unos años puede marcar la diferencia. En el caso del deterioro cognitivo, el tiempo no solo es oro: es memoria.

The Conversation

Paula Prieto Fernández no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Cómo diagnosticar el deterioro cognitivo precozmente con ayuda de la IA – https://theconversation.com/como-diagnosticar-el-deterioro-cognitivo-precozmente-con-ayuda-de-la-ia-280971