Entre l’art et le luxe, des liaisons dangereuses ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Élodie de Boissieu, Professeure associée en marketing, EM Normandie

Le film *Parthenope* (2025), de Paolo Sorrentino, fait la part belle aux créations de la marque Yves Saint Laurent et les met en scène de façon appuyée. Capture d’écran/AllôCiné

D’un côté, l’art offre une légitimité culturelle aux marques de luxe ; de l’autre, la culture s’appuie sur le luxe pour s’offrir une plus grande visibilité. Un rapprochement de plus en plus marqué qui ne va pas sans risques, en particulier pour la liberté artistique.


En 2023, l’artiste plasticien britannique Ryan Gander déclarait :

« Les raisons pour lesquelles les artistes veulent travailler avec des marques et les raisons pour lesquelles les marques veulent travailler avec des artistes sont probablement très différentes. »

Dans les années 1930 et avant qu’Andy Warhol ne sacralise le parfum Chanel No 5, la créatrice de mode Elsa Schiaparelli priait Salvador Dali de créer pour elle une collection d’objets de mode. De cette amitié artistique naît, entre autres, la célèbre robe Homard (1937) immortalisée par la plus subversive des célébrités de l’époque, Wallis Simpson future duchesse de Windsor, qui la porte peu avant son mariage avec l’ex-roi Edward VIII et se fait photographier par Cecil Beaton pour le magazine Vogue. Se dépeignant elle-même comme surréaliste, Schiaparelli offre sa marque comme lieu d’expression de l’œuvre artistique de Dali : le luxe reste à sa place d’éditeur d’art et l’artiste n’est contraint que techniquement.

Près d’un siècle plus tard, les collaborations entre marques et artistes se sont considérablement transformées et les co-brandings fonctionnels aux objectifs partagés ont laissé la place à une prédominance du luxe à tous les niveaux de la scène artistique.

Exposition Schiaparelli, Musée des arts décoratifs (Paris), 2022.
Élodie de Boissieu

Omniprésence du luxe dans l’art

Malgré une réduction récente du nombre de consommateurs, l’achat de produits de luxe est perçu comme un investissement presque rassurant dans le contexte économique actuel. Aussi, toute caution culturelle et artistique supplémentaire renforce la valeur spécifique de l’objet à laquelle il est attaché. Offrir une légitimité culturelle à sa marque pour l’éloigner d’une vision purement consumériste est devenu stratégique. Par ailleurs, une présence dans le monde de l’art lui permet de cultiver son aura d’exclusivité en augmentant l’écart, la distance psychologique qui la sépare avec ses consommateurs au risque de les exclure encore davantage.

Exposition « Chanel fait son numéro », Grand Palais Éphémère (Paris), 2023.
Élodie de Boissieu

À l’opposé, la présence du luxe sur la scène artistique et culturelle le rend plus accessible, car il s’introduit partout dans l’espace public. Ainsi, quand les marques de luxe s’invitaient dans des musées pour dévoiler leur histoire et leur patrimoine dans le but de rallonger le temps de conversation avec leur public et ce, sans parler transaction, celles-ci se font désormais agents culturels en curant elles-mêmes les collections des artistes mises en avant dans leurs boutiques (boutique Guerlain à Paris). Certaines autres vont même jusqu’à ouvrir leur propre musée dédié à leur marque (Galerie Dior, musée Bréguet, Musée Yves Saint Laurent, Fondation Azzedine Alaïa, musée Baccarat, etc.) transformant leurs produits grâce à des procédés muséographiques en véritables objets d’art.

Tandis que quelques marques de montres et d’alcool prenaient place sur le plateau de tournage de James Bond, celles-ci commandent des films à leur effigie (Veuve Clicquot, Christian Dior, Chanel et certains grands groupes créent même des structures consacrées au monde du cinéma (Saint Laurent Productions pour le groupe Kering, 22 Montaigne Entertainment pour LVMH, Prada Film Fund pour Prada).

Alors qu’elles se glissaient au gré des humeurs des chanteurs (de Zadig et Voltaire chez Philippe Delerm à LVMH pour Booba), inspiraient déjà de grands auteurs à la fin du XIXᵉ siècle (Au Bonheur des Dames, d’Émile Zola, pour le Bon Marché), les marques de luxe deviennent de véritables créatrices de contenu musicaux (Hedi Slimane chez Céline) ou curatrices de romans (Charlotte Casighari avec Leïla Slimani dans les Rendez-vous littéraires de Chanel). De simple sponsor financier à travers le co-branding, la marque s’est imposée par sa toute-puissance symbolique sur la scène artistique et indique désormais au visiteur, au cinéphile, au lecteur ce qu’il faut regarder pour faire partie de sa communauté.

Le luxe a-t-il vocation à nous proposer une vision du monde ? En principe, c’est le rôle de l’artiste de la donner. Au lieu d’« artifier » la consommation du luxe, l’art serait-il en passe d’être « luxifié ? »

« Le luxe, c’est la liberté d’esprit, l’indépendance, bref, le politiquement incorrect », disait déjà Christian Dior. Mais si le message semble rappeler celui porté par les artistes eux-mêmes, la marque de luxe ne répond pas au même objectif quand elle pénètre la sphère de l’art.

Dilution du luxe

Il est vrai que la hausse spectaculaire observée sur les prix du luxe, l’explosion du marché de la seconde main, de la contrefaçon et des dupes ainsi que la valse créative (« the Great Fashion Reset ») observés dans la mode et le luxe ces deux dernières années dénotent un essoufflement créatif.

Ce contexte a conduit les marques à revoir leur stratégie pour regagner en authenticité et surtout en désirabilité vis-à-vis de leurs consommateurs. Lancer des sneakers en éditions limitées ou faire habiller ses étendards par l’artiste japonaise Yayoi Kusama et réinterpréter les icônes de la maison ne suffisent plus pour inscrire la marque dans l’intemporalité. Il est vrai qu’à démultiplier les partenariats sans cohérence explicite et parfois avec les mêmes artistes (Takashi Murakami a collaboré en 2003 et en 2025 avec Louis Vuitton), à s’exposer dans des lieux de vente artifiés ou à recruter des artistes de la scène artistique (Pharrell Wiliams chez Tiffany’s et Louis Vuitton, Virgil Abloh chez Louis Vuitton, Nigo chez Kenzo, etc.) comme directeurs de studio, la marque se confond désormais avec l’artiste qu’il emploie quitte à diluer parfois son propre héritage et à gommer ses spécificités.

Bruno Alazard, ex-directeur digital chez LVMH et consultant e-commerce dans le luxe, confiait lors d’un entretien :

« Il y a dix ans, le directeur artistique interprétait les codes de la marque dans le respect de son identité, il y a cinq ans, il était choisi pour son fan-club qui venait aux défilés et faisait le buzz, maintenant il est supposé porter une vision sur le monde, la marque de luxe est holistique. »

Après avoir étendu la marque dans tous les domaines de la consommation de produits et de services, les managers du luxe investissent l’art non plus seulement comme un élément narratif, mais comme un domaine d’extension de leur marque à part entière, offrant aux consommateurs un accès à l’immatérialité du luxe.

Confusion des genres

« Une esthétique foncièrement publicitaire… le nombre de travellings aboutissant sur du vide. »

« Une beauté factice et trop ostentatoire […] l’omniprésence de marques de luxe transforme le film en exhibition de mode. »

Présenté à Cannes en 2024, le film Parthenope, de Paolo Sorrentino, a été largement critiqué, mettant en lumière les confusions de genre entre commerce de luxe et art et pointant du doigt YSL Productions dont la marque éponyme s’immisce artificiellement dans des scènes du film tels des panneaux publicitaires.

Cette mainmise dans les arts visuels, média particulièrement investi par les maisons de luxe pour sa portée auprès de la jeune génération, démontre l’ultraesthétisation de l’art au détriment de la liberté artistique. La perception de l’artiste et son rôle dans la société commencent à se modifier. De la haute cuisine à la haute couture, le chef ou le directeur de la création se transforme peu à peu en créateur artistique à la tête d’ateliers tandis que l’artiste ne fait plus qu’interpréter les icônes de la maison. Quand l’artiste contemporain n’est pas toujours bien compris, l’artiste qui collabore prend lui aussi des risques réputationnels.

Or, la jeune génération, qui passe ses marques favorites au crible de l’éthique sociale et culturelle, ne risque-t-elle pas de voir dans cette domination du luxe sur l’art une façon de s’approprier la scène artistique, et de pratiquer l’art washing, une nouvelle forme d’appropriation, cette fois-ci artistique ? Quand le directeur omnicanal et data (Chief Omnichannel and Data Officer) de LVMH Gonzague de Pirey craint un lissage de la création par le trop grand usage de l’IA dans le luxe, l’artiste, quant à lui, ne doit-il pas craindre un « lissage » de ses créations par les marques de luxe ?

The Conversation

Élodie de Boissieu ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Entre l’art et le luxe, des liaisons dangereuses ? – https://theconversation.com/entre-lart-et-le-luxe-des-liaisons-dangereuses-279033

Mali’s military leader is consolidating power. Why this is dangerous

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Salah Ben Hammou, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Rice University

Malian officials announced on 4 May 2026 that junta leader General Assimi Goïta would take on the post of defence minister after the killing of General Sadio Camara a week earlier.

Camara’s death occurred amid an offensive by the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, which launched attacks across Mali. Insecurity persists in Mali despite years of military rule, which was justified on promises of restoring order and defeating insurgent violence.

On the surface, Goïta’s decision to absorb the defence portfolio appears to be a pragmatic wartime measure, aimed at ensuring continuity within the armed forces during a period of instability.

But the move also follows a broader political path that has become visible in Mali since the junta seized power in 2020. Rather than institutionalising military rule, Goïta has concentrated authority around the presidency, tightened control over the state’s coercive apparatus, and relied on a small circle of military elites.

As political scientists who have extensively published and written on military coups and regime trajectories in west Africa, we observe this behaviour is not unique to Mali. It is the third country in the region to see military leaders consolidate their authority around individual leaders rather than the armed forces.

Across the post-coup Sahel, military regimes have shifted from presenting themselves as temporary “corrective” interventions to becoming personalised systems of rule. The other two examples are Captain Ibrahim Traoré, who took power in Burkina Faso in September 2022, and Niger’s General Abdourahamane Tiani, who seized power in July 2023.

The distinction matters because military regimes governed collectively by officer coalitions retain some internal balance and institutional constraint. As power becomes concentrated around a single ruler, however, decision-making revolves around personal loyalty rather than broader military or state interests.

Military rule and personalisation in Mali

Goïta (then a colonel) and his companions in Mali toppled President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita in August 2020. The coup architects initially presented themselves as reluctant interveners. At the time, observers expected a short transition. Within months the regional body Ecowas had lifted its financial embargo.

Goïta pledged elections within 18 months, then 24.

A constitutional revision passed in 2025 removed the provision that had previously barred him from standing in any future presidential election. Political parties were banned. The transitional legislative body was filled by presidential decree. And civilian oversight institutions, including the electoral observation body, were dissolved.

The armed forces were restructured along lines scholars recognise as counterbalancing. This is best described as a coup-proofing mechanism. Regimes create parallel armed structures with distinct reporting lines to make it more difficult for any group to move against them.

In Mali, three specialised military units were created with overlapping counter-terrorism mandates that report to the executive. The police were also placed under military discipline.

Goïta assumed the defence portfolio, appointed the former chief of staff of the armed forces, Major General Oumar Diarra, as delegate minister, and named a new chief of staff to replace him.

The defence portfolio controls the largest share of the state budget, grown from 11.5% to 14.5% of GDP since 2020. It is where Mali’s relationship with Africa Corps, which since 2023 has replaced French forces in counter-terrorism operations, is managed daily.

As defence minister since the coup, Camara had been the primary link with Africa Corps.

The appointment of Diarra is consistent with what scholars describe as the rotation of commanders to limit the accumulation of loyalty around any single figure. Diarra had served as chief of staff since 2020.

Burkina Faso and Niger

In Burkina Faso and Niger, too, there have been signs that military regimes are concentrating power around individual military leaders rather than a collective of officers.

Traoré is perhaps the clearest example of this trend. Since seizing power in 2022, he has cultivated an image of himself as a revolutionary anti-colonial figure, drawing comparisons to the iconic Burkinabè leader Thomas Sankara.

Coordinated social media campaigns glorified Traoré while attacking critics. This was combined with nationalist rhetoric and highly publicised economic reforms. All helped elevate his image as the symbolic saviour of Burkinabè society.

Allegations of assassination attempts and coup conspiracies helped rally public support around Traoré as a besieged national leader. They also served as valuable pretexts for targeting political opponents and rivals in the military.

Traoré has appointed family members and trusted allies to strategic positions. Individuals like his brother, Inoussa Traoré, hold senior positions and help curate the regime’s digital message while maintaining links with sympathetic civil society.

Elections are repeatedly delayed and Burkinabes are urged to “forget about democracy”. Traoré is slated to remain in power until 2029.

In Niger, Tiani, the former commander of Mohamed Bazoum’s Presidential Guard, has extended his rule until at least 2030.

Much like Goïta, he has made the timeline conditional on the state of the country’s security.

Tiani dissolved political parties, promoted himself to army general, a first in Niger, and was cast as a national hero. He has reportedly retreated almost entirely from public life and conducts government from within the presidential guard compound.

From there, Tiani has militarised the civilian administration and placed trusted figures around him. General Salifou Mody at defence serves as his principal relay with Russian partners and with the chief of staff of the armed forces, General Moussa Salaou Barmou.

The regime also moved to repress political opponents through civilian-facing institutions, such as the Commission de lutte contre la délinquance économique, financière et fiscale.

The perils of personalism

For decades, political scientists have highlighted the dangers and weaknesses of personalist political systems. Concentrating power around a single ruler often weakens the institutions needed for effective governance and long-term stability.

In military-ruled countries like those in the Sahel, the consequences can be especially severe. Armed forces may be reorganised less around operational effectiveness than around protecting the ruler from rivals and internal threats.

Promotions and command positions become tied to loyalty, parallel security structures proliferate, and mistrust within the officer corps deepens. On the battlefield, these dynamics can undermine coordination and reduce the military’s ability to respond effectively to insurgent violence.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Mali’s military leader is consolidating power. Why this is dangerous – https://theconversation.com/malis-military-leader-is-consolidating-power-why-this-is-dangerous-282923

Labour in crisis: whoever is prime minister, voters expect politicians to use the language of populism

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Coleman, Emeritus Professor of Political Communication, University of Leeds

Beyond the high drama surrounding the Makerfield by-election and the contest to be the UK prime minister lies a more fundamental battle. It is the struggle between the incremental pragmatism of mainstream politics and the magical thinking of populism.

The great catchword of recent UK politics has been “change”. Brexit, it was said, would change the country’s declining position in the world. Boris Johnson said after his landslide electoral victory in 2019 that he was going to take on “the problems that no government has had the guts to tackle before”.

Labour’s 2024 election manifesto, entitled “Change”, declared that a Starmer-led government would “stop the chaos, turn the page, and start to rebuild our country”.




Read more:
English local elections 2026: a story of a new kind of politics


But people have different ideas of what change means and how fast it can happen.
In a world full of entrenched, unequal social structures and complex, intractable
global problems, change is inevitably a long-term project. But voters tend not to be in the business of long-term evaluation.

Similarly, they are not impressed by graphs showing that the UK economy is currently the fastest-growing in the G7 or that waiting times for NHS treatment in England are at their lowest level in more than three years.

There are undoubtedly better ways of communicating long-term change and
identifying quick wins than the current government has adopted. However, the real battle is not between rival tellers of the mainstream narrative, but between two completely different conceptions of change. Remembering this will be crucial for Andy Burnham when he takes on Reform UK in the Makerfield by-election in his bid to return to Westminster to challenge Keir Starmer for the leadership of the Labour party and his job as prime minister.

Feelings over facts

Populist leaders are successful not because they have more convincing policies for house-building, ending child poverty or realising energy security. The change they offer appeals to visceral feelings rather than material needs. “Imagine how you will feel on the day that we come to power,” they say. “Think of how shattered all of those people who have ignored you, talked down to you, taken your jobs and pushed ahead of you in the queue for services will feel.”

Populists such as Reform UK (according to current polls the most likely party to win the next UK general election) are less interested in setting out a policy programme than in connecting with voters’ raw nerves.

That is why the most crucial lesson for Labour from the 2026 local elections
was not their devastating defeat, but the unstoppable surge of Reform’s appeal to
voters that threatened to leave them in the margins in the next general election.
Labour’s reflex response was to depose its leader. And possibly at least one of Starmer’s rivals for the job would be more effective at taking on this new form of political opposition.

More important, however, is to be clear what is involved in taking on
populism. A new prime minister will be faced with exactly the same challenges as
the current one and will not be able to deliver transformative change simply by force of an appealing personality.

Europe will still be involved in its longest war since 1945. The US will continue to be an unreliable partner. The climate emergency will go on wreaking havoc. Social care for an ageing population will remain a massive challenge. National debt will still limit the capacity for public investment. Regional disparities and indefensible social inequalities will still exist.

andy burnham holding a microphone and addressing an audience.
Graphs aren’t enough – Andy Burnham will have to show that he can speak to voters’ fears and frustrations.
R Heilig/Shutterstock

All of these challenges and more will result in sections of the electorate feeling alienated and disappointed – the very sentiments upon which populism depends.

The big question for whoever is going to be prime minister in the next three years is not just about policy and delivery (although it is also very much about that), but about offering an alternative to the psychic appeal of populism. That will entail adopting a three-point strategy.

First, politicians need to acknowledge the depth of disappointment felt by people whose parents and grandparents had once believed that the government was there to look after them in times of need. The prime minister should declare an urgent mission to build an infrastructure of cradle-to-grave care, which exists not to tell people how they should be feeling, but to be democratically accountable to their needs and priorities as individuals and communities.

Second, there is a need for a complete overhaul of political language, led by the prime minister’s example, eschewing the lexicon of technocratic cliche and adopting the conversational tone of speaking with rather than speaking at people.

Third, there is a need for boldness in calling out the ugly sentiments of populism and appealing explicitly to the more generous, positive feelings and beliefs of the majority that are too often excluded from the domain of hardheaded politics.

A new prime minister will need to be imaginative in demonstrating that populists are not the only ones who can appeal to people’s deepest apprehensions and desires. And they will have to show that politics can be more like an inclusive conversation than a PowerPoint presentation. In that case, then perhaps the recent soap opera will not be as inconsequential as many people perceive it to be.

The Conversation

Stephen Coleman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Labour in crisis: whoever is prime minister, voters expect politicians to use the language of populism – https://theconversation.com/labour-in-crisis-whoever-is-prime-minister-voters-expect-politicians-to-use-the-language-of-populism-283088

Trump’s ‘cordial’ Beijing trip has not changed superpower rivalry

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maria Ryan, Associate Professor in US History, University of Nottingham

Donald Trump’s appraisal of his recent state visit to China was, typically, positive and self-regarding. At the end of the trip, the US president told reporters that it had achieved “a lot of good” and “fantastic trade deals” had been signed. He concluded that a lot of different problems were settled “that other people wouldn’t have been able to solve”.

As usual, the US president appeared to enjoy the pageantry of a state visit. He likes meeting other “great” leaders – strongmen who lead powerful countries.

At face value, the trip appeared largely successful. The Trump-Xi relationship appeared cordial. There were no undiplomatic comments by Trump. Xi described it as “a milestone visit” of “historic” proportions. Trump said that his relationship with Xi is “a very strong one”. China pledged to buy 200 Boeing aircraft and also committed to buying billions of dollars of soybeans and other agricultural goods. These are all things Trump can present as wins, even if their significance is disputed.

The cordiality of the visit was a contrast to the Biden years, when “extreme competition” with China – in Biden’s words – was the central organising principle of US foreign policy. The Biden administration viewed China as a once-in-a-generation challenger to US power: politically, economically, militarily and ideologically. It believed Beijing was aggressively trying to displace the US as the world’s dominant power and actively sought to prevent this.

Over the past year, the second Trump administration has shifted attention away from great power conflict with China and focused on other things. These have included regime change in Venezuela (and, all the signs suggest, Cuba is now in his sights). He has changed America’s relationship with Europe, introduced an at-times erratic regime of tariffs in an attempt to address US trade deficits. And, above all, he has started a war with Iran.

Ely Ratner, a China hawk from the Biden administration has accused Trump of “strategic deference” towards Beijing. And there can be little doubt that the Trump administration has dialled down the Cold War-style ideological rhetoric about China.

Its 2025 national security strategy stresses that: “We seek good relations and peaceful commercial relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or other social change that differs widely from their traditions or histories.” This much was evident from Trump’s visit. Unlike Biden, Trump did not publicly raises human rights issues on his trip to China. This removed a persistent irritant in the relationship.

That said, the US Congress – and many of those around the president – still see the relationship with China as fundamentally competitive and adversarial. They want the US to remain the world’s primary power, militarily, economically and technologically. The desire to out-compete China is likely to drive policy in the longer-term.

The 2026 national defense strategy, published in January, states that Washington will be “clear-eyed and realistic about the speed, scale, and quality of China’s historic military buildup” and will “prevent anyone, including China, from being able to dominate us or our allies”. The strategy commits the US to deterring a Chinese invasion of Taiwan by keeping “a strong denial defense along the First Island Chain” north and south of Taiwan. The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, who accompanied Trump to Beijing, confirmed that US policy on Taiwan has not changed as a result of the leaders’ meeting.

The Trump administration’s approach is driven primarily by economic interests. This is because it believes that “the Indo-Pacific will soon make up more than half of the global economy” and, according to the defense strategy: “Were China… to dominate this broad and crucial region, it would be able to effectively veto Americans’ access to the world’s economic center of gravity.”

This means the Trump administration will try to preserve the giant US military presence in Asia Pacific that the Chinese see as encirclement.

‘Conscious de-coupling’

The US president remains a mercurial character who can make unpredictable decisions. He likes to tout his prowess as a dealmaker and it is always possible that he could undermine the consensus view within his own government. But the US Congress is also firmly behind the drive to out-compete China and to “decouple” in advanced technology.

In July 2025, the bipartisan “One Big Beautiful Bill” Act (OBBBA) included US$58 billion (£43.5 billion) of federal investments in, and tax incentives for, AI production inside the US. These measures barred “prohibited foreign entities” from US supply chains. In 2018, Congress passed strict new export controls and investment restrictions into law to try to decouple from China in emerging new technologies. The House Select Committee on China is pushing for more of this.

Over the past year, the Trump administration launched a new strategy for rare earth metals. China’s dominance of the mining and processing of these metals is a huge advantage – they are critical to modern weapons systems and widely used in electronics, from smartphones to EVs.

In April 2025, Beijing began to impose export controls on rare earths in response to US tariffs. Since then, the US has launched a US$7.3 billion global effort to secure supplies of rare earths outside China and invest in domestic mining and processing capabilities. While this will take years to come to fruition, the goal is to speed up decoupling from China in rare earths – hardly a sign of trust.

Finally, Trump reportedly refused to extend the trade truce signed in October 2025 until the end of his administration as he believed he would lose leverage over China in future. It’s a clear sign that even he expects tension in future.

The Trump administration says that, unlike its predecessors, it is not looking for conflict with China. But its insistence on US dominance of Asia Pacific is likely to drive competition with China in the long-term.

The Conversation

Maria Ryan has received funding from the British Academy.

ref. Trump’s ‘cordial’ Beijing trip has not changed superpower rivalry – https://theconversation.com/trumps-cordial-beijing-trip-has-not-changed-superpower-rivalry-283107

La selección: guerra en el Golfo, cierre de Ormuz, inestabilidad e incertidumbre en el sector petrolero

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Elba Astorga, Editora de Economía, The Conversation

Vista aéreas de petroleros navegando por un estrecho de Ormuz- Boukhatala Chamseddine/Shutterstock

Desde febrero de este año, la guerra de Estados Unidos-Israel contra Irán está descalabrando los mercados energéticos mundiales. Los ataques a las infraestructuras petroleras de los países del golfo Pérsico y la imposibilidad de paso de buques cisterna y butaneros por el estrecho de Ormuz está repercutiendo en la oferta de los hidrocarburos y sus derivados (y, por tanto, en sus precios). Esta crisis afecta no solo a los combustibles: también a los fertilizantes, algo que amenaza a la campaña agrícola mundial de esta temporada, y a las materias primas para la producción de plásticos, indispensables para las economías del sudeste asiático.

En marzo, la Agencia Internacional de la Energía, liberó 400 millones de barriles de sus reservas estratégicas (un tercio del total), en un intento de contener los efectos negativos sobre la economía mundial de lo que ha llamado “la mayor disrupción de suministro petrolero de la historia”.

Pero los expertos más optimistas confían en que el mercado energético acabe ajustándose, como pasó en 2022 tras la invasión rusa a Ucrania, sin provocar una recesión global. No obstante, esta vez Ormuz está cerrado y eso constriñe la oferta petrolera y marca la gran diferencia con respecto a 2022.

Sumando tensión geoeconómica al mercado energético, Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU) se ha descolgado de la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo (OPEP), el cartel creado en 1960 por los países productores para ganar control sobre el petróleo. La salida de EAU ocurre en un momento en el que los países del Golfo deberían cooperar, pues son víctima de ataques a sus infraestructuras y no hay posibilidad de paso vía Ormuz para sus exportaciones.

A medida que se acerca el verano aumenta la demanda de hidrocarburos y uno de los sectores más afectados por la menor oferta y los precios más altos es el de la aviación civil. En el caso de Europa, ya se están produciendo recargos y cancelaciones en los vuelos de algunas de sus aerolíneas. Al cerrarse Ormuz, ha quedado patente la dependencia europea del queroseno de los países del Golfo: antes del inicio de la guerra, a finales de febrero de 2026, importaba de allí unos 375 000 barriles diarios netos.

Dado que el queroseno representa entre el 20 % y el 40 % de los costes operativos totales de las aerolíneas, el encarecimiento del combustible las obliga a ajustar su programación: reducir frecuencias, cancelar las rutas con menores márgenes de ganancias, concentrar operaciones y proteger los trayectos más rentables.

Si volar se hace más caro, el modo de viajar de los turistas cambia: reservas más tempranas, estancias más reducidas, fechas de viaje adaptadas a los precios de temporada, viajes a destinos más cercanos, menos gastos de viaje o, incluso, simplemente quedarse en casa.

Una característica del mercado petrolero que ha salido a la luz con la crisis del Estrecho es la desconexión que hay entre el petróleo físico y la especulación financiera.

En los mercados de materias primas el petróleo se negocia a futuro: un compromiso para una entrega teórica en una fecha futura. Estas operaciones permiten a los productores y los compradores cubrirse del riesgo de volatilidad en los precios y atraen a inversores financieros que aportan liquidez al mercado. La cuestión es que, la mayoría de las veces, solo una pequeña fracción de lo negociado acaba en entrega real.

En cambio, el precio del petróleo que llega y se transforma en las refinerías depende de cuestiones como las calidades del crudo, las primas geográficas y las valoraciones diarias de dos agencias independientes que establecen los precios de referencia para el petróleo físico y sus productos refinados.

Para los consumidores finales, los cambios se hacen visibles más temprano o más tarde, según el sentido de la variación en los precios. Cuando aumentan, ese incremento se traslada rápidamente al precio final de la gasolina y el diésel para evitar la caída de los márgenes de beneficio. Por contra, cuando el petróleo baja el descenso suele ser mucho más lento. Los economistas llaman a esto el efecto “cohetes y plumas” (rockets and feathers): los precios suben como cohetes y bajan como plumas.

Los precios de los combustibles reflejan el coste del petróleo pero también incorporan el precio de la incertidumbre. Esta crisis ocurre en un momento geoeconómico caótico en el que la globalización y el libre comercio han perdido peso. Por tanto, quizás la gran lección a aprender es que la seguridad energética es crucial para la estabilidad económica y la seguridad nacional de los países.

The Conversation

ref. La selección: guerra en el Golfo, cierre de Ormuz, inestabilidad e incertidumbre en el sector petrolero – https://theconversation.com/la-seleccion-guerra-en-el-golfo-cierre-de-ormuz-inestabilidad-e-incertidumbre-en-el-sector-petrolero-282984

What are those orange balls on some power lines?

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rui Bo, Associate Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Missouri University of Science and Technology

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.


What are those orange balls on some power lines? – Maggie, age 8, West Chester, Pennsylvania


Have you ever looked up while driving on a highway and spotted those big orange balls hanging on power lines? They look a bit like giant toy beads strung along the electric wires.

What in the world are those overgrown basketballs doing up there?

I’m a professor who teaches about and researches power systems, the big networks that move electricity from power plants to our homes, schools and businesses.

Those big orange balls don’t help with electricity flow or improve the efficiency of the power lines, but they do have a very important job. Officially called aviation marker balls or spherical markers, they’re there to help pilots see power lines so airplanes and helicopters don’t crash into them. They’re like bright warning signs in the sky, protecting pilots, passengers and people on the ground below.

Marker balls on power lines along a gravel road.
Sometimes these markers are on wires that are pretty close to the ground.
Zen Rial/Moment via Getty Images

Big round warning signs in the sky

Power lines can be very hard to see from an airplane or helicopter, especially when pilots are flying low. Thin metal wires can visually blend into the background of nature.

The orange balls help the lines stand out. You can think of them as being like reflective tape on a bike – just a little something simple that helps people notice a danger before it’s too late.

Orange isn’t a random choice. This vibrant color is very visible to the human eye and especially stands out against the more muted colors of nature – blue sky, green trees or gray clouds. Sometimes the balls are red or white, or even striped, but orange is the most common because it works well in most lighting conditions.

Aviation safety rules in many countries explain which colors should be used so pilots can quickly recognize hazards. Organizations like the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration publish guidelines you can check out about marking obstacles near flight paths.

People wearing hats working on a ball in the back of a pickup truck.
People on the ground prepare a ball for installation.
Lisa Meiman/Western Area Power/Flickr, CC BY

These balls may look like slightly oversized ping-pong balls from your perspective on the ground. But most are actually much bigger, about the size of a large beach ball, roughly 2 to 3 feet (0.6 to 1 meter) across. Each one can weigh 10 to 25 pounds (4.5 to 11 kilograms), about as heavy as a large backpack full of books.

They’re usually made from strong plastic or fiberglass, similar to materials used in boats or playground equipment. That way, they can survive years of sun, rain, snow, wind – and even the occasional bird landing on them.

Even though they sit on wires that carry huge amounts of electricity, the balls themselves are not energized. They’re made of insulating materials, so electricity does not flow through them.

Why are there so many wires up there?

High-voltage power lines are like highways for electric power, carrying electricity from the power plants where it is generated to the places where it is used.

The wires are strung between sturdy metal towers or wooden poles that are very tall to keep dangerous high-voltage electric wires high up in the sky, far away from people on the ground. This design makes it safe to walk, play and drive underneath them. Some transmission towers, especially for very high-voltage lines, can be as tall as a 15-story building.

If you look closely at big transmission lines, you’ll often see three thick wires, sometimes with an additional thinner one on top that’s called a shield wire. Because the shield wire sits higher, lightning is more likely to hit it first, protecting the other wires from a strong blast of electricity that can damage equipment or cause power outages. The shield wire is connected to the ground, so a lightning strike’s electricity can flow safely down the tower and into the earth.

The three main wires work together to carry electricity in a steady rhythm. By sharing the job among three wires instead of one, the system can move more energy with less waste, making it more efficient.

People leaning out of a helicopter work on an orange ball installed on a power wire
It’s a delicate procedure to install or dismantle the balls on the power lines.
Christian Butt/picture alliance via Getty Images

Clamping the balls to the wires

Installing the aviation marker balls is a job for specially trained crews, often working from helicopters. The power line usually stays turned on while the work is being done, so safety rules and careful planning are critical. The ball comes in two halves that clamp around the wire and bolt together tightly.

Once installed, these balls can last 10 to 15 years, depending on weather and conditions. They don’t need much maintenance, but utilities inspect them from time to time to make sure they haven’t cracked or faded too much.

Not every transmission line needs the markers. Usually only places where aircraft are more likely to fly low – such as near rivers, valleys, airports or helicopter routes – will use these brightly colored balls. Most neighborhood power lines are too low to need markers.

Next time you spot those bright orange dots in the sky, you’ll know: They’re not electrical equipment, and their color isn’t random. They’re simple, clever tools helping keep our busy world a little safer.


Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

The Conversation

Rui Bo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What are those orange balls on some power lines? – https://theconversation.com/what-are-those-orange-balls-on-some-power-lines-272019

Dark patterns on the web are designed to manipulate you – why aren’t they all illegal?

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Gregory M. Dickinson, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Nebraska-Lincoln; Institute for Humane Studies

Website designs that try to change your behavior cross a line when they outright deceive. Fizkes/iStock via Getty Images

You open a free app to do one simple thing. Before you even start, a full-screen message asks whether you want to try the paid version. The “Start free trial” button is large, bright and hard to miss. The option to keep using the free version is smaller, buried at the bottom. The same prompt appears again tomorrow. And the day after that.

A lot of people look at screens like that and think, “Surely this has to be illegal.” We even have a name for them, “dark patterns.” They feel pushy. They waste time. They seem designed to wear you down. But in most cases, they are perfectly lawful.

“Dark pattern” is not a legal term with a clear boundary. It is a broad label for digital designs that nudge, pressure, confuse or trap users. As a legal scholar who studies consumer protection and digital design, I think the most important thing for readers to understand is that the label “dark pattern” covers a broad spectrum.

Some of that spectrum is just annoying. Some of it is aggressive salesmanship. And some of it crosses the line into deception or coercion. Federal and state consumer protection laws are mostly aimed at that last category. They do not ban every design choice people dislike, only those that trick or coerce.

Annoying isn’t illegal

smartphone screenshot of images of a well-dressed young man
The ‘X’ in the upper right corner of this ad, for users to click to dismiss the ad, appears after the ad has been displayed for a moment. The ad also has an ‘X’ in the upper left corner, which is part of the image in the ad. Some users might click the ‘X’ on the left to dismiss the ad but instead be sent to the ad’s website. Possibly annoying but not illegal.
Screen capture by Gregory Dickinson

That reality may sound unsatisfying, but it is not unusual. Offline life is full of things that are irritating but not unlawful. Think of the cashier who asks whether you want to sign up for the store credit card, then points out the discount you are turning down, then asks again. Most people know exactly what is happening. They roll their eyes, say no and try to shop somewhere else next time.

The same is true online. A repeated pop-up can be obnoxious. A guilt-inducing button can be tacky. But consumers recognize ordinary annoyance for what it is. In many cases, the market answer is simple: Close the app, ignore the pitch or take your business elsewhere.

Similarly, law does not ban persuasive sales pitches just because they are effective. A car salesperson who keeps steering you toward the upgraded model is trying to influence your choice. So is the airline clerk who offers travel insurance. So is the restaurant server who asks whether you want dessert. Salesmanship is nothing new. Digital design often borrows from familiar techniques.

That helps explain why lawmakers cannot simply outlaw “manipulation.” And so many interfaces are built to persuade, openly and lawfully.

What crosses the line

What the federal FTC Act and analogous state consumer-deception statutes usually care about is not whether a design is annoying. They focus on whether the design is likely to mislead a reasonable consumer. That is the core idea in modern consumer protection law.

So a design is likelier to be unlawful when it hides key facts, makes an optional choice look mandatory or tricks people about the effect of the button they are pressing. A fake countdown timer, a disguised ad, a misleading one-click purchase button or a cancellation path that looks finished when it is not are all different from ordinary hard selling. Those designs do not just pressure users; they can deceive them.

That is also why the app maker’s intent is not always the key question. In many consumer protection cases, a company does not get a free pass just because no one said, “Let’s trick people.” The legal question is often about effect: What would a reasonable user likely understand from this screen?

Research on dark patterns reinforces that concern. Even relatively mild designs can push people into choices they would not otherwise make. And regulators have increasingly focused on subscription flows, hidden fees and cancellation obstacles for exactly that reason.

image of a website form with a pop-up box in front of it
The instructions for this web form and the pop-up box that appears when users click ‘Continue’ indicate that the form has required fields. The form uses the word ‘mandatory,’ which could lead some users to believe that the form itself is required in order to continue when it is instead optional. Possibly annoying but not illegal.
Screen capture by Gregory Dickinson

Why it feels like dark patterns are everywhere

One reason people might think there are no laws against dark patterns is that they see them so often. But that frequency reflects that the term covers a wide range of conduct, from lawful nagging to outright deception.

It also reflects enforcement limits. Regulators cannot chase every irritating screen on every app and website. They have to prioritize the worst cases. That leaves a lot of borderline conduct in the wild, which makes the whole problem feel bigger and murkier to ordinary users.

So when people ask why there is not a law against dark patterns, the best answer is that there already is, but the law does not prohibit every annoying or high-pressure design. It targets lies, misleading cues and coercive obstacles.

That line can be fuzzy. But the fuzziness is not a mistake. It is what you get when the law tries to separate persuasion from deception in a world full of both.

The Conversation

Gregory M. Dickinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dark patterns on the web are designed to manipulate you – why aren’t they all illegal? – https://theconversation.com/dark-patterns-on-the-web-are-designed-to-manipulate-you-why-arent-they-all-illegal-279961

A newly rediscovered moth species in Florida may already be at risk

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ryan St Laurent, Assistant Professor of Biology, University of Colorado Boulder

For decades, the Florida sack-bearer moth was hiding in plain sight among collections of other sack-bearer moths around the U.S. Ryan St Laurent

To the untrained eye, the Florida scrub ecosystem isn’t much to look at. Scattered in patches around coastal and inland Florida, the scrub landscape is dominated by shrubs and short oaks, all growing out of sandy soil.

“Scrub” is truly an apt name for it.

But this habitat is home to a number of unique plant and animal species, including the threatened Florida scrub-jay, the only bird found only in Florida.

The list of specialized scrub animals grew longer this spring when I officially named – and found in the wild – a species of moth unique to the Florida scrub.

I’m an evolutionary biologist and entomologist, serving as curator of entomology at the University of Colorado Boulder Museum of Natural History. In March 2026 I, along with my collaborators, Scott Wehrly and Jeff Slotten, published an article in ZooKeys describing this new moth from the Florida scrub.

I colloquially refer to it as the “Florida sack-bearer,” but it’s formally known as Cicinnus albarenicolus, Latin for “white sand dweller.” The name “sack-bearer” indicates that it belongs to a small family of moths known as Mimallonidae whose caterpillars make sacklike cases that they haul around, kind of like the way a hermit crab carries around a shell. There are just over 300 sack-bearer species, with only six, including our new one, known from North America.

deep white sand and shrubs with a few larger trees in the distance
Florida scrub makes up 70% of Ocala National Forest.
Ryan St Laurent

The discovery

The recent publication of our scientific paper was the first time the scientific community learned of the moth’s existence, but it is the culmination of more than a decade of work.

I have been studying sack-bearers throughout my professional career, which started as an undergraduate at Cornell University, where I worked in the Cornell University Insect Collection. It was in this collection that a small sample of sack-bearer moths collected in Florida, with a chunky body and pink-hued wings spanning about 1.25-1.5 inches (3-4 centimeters) – medium size for a moth – caught my eye.

I began to wonder whether perhaps this moth was a separate species of sack-bearer, because it looked quite different from the more beige-colored Melsheimer’s sack-bearer that is common all over the eastern United States, including Florida. But I did not yet have enough data to substantiate my theory.

Then as a graduate student at the University of Florida, I delved into learning more about sack-bearer evolution. Whenever I had a free moment, I spent time in the field looking for wild individuals of the still-unnamed Florida sack-bearer. But still, no luck.

Then I spent three years as a postdoctoral fellow at the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History. Even though I was primarily working on a completely different group of moths, I had not forgotten about the Florida moth. And there, in the Smithsonian collections, I found a single specimen of a Florida sack-bearer from 1960.

Fortunately, it was a recent enough specimen to yield a good DNA sample. This allowed me to get the final piece of information that I was looking for: a DNA sequence to confirm that this moth was distinct from its relatives.

The genetic results were unequivocal: The Florida species was clearly distinct, thus confirming my long-held suspicions that this was a new, undescribed species of moth. This was the final piece of information I needed to start writing the paper formally describing and naming the new moth.

man wearing headlamp looking at moth
The author used a special light to attract the moth in the wild.
Photo by Jeffrey Slotten

Encounter in the wild

As excited as I was to describe a new species, I feared that the moth might already be extinct, since no recent specimens existed and the Florida scrub habitat is highly degraded, down to about 10% of what ecologists estimate was present prior to European settlement.

But I contacted various moth collectors in Florida to see whether anyone had seen this moth recently, and to my surprise one of them had. The co-authors on the Zookeys paper, Jeff Slotten and Scott Wehrly, helped me discover a small set of specimens from the 2010s and 2020s that Scott had collected. This discovery, in late 2025, allowed me to add some new specimens to the paper and update the text reporting this newly discovered collection of more contemporary samples of Florida sack-bearers.

Knowing that all sightings of this moth occurred between March and May, I traveled to Florida in April. I was hoping to see it for myself and learn more about its active times, habitat requirements, diet, mating habits and other aspects of its biology – all still completely unknown. Since the recent specimens were all male, I set the goal to find a female, which would be the first one seen in over 60 years. Finding a female would also be an opportunity to collect eggs.

On April 18, 2026, I traveled to a new site that I had scoped out back in grad school, and sure enough, at 8:49 p.m., I found a female at my specialized moth light trap. This female was followed by two others, and I was able to collect eggs. Hopefully this summer these will yield a bunch of caterpillars so my colleagues and I can observe the moth’s full life cycle and learn more about this elusive insect.

What makes the Florida sack-bearer so special?

Without knowing more about it, it’s challenging to articulate what this moth’s larger role in the ecosystem might be. And that is precisely why this discovery is important.

One possibility that is already becoming clear is that this species may be an excellent indicator of Florida scrub health and how different forest management techniques affect the scrub ecosystem. My recent field work indicates that this particular moth may be thriving in areas experiencing more recent and frequent prescribed burns, but this hypothesis needs further study. My hope is that studying this moth will give a better sense of how to manage scrubs in order to protect this and other species with similar habitat requirements.

The evolution of the Florida sack-bearer also remains a puzzle. Just how did it get to Florida in the first place? White sand scrubs are thought to be older than yellow sand scrubs of Florida and are formed from ancient sand dunes. Perhaps the Florida sack-bearer is an ancient relic of a time when Florida was very different from today.

By studying this moth and its distribution in the state, we may better understand how sack-bearers arrived in North America from Central and South America millions of years ago.

pinkish moth on branch
The author found a female Florida sack-bearer in the wild.
Ryan St Laurent

What’s in a name?

In total, only 19 specimens of the Florida sack-bearer were known to me at the time of its formal description. Only three of those were collected after 1964, and those all came from locations near Ocala, Florida. The other 13 specimens are from just five white sand scrub habitats scattered across peninsular Florida. While the news that the moth persists in at least a couple of places is welcome, sites that supported this moth back in the 1960s may no longer have enough scrub habitat due to substantial habitat loss.

It’s possible that this moth has been discovered just in time to realize it’s at risk of going extinct. But my hope is that by naming this rare moth, our team has enabled conservationists and legislators to fight for its protection.

The Conversation

Nothing to disclose.

ref. A newly rediscovered moth species in Florida may already be at risk – https://theconversation.com/a-newly-rediscovered-moth-species-in-florida-may-already-be-at-risk-281717

Tradwives want to ‘make patriarchy great again.’ A sociologist explains what they’re all about

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Meaghan Furlano, PhD Student, Sociology, Western University

“Tradwives” say they are opting out of a culture that undervalues women at home. But a closer look at who they are and what they promote tells a different story: The mainstreaming of far-right politics through the language of “traditional values” like femininity and domesticity.

Short for traditional wives, tradwives are popular influencers on social media platforms like Instagram, TikTok and YouTube. Tradwife content is characterized by its appeal to “nature,” its reinforcement of “traditional” gender roles and its use of 1950s nostalgia alongside rural, off-grid homesteading aesthetics.

If we want to interpret the growing popularity of tradwives sociologically, we need to do three things.

First, we need to determine the statuses an individual holds and the roles associated with these statuses at a given time. We also have to explore how individuals make sense of them. Second, we need to examine how an individual’s statuses and roles are constituted by, and shaped through, social institutions. Third, we need to consider what function these institutions play in upholding social structures.

Doing so can help us recognize that cultural trends, like social media tradwives, are not random phenomena but products of broader socio-political currents.

The tradwife influencer identity

Research has found that while tradwives tend to be politically right-wing, important variations exist among them. Conservative tradwives — women who discuss “femininity” and “traditional” gender roles — are closest to the political centre.

Others, including alt-lite and alt-right tradwives, are more ideologically extreme. They mobilize anti-feminist, anti-immigrant and white supremacist rhetoric. At times, they have clear ties to far-right political organizations.

If we want to understand what their rise to popularity since 2024 indicates about the contemporary political landscape, and if we want to understand these women’s role within right-wing reactions to feminism, then we must start by undertaking the three requirements listed above.

‘Traditional’ femininity remains unchallenged

To start, we must ask: what roles do tradwives attach to their status? What is the purpose of being a tradwife?

Emerging research indicates that tradwives define themselves as wives and mothers. Their roles include homemaker, defender of “traditional” values, and, at times, bearer of the “white race.” Tradwives depict their countries as being under siege by cultural pollution, miscegenation and non-white migration. Accordingly, tradwives frame themselves as moral entities “restoring” the West.

Other researchers like Eviane Leidig, a researcher in online extremism and radicalization, have explored the role of women in far-right politics. These analyses suggest that women play a key role in normalizing and mainstreaming hateful ideologies by drawing on influencer culture. They take you into their homes, show you their children and talk to you about their everyday lives.

Yet, slipped into videos of tradwives baking sourdough bread are comments about “our migration problem” and how they felt compelled to home-school their children because of the “woke ideology” running amok in public schools.

Once your interest is piqued, you are directed to less regulated platforms that traffic in more overt hate.

What tradwives are actually defending

Next we must ask: how have institutions like work, family and media shaped the roles attached to being a wife and mother?

Research demonstrates that women face greater cultural expectations to undertake housework and relationship labour than men. Men are more likely than women to report that society values the contributions of their paid work more than it does their household labour. Women tend to report the opposite.

Sociologists have explained how the institution of work was designed around the male-breadwinner and female-homemaker model. Men were paid a wage that could provide for their family, while women performed unwaged labour in the home.

But families have changed. Dual-earner families are on the rise because women have been forced by economic necessity into joining the paid workforce (not simply because of feminism, as tradwives argue). Despite these changes, the institution of work has remained resistant to accommodating women.

Tradwives frame their lifestyles as countercultural. They claim only professional, working women are valued culturally, and that institutions have abandoned them as traditional women.

But the construction of femininity they promote — one bound in “traditional” ideas about labour — remains institutionally salient. While it may have been critiqued in the 2010s “popular feminist” climate, no large or enduring structural shifts followed. The gender wage gap in Canada remains sizable, especially when factors such as race and immigrant status are taken into account.

Institutions that uphold social structure

Finally, we must ask even broader questions. For example, how do tradwives contribute to the reproduction of unequal structures of race, class and gender?

Tradwives frame a highly specific form of femininity — domestic, heterosexual, submissive and often implicitly white — as natural, desirable and morally superior. By presenting it as “natural” rather than socially constructed and affirmed by social institutions, tradwives obscure the structural foundations of “traditional” femininity and help make existing inequalities seem inevitable — even healthy.

What forces made this possible? In the case of tradwives, the answer is not a mystery: Institutions that were never fully reformed, gender norms that were critiqued but never dismantled and a political moment that has made the far right newly palatable.

Tradwives did not create these conditions, but they are also not just a niche internet esthetic. They are right-wing women actively trying to preserve those structural inequalities and “Make Patriarchy Great Again.”

The Conversation

Meaghan Furlano receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

ref. Tradwives want to ‘make patriarchy great again.’ A sociologist explains what they’re all about – https://theconversation.com/tradwives-want-to-make-patriarchy-great-again-a-sociologist-explains-what-theyre-all-about-282931

How teaching the history of science can help equip students to face polarized times

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Cristiano Barbosa de Moura, Assistant Professor of Science Education, Simon Fraser University

For decades, science educators have been encouraged to “stick to the science” and leave politics at the classroom door. But as disinformation spreads online and public trust in science seems to erode in some contexts, this advice is no longer realistic.

In Canada and elsewhere, science teachers face a challenge. Science is being questioned in varied ways, from social media videos to (sometimes convincing) messages in a larger cultural landscape of conspiratorial rhetoric emphasizing “what they don’t want you to know.”

From climate change denial to debates about vaccines, the classroom has become a front line in broader cultural battles amplified by individuals or groups via social media.

In this context, history may be one of the most powerful tools science teachers have to navigate sensitive issues, as research (including my own) has demonstrated.

My collaborative research project, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, is examining the question: “How do teachers teach science through history when the histories spark potentially heated sociopolitical debates?”

Why history matters in science education

For decades, research has shown students better understand how science works “behind the curtains” — what has been called “nature of science” — when they learn how discoveries were made, challenged and revised over time. Teaching students about the history of science has been a way to showcase the mechanisms of how knowledge is produced.

Some examples are understanding the role of evidence in proposing a theory or model or scientists’ arguments, disagreements and uncertainty when interpreting phenomena.

However, much of this past work on teaching the history of science in science education has fallen short. More can be done to address the social and political struggles that shaped science itself.

Science is intertwined with power

Today, educators acknowledge that history in science education is not just about facts and timelines. Historical examination reveals how science has been intertwined with race, gender, colonialism and power.

Examples abound and are increasingly known:

These realities point to the need for a new engagement with the history of science in science education.

Distrust is being amplified

It’s understandable that some individuals or communities that have first-hand or historical experience of science being used to exploit or oppress them may now experience skepticism or distrust in scientific research and the scientific enterprise.

This said, we now face situations where some ill-intentioned people or anti-democratic agitators sow distrust in society, sometimes related to science — or blur debates in a way that the public cannot discern what good science looks like anymore.

The worst teachers can do is avoid this conversation in the classroom. Misinformation thrives in such environments.

The challenge is to go further than exploring how knowledge is produced, to explore the sociopolitical dynamics of science, as argued by many researchers recently.

This means, in part, navigating changing historical evidence and evolving interpretations of it — as well as uncovering the stories that have long gone untold.

It means identifying patterns of oppression and inequities that are intertwined with scientific research and its legacies.

Teachers play a central role

Of course, bringing charged histories into the classroom is challenging. Addressing eugenics or the pillage of natural resources in the Global South may trigger students from related backgrounds, or students who have political empathy or solidarity with them.

Exploring Indigenous knowledge systems alongside western science can challenge the myth that science is purely a western creation. At the same time, this can risk pushback from some parents or administrators who think such content means teachers aren’t teaching science. Even worse, teachers can be accused of political indoctrination.




Read more:
Indigenous song keepers reveal traditional ecological knowledge in music


Yet teachers also find creative ways forward. Some use historical case studies of environmental degradation to frame discussions about how knowledge production and socio-political and moral elements are intertwined.

Others examine how corporations help shape scientific content or a scope of research, or draw on stories of women and racialized scientists to open conversations about equity and representation in STEM.

Historically situating today’s debates

A promising approach would be to understand how teachers who “go against the grain” do so in their classrooms and beyond school walls.

Sensitive topics sometimes spark discomfort, but using historical examples can also provide distance, allowing students to explore critically without feeling personally attacked. This offers teachers a rich tapestry to draw on when building historical accounts of science.

By situating today’s debates in a longer trajectory, teachers play a critical role helping students see that controversies around science are longstanding. Societies have always struggled to reconcile evidence with values.

Engaging with history helps science students understand that knowledge, power and identity are interconnected in the classroom and beyond. Students can then be prepared to be aware citizens who can evaluate misinformation, grasp the social aspects of scientific issues and engage in democratic discussions.

In a polarized society, this is critically needed. Whether dealing with pandemics, climate change or artificial intelligence, students will face conflicting claims through the media and at home.

Avoiding complex discussions in schools leaves young people unprepared to understand them.

Renewed vision of science teaching

The stakes are high. If science educators continue to portray that science is neutral and apolitical, we risk reinforcing the very divisions we hope to overcome.




Read more:
Social studies as ‘neutral?’ That’s a myth, and pressures teachers to avoid contentious issues


But if we embrace history as a lens for teaching complex accounts of science, we open possibilities for more critical and socially relevant classrooms.

This means rethinking curricula, teacher education and support systems so that educators can confidently bring historical and sociopolitical perspectives into their teaching practice. It means valuing teachers as intellectuals who can adapt knowledge to their contexts, rather than reducing them to deliverers of neutral content.

Role for research partnerships

Academic researchers have a pivotal role. They can develop partnerships with teachers, hear their voices and work together to develop teaching practices that are grounded in teachers’ own contexts.

Such efforts may also help build trust and social cohesion, starting by uniting universities and other educational institutions, overcoming the divisiveness that has taken hold in so many places across the world.

Simply reclaiming the importance of science (or “defending” it) will fall short of the stature and complexity of the challenge ahead of us.

The Conversation

Cristiano Barbosa de Moura received funding from SSHRC to study this theme.

ref. How teaching the history of science can help equip students to face polarized times – https://theconversation.com/how-teaching-the-history-of-science-can-help-equip-students-to-face-polarized-times-280332