A ceremonial sword and ‘beating the retreat’: decoding the rituals of Donald Trump’s state visit

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Francesca Jackson, PhD candidate, Lancaster Law School, Lancaster University

State visits are always grand occasions, but Donald Trump’s second was unprecedented in terms of scale and spectacle. The president was treated to the most impressive ceremonial welcome ever laid on for any head of state.

After enjoying a carriage ride through the grounds of Windsor Castle with the king, queen and prince and princess of Wales, the president was greeted by the largest guard of honour ever, comprising 1,300 troops and 120 horses. A lunch, private tour of St George’s Chapel and a Red Arrows flypast followed, before the day culminated in a lavish white-tie state banquet.

All this pomp and pageantry has a purpose and a keen eye can spot meaning in most parts of the itinerary.

For example, there were obvious nods to the government’s priorities for this visit throughout the first day, even before the government meetings began. Prime minister Keir Starmer has wanted to focus on tech and defence, so we saw key business leaders, including the head of Apple and CEO of OpenAI, on the guest list for the state banquet.

There was also a clear focus on defence throughout the first day’s proceedings. As well as inspecting the customary guard of honour, the President took part in the “beating the retreat” ceremony – the first time that this historic military parade has been performed at an incoming state visit.

British and American F-35 fighter jets were part of the aerial flypast and when symbolic gifts were exchanged, Trump presented the king with a replica of a President Eisenhower sword. This, he said, was a “reminder of the historical partnership that was critical to winning World War II”.

But perhaps the government’s objectives were seen most clearly in the speeches delivered during the state banquet. King Charles explicitly reminded the President that the UK had agreed “the first trade deal” of any country with his administration, which he said had brought “jobs and growth” to both countries and hoped would allow for them to “go even further as we build this new era of our partnership”.

Most striking of all, however, were the king’s comments on defence. He explicitly told Trump that “in two world wars, we fought together to defeat the forces of tyranny. Today, as tyranny once again threatens Europe, we and our allies stand together in support of Ukraine, to deter aggression and secure peace”.

The first day of any state visit is all about royal pageantry, with discussions of politics usually left for day two. This is because in the UK’s constitutional monarchy, the monarch is bound by the doctrine of political neutrality, which means that the king must remain neutral on political matters.

But some have argued that Charles was, with these comments, straying into politics and went too far. The journalist Michael Wolff said the king was effectively correcting Trump over his failure to strike a peace deal in Ukraine and that the President would have been “super irritated” by the intervention.

However, it is important to note that the king’s words will have been chosen carefully for him by the UK government. This is because Charles is bound by the cardinal convention, a constitutional rule according to which he must act on the advice of the government. All his speeches are written by ministers, and this particular speech reportedly went through many drafts to ensure that the king “pushes the right buttons without crossing political lines”.

The button that this speech was designed to push was peace in Ukraine. After his very public spat with Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy in the Oval Office earlier this year, the UK government has been concerned that Trump is indifferent about who wins the Russia-Ukraine war and favours an appeasement solution with Putin. It wants to get Trump firmly on Ukraine’s side – and thought the king was the best person to deliver this message.

The king is a skilled diplomat whose unrivalled soft power gives him the unique ability to influence some of the biggest political issues of our time. And he seems to get on well with Trump. The king met the President during his first state visit in 2019, wrote to him following his assassination attempt and, unusually, invited him for an unprecedented second state visit with a special hand written note.

There seemed to be genuine warmth between the two men during this second visit. The President, for example, praised the king, describing him as “his friend who everybody loves” and “a great gentleman and a great king”.

And there are signs that this flattery and warmth nullified any potential annoyance over the Ukraine comments. In his own speech, Trump effused that the day was “one of the highest honours” of his life and that “the word ‘special’ does not begin to do justice” to the UK-US relationship.

If the state visit helps increase US support for the British economy and Ukraine, it will be a job well done for the royals.

The Conversation

Francesca Jackson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A ceremonial sword and ‘beating the retreat’: decoding the rituals of Donald Trump’s state visit – https://theconversation.com/a-ceremonial-sword-and-beating-the-retreat-decoding-the-rituals-of-donald-trumps-state-visit-265595

Trump state visit: behind talk of harmony there are notes of discord

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jason Ralph, Professor of International Relations, University of Leeds

An unusual feature of Donald Trump’s second state visit to the UK was the spectacle of the Royal Marines, the Coldstream Guards and the Royal Air Force “beating retreat” as the president and King Charles looked on.

This is a traditional military ceremony that started in the 17th century and marked the closing of camp gates and the lowering of flags. It is, by all accounts, the kind of British “soft power” that excites the president and consolidates “the special relationship” between allies.

But one cannot help wondering if what this ceremony marked was in fact the final retreat of the US and UK from their self-defined role as defenders of an international order based on liberal and democratic values.

How are we otherwise to reconcile the fact that a “populist” American president, supposedly elected on an anti-elitist message, so visibly revelled in facing an audience composed almost exclusively of the elites of a monarchical system (on Wednesday) and the tech-business community (on Thursday)?

Trump may have had the unprecedented honour of a second state visit. But what does it say about “the special relationship” between common people (if not heads of state) when the visit was arranged to land in a week the House of Commons was not sitting, meaning he would not be able to address the national parliament?

Perhaps it says something about the retreat of American Republican virtues and the rise of an “imperial presidency” (just as King George III in Hamilton the musical predicted). Trump would not want to be reminded that it was President Obama who had the recent honour of speaking to the British people through their elected representatives in Westminster Hall.

Meanwhile, how do we reconcile the sense that Prime Minister Keir Starmer knows how to handle President Trump with Starmer’s apparent inability to prevent the political retreat of his own government?

The answer to that is that the prime minister may be a better diplomat than he is a politician. He understands that flattery makes Trump the man happy, but he seems less certain about how to deal with Trumpism the idea.

Donald Trump talking to Keir Starmer.
Trump and Starmer behind the scenes.
Number 10/Flickr, CC BY

Trumpism has inspired so-called “new right” movements throughout the western world. In the UK, it defeated Starmer’s preferred brand of progressive internationalism when Nigel Farage pushed for and won a vote to leave the European Union in 2016.

In the wake of this state visit, the government will claim success by pointing to the £150 billion of investment apparently secured through tech deals. It is not, however, clear what role the US state, or indeed the state visit, had in securing (as opposed to announcing) that.

In the meantime, Starmer’s Labour is still reluctant to push back against new right thinking by pointing to the cost Brexit has had on government tax revenues.

A similar concern is being voiced on the cost of the new right’s approach to immigration in the US. The president proudly defended his administration’s actions on immigration and even recommended the UK deploy the military to manage migration. But armed raids on Hyundai factories in the US have left another key ally, South Korea, questioning its longstanding commitment to invest there.

This state visit has coincided with the United Nations Commission of Inquiry finding that Israel has engaged in four of the five genocidal acts as defined under international law since the beginning of its war with Hamas in 2023.

One cannot expect policy – and certainly not policy differences – to make their way into banquet speeches. But the expectation that Trump will simply ignore UK pleas to pressure Israel into stopping its offensive makes the Windsor scenes difficult viewing for many.

Middle East policy differences were on display at the Chequers press conference and the UK government will seek to mollify its critics by following through on its intention to imminently recognise Palestine as a sovereign state. But without US support, the UK cannot expect this to make an immediate difference to the humanitarian situation.

Notes of discord

There was an additional musical theme to the speeches at the state banquet during Trump’s visit. The president described the US and UK as “two notes in the same chord”.

That may be the case, but there are many discordant notes sounded when the president’s words are mixed with the political soundtrack beyond Windsor castle and Chequers. Outside these sheltered surroundings, the mood music is changing.

The images of militaries marching in royal gardens resonate with the recent ceremonial displays of hard power in Washington and Beijing. Putin standing alongside Xi no doubt disappointed Trump, who reportedly tried to ally with Russia to balance the power of China. He was explicit on that at Chequers. Trump feels “let down” by Putin.

The progressive side of UK foreign policy thinking hopes this now means Trump will be more committed to Ukraine and the liberal principle of national self-determination. But perhaps the wider implication of these discordant notes is that “the special relationship” is being reimagined as a focal point in an international order of competing power blocks. This state visit may indeed come to symbolise the retreat of the liberal international order.

The Conversation

Jason Ralph has previously received funding from UK Research Councils and the European Union. He is a member of the Labour Party.

– ref. Trump state visit: behind talk of harmony there are notes of discord – https://theconversation.com/trump-state-visit-behind-talk-of-harmony-there-are-notes-of-discord-265519

The Long Walk: a brutal, brilliant film about suffering in the name of patriotism

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matt Jacobsen, Senior Lecturer in Film History in the School of Society and Environment, Queen Mary University of London

The Long Walk is one of several high-profile film adaptations of Stephen King’s lesser-known works to be released this year, coming out just after The Life of Chuck.

Director Francis Lawrence’s film is adapted from the novella written while the author was at university in the late 1960s – a story wasn’t published until 1979. It was, however, released under the pseudonym Richard Bachman, which King reserved for some of his most unflinching and hard-edged writing.

The setting for this violent thriller is an alternative America in the 1970s, which has suffered economic decline in the aftermath of an unspecified war. A group of 50 young men have been called up to compete in a televised contest, which is intended to inspire patriotism and work ethic among the destitute populace. The rules they must walk continuously at a speed above 3mph, with the threat of execution if any fall behind.

King’s novella is an antecedent to Suzanne Collins’s Hunger Games and Takami Koushun’s Battle Royale, both made into successful films. Like The Long Walk, these stories depict a nation whose rulers have gamified and made spectacle the suffering of young people with the aim of encouraging a productive, obedient populace.

Written as an angry response to the Vietnam draft, in The Long Walk, young men must suffer for nationalist ideology. The impact of the Vietnam war on men of King’s generation – he was declared physically unfit for service – resonates throughout his early fiction.

It’s a brilliant choice to distil in this film many of the familiar tropes of the Vietnam movie, here inverted to have the US, not Asia, as the inhospitable, dark and violent environment that is deadly to the young men. Their continuous march feels strangely reminiscent of GIs trudging through Vietnam in films such as Full Metal Jacket or Platoon.

The essence of the film is in the relationship between protagonist Ray Garraty (Cooper Hoffman) and his competitor, Peter McVries (David Jonsson). With its focus on young male friendship, The Long Walk shares DNA with Stand by Me, Rob Reiner’s adaptation of King’s other story The Body.

Like Stand by Me, this film is about male bodily experience, particularly bodies made vulnerable through exertion. At first it mines scatalogical humour like the contestants questioning how to urinate while walking, to gross-out comedy around a contestant with diarrhoea, which later turns horrifying, humiliating and tragic.

This is an interesting film for its release at a time of debate around the activities and values of young men, incel culture and secret online lives, embodied by stories like Netflix’s Adolescence.

In The Long Walk, young men are capable of acts of kindness and generosity, they display vulnerability openly and support each other through struggle. Through playful dialogue and the boys’ wit and tenderness in the face of violence, the film successfully connects us to its characters and renders many of the inevitable and gory deaths horribly poignant.

The Long Walk is clear and overt in its criticism of American cultural experience and political stagnation. Mark Hamill, once the figurehead of youth rebellion in Star Wars, is brilliantly cast against type as the jingoistic Major, who barks like a drill sergeant at the boys. The core values they need, according to the Major’s pro-America creed, are “determination, pride and ambition”.




Read more:
The Life of Chuck: Stephen King adaptation celebrates the richness of ordinary life


The film presents a grim vision of the US that is far from the promise of the American Dream. The boy are taken along hundreds of miles of perpetually overcast rural American landscape that is desolate and “one big pile of litter”, as Garraty remarks early on.

Kings prose is sparse, heavy on dialogue and light on description. But here, in this richly shot film, we are continually shown drab depictions of American life: sprawling cornfields, dilapidated industrial buildings, rusted locomotives creaking along tracks, all imbued with the sense that the machinery of the country has ground to a halt. As the boys trudge on, increasingly ragged and physically traumatised, the Major rants obliviously “Where else in the world could you have this opportunity? Nowhere!”

Some of the imagery used to deliver this critique is a little heavy-handed: a flaming Cadillac and a trio of distressed horses galloping behind a barbed wire fence. But the film commits admirably to its presentation of a disturbingly apocalyptic US.

King’s fiction draws criticism for lack of female perspective and it’s an interesting choice that the film keeps this a contest open exclusively to young men. Like Stand by Me and the beloved Shawshank Redemption, this is a story of men bonding without women.

A female perspective is offered in a tokenistic form through brief scenes of Garraty’s idealised mother (Judy Greer), distraught but dignified as her son volunteers. It’s also curious that, like Shawshank, this film focuses on the platonic bond between a white man and a black man while race, – especially the dynamics of race within a military and white supremacist dictatorship – is not mentioned even in passing.

For their core differences in plot and resolution, both King’s story and this excellent film adaptation share in their final moments an ambiguity as to whether nationalist doctrine can be resisted and oppressive systems overthrown. Peter MrVries, the most obviously critically illuminated member of the walking party, comments at one point on the deep-seated conditioning to which the walkers and the rest of the country are subjected.

King’s bleak text is youthfully pessimistic and steeped in the despondent nihilism of the period in which it was written. This bracing, emotionally affecting film is rather more galvanising. It does go some way towards imagining the means of rebellion in the hands of the nation’s youth – even if it doesn’t commit outright to the view that there is power in acts of resistance.

The Long Walk is a brutal, brilliant film that stands among the best adaptations of Stephen King’s work.


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The Conversation

Matt Jacobsen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Long Walk: a brutal, brilliant film about suffering in the name of patriotism – https://theconversation.com/the-long-walk-a-brutal-brilliant-film-about-suffering-in-the-name-of-patriotism-265615

Concussion, identity loss, depression: boxing’s toughest opponent isn’t in the ring – it’s mental health

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Owton, Senior Lecturer in Sport and Exercise Psychology, The Open University

Hatton, who won 45 of his 48 professional bouts across an esteemed 15-year career, last fought professionally in 2012. Go My Media/Shutterstock

Ricky Hatton’s death has reignited an all-too-familiar conversation about mental health in sport. Hatton had spoken openly about his long battle with depression, as well as the drug and alcohol addiction that began after his 2007 defeat to Floyd Mayweather.

Research shows that how a boxer thinks – their beliefs about success, identity and failure – can become harmful in the high-stakes context of the sport. The perfectionism and “must-win” mindset mean even a single loss can feel catastrophic.

The constant pressure of “winning at all costs” has negative consequences: for some, losing a fight is not just a professional setback but an identity crisis, laced with shame, guilt and a sense of personal failure.

This danger is especially acute for fighters who rise from humble beginnings to fame and glory. For a boxer, the fear of irrelevance or of being forgotten can trigger depression, anxiety and despair. When vulnerability is seen as weakness, many simply bottle up their emotions, compounding their internal struggle.

Hatton himself acknowledged in 2020 that mental-health problems are widespread in boxing. The sport is brutal by design, subjecting fighters to repeated blunt-force trauma to the head and body. Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is an accepted risk.

This trauma has been linked to a wide range of acute, subacute and chronic neurological and psychological complications, such as concussion, post-concussion syndrome (when the symptoms of a concussion don’t fade after the usual recovery period but linger for months or even longer), depression, anxiety, cognitive decline and movement disorders, and in some tragic cases even death in the ring.

Repetitive TBI is associated with chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE), a progressive disease once colloquially known as “being punch drunk”. CTE affects memory, mood and behaviour and is among boxing’s most severe long-term health risks.




Read more:
How routine sparring can cause short-term impairment to boxers’ brains


While head trauma is a physical injury, its impact on mental health is profound. Damage to the brain can impair emotional regulation, increase impulsivity and heighten vulnerability to depression and suicidal thoughts. Yet for all this risk, boxing offers very few long-term support systems – something Hatton himself criticised.

Outside the ring, boxers face other pressures that rarely make headlines. The extreme weight cuts required for competition can alter brain chemistry and destabilise mood. The punishing solitude of training camps and the stress of maintaining a public persona feed into chronic stress.




Read more:
Families of athletes with dementia linked to brain trauma on watching somebody you love disappear – Uncharted Brain podcast part 2


Then there is the challenge of early retirement. Most athletes have a short competitive life, often retiring in their thirties – a transition many struggle with. Instead of relief, retirement can be a rupture: daily structure disappears, the roar of the crowd fades and with it the sense of purpose, identity and belonging.

With their athletic identities tied so closely to performance and public image, stepping away can feel like vanishing. Many athletes retire without financial security, career direction or a support network, leaving them exposed to loneliness and psychological decline.

Boxing has long offered a ladder out of working-class hardship to fame, fortune and respect. Hatton, like Tyson Fury and Frank Bruno, rose from humble beginnings to become a world champion and national hero.

But the climb from gritty local gyms to Las Vegas spotlights can be steep – and the fall steeper still. The gulf between where fighters start and where they end up can create a deep sense of dislocation. For working-class athletes, the pressure to stay strong, stoic and successful, even when struggling inside, can be overwhelming.

This is intensified by boxing’s enduring culture of hyper-masculinity. The “show no weakness” mentality may breed champions in the ring, but it can be deadly outside it. The sport’s traditional ethos – resilience, toughness, silence – often prevents fighters from seeking help. The stigma around mental health means many endure private battles in silence, where loneliness prevails.

The sport teaches resilience, emotional control, body awareness, the physical self-control that comes from disciplined training, mental focus and self-belief. For some, boxing gyms are sanctuaries that offer structure, mentorship and a reinvention of the self, especially for those overlooked or underestimated by society. But the sport also reveals the danger of fighting your battles alone.




Read more:
Boxing empowered me to express my trauma – now, I help other abuse survivors do the same, combining it with creative writing


The challenge now is to shift boxing’s culture so that vulnerability weighs as much as valour and to ensure support doesn’t end when the final bell sounds. Initiatives such as The Frank Bruno Foundation offer rare lifelines. Founded after heavyweight champion Bruno’s public battle with bipolar disorder, the foundation uses non-contact boxing and wellbeing programmes to show that true strength also means seeking help.

England’s Box In Mind, backed by Great Britain boxer Jordan Reynolds, who has spoken openly about his own mental-health struggles, urges others not to suffer in silence.

After news of Ricky Hatton’s death, Chris Eubank Snr urged the boxing industry to “look after their fighters”. With proper mental-health support, medical screening, career-transition programmes and open conversations about emotional wellbeing, boxing can continue to transform lives long after fighters hang up their gloves. Winning at all costs should never mean losing yourself outside the ring.

The Conversation

Helen Owton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Concussion, identity loss, depression: boxing’s toughest opponent isn’t in the ring – it’s mental health – https://theconversation.com/concussion-identity-loss-depression-boxings-toughest-opponent-isnt-in-the-ring-its-mental-health-265317

Can the UK fast-track nuclear power without cutting corners on safety?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Haynes, Lecturer in Nuclear Engineering, University of East Anglia

Before the pomp of President Trump’s state visit to the UK, Washington and London announced a series of collaborations on nuclear research and regulation. A reminder to cynics that perhaps these events have some substance.

Britain is already undergoing a nuclear revival. Large power stations are under construction (albeit much delayed) at Sizewell in Suffolk and Hinkley Point in Somerset. Rolls Royce has been confirmed as the supplier for a fleet of small modular reactors (SMRs). These reactors use similar technology to the big power plants, but with all components designed to fit into a single container.

Now, as part of the US-UK deal, we can add proposals to build 12 advanced modular reactors (AMRs), using fundamentally different technology, in Hartlepool.

The UK’s nuclear regulator is therefore being asked to consider radically different designs on a scale and pace never before seen. That’s partly why, as part of the deal, the two countries have agreed to accept each other’s safety checks. The government claims this will “halve the time for a nuclear project to be licensed”. The question is whether this can be done as safely.

Two large cooling towers
With four reactors, Plant Vogtle in Georgia is the largest nuclear power plant in the US.
PrasitRodphan / shutterstock

The US and UK take fundamentally different approaches to nuclear regulation.

The US’s Nuclear Regulation Commission (NRC) takes a “prescriptive” approach. It sets detailed rules based on its own research and enforces them directly.

Like police setting speed limits, the regulator decides the standards and then ensures nuclear operators meet them. If an accident happens, operators can point to meeting every requirement as evidence they followed the rules. They could even legitimately blame the regulator.

The UK’s Office for Nuclear Regulation (ONR) takes a “descriptive” approach. It sets broad standards but leaves operators to prove how they will meet them.

In road terms, the US sets the speed limit and checks drivers obey it. The UK simply says cars must stay on the road, leaving drivers to decide their own limits, prove they’re safe, and take full responsibility if they crash.

These two approaches are driven to a large extent by the two country’s history and make up of their nuclear industries.

The US has a few standard reactor designs, many operators, and vast federal research labs. The UK has fewer, often state-owned (or foreign state-owned) operators running bespoke reactors fleets, with in-house expertise.

The result is that the US’s regulator – the NRC – is large, well-funded, and deeply involved in design and research. The UK equivalent – the ONR – is smaller and focused on critically reviewing the judgement and processes of the operators.

Both systems have worked well. Nuclear regulation and the associated safety record in both countries is regarded as being among the best in the world.

Why collaboration now matters

A sudden surge of new nuclear in the UK would make closer alignment with US regulators more attractive. If the US has already assessed a proposed power plant design, the UK regulator could potentially rely on that evidence rather than duplicate the work. This would avoid bottlenecks and speed up approvals.

The aviation sector already does something similar. Aircraft are certified by either the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) or the European Union Aviation Safety Authority (EASA), with airlines around the world trusting those approvals.

There is a strong element of reciprocity, driven by the need for aircraft to fly from one nation to another. The approach makes sense, as it would be absurd for every airline or national regulator to retest the same Airbus wing. Nuclear power, some argue, should move in this direction.

The risk of imported risk

But there are dangers in relying too heavily on foreign regulators. The Boeing 737-Max scandal, in which software error caused two near-identical accidents and left 346 dead, exposed the need to get regulation right. Political pressure and weak oversight at the FAA contributed to design flaws being missed. If the UK simply rubber-stamped US approvals, it could import these risks too.

The nuclear industry has an extra history of mistrust. The US’s 1946 McMahon Act restricted the sharing of nuclear data between the US and UK, and a number of British spies were exposed in the US. Civilian and military technologies overlap, and there is a desire to prevent nuclear proliferation.

So while UK-US collaboration could boost Britain’s nuclear industry and accelerate the path to low-carbon energy, independence and transparency will be essential. Any perception of corner cutting or transatlantic political interference could undermine public trust and derail Britain’s nuclear ambitions.


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The Conversation

Thomas Haynes receives funding from Department for Energy Security & Net Zero and the UK Atomic Energy Authority. He is affiliated with the Nuclear Institute.

– ref. Can the UK fast-track nuclear power without cutting corners on safety? – https://theconversation.com/can-the-uk-fast-track-nuclear-power-without-cutting-corners-on-safety-265614

A volcano or a meteorite? New evidence sheds light on puzzling discovery in Greenland’s ice sheet

Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Baldini, Professor in Earth Sciences, Durham University

Buried deep in Greenland’s ice sheet lies a puzzling chemical signature that has sparked intense scientific debate. A sharp spike in platinum concentrations, discovered in an ice core (a cylinder of ice drilled out of ice sheets and glaciers) and dated to around 12,800 years ago, has provided support for a hypothesis that the Earth was struck by an exotic meteorite or comet at that time.

Our new research offers a much more mundane explanation: this mystery platinum signature may have originated from a volcanic fissure eruption in Iceland, not space.

The timing matters. The platinum spike occurs near the beginning of our planet’s last great cold period, the Younger Dryas Event. This lasted from about 12,870 to 11,700 years ago and saw temperatures plummet across the northern hemisphere.

This happened just as the planet had actually been warming up from the last ice age. Understanding what triggered this cold snap could help us understand how Earth’s climate may change in the future.

We propose that this icy phase in Earth’s climatic history was in fact caused either by a large volcanic eruption in Germany or by the eruption of an unknown volcano.

A climate mystery

Ice cores show that during the millennium-long Younger Dryas Event, temperatures across Greenland dropped to more than 15°C colder than they are today. Europe returned to near glacial conditions, with tundra replacing forests that had begun to flourish. Low-latitude rainbelts shifted to the south.

The traditionally accepted explanation involves a massive release of freshwater from melting North American ice sheets. This freshwater pulse disrupted the ocean circulation, affecting temperatures. However, other researchers have proposed that the event was triggered by a comet or asteroid impact over North America.

In 2013, researchers analysing ice cores drilled as part of the Greenland Ice Sheet Project (GISP2) discovered platinum concentrations that were well above normal levels. The ratio of platinum to a radioactive element called iridium was also unusual because space rocks usually have high levels of iridium, while the ice core spike does not. The ice core signature was very different from anything seen in known meteorites or volcanic rocks.

The authors of the space impact paper suggested that perhaps the unusual ice chemistry reflected the impact of an unusual asteroid made up of iron.

A subsequent paper proposed that the ice chemistry could reflect the German
Laacher See volcanic eruption, which had an unusual geochemistry and occurred around that time. To test this idea, we collected and analysed 17 samples of volcanic pumice from deposits left behind by the Laacher See eruption. We measured platinum, iridium, and other trace elements to create a chemical fingerprint of the eruption.

Our results were clear: the Laacher See pumices contain virtually no platinum, with concentrations below or barely at detection limits. Even though some platinum may have escaped to the atmosphere before being trapped in the rock, the eruption was clearly not the source of Greenland’s platinum spike.

Additionally, when we examined the timing carefully, using updated ice core
chronologies, we found the platinum spike actually occurred about 45 years after the Younger Dryas began – too late to have triggered the cooling.

This result was arrived at independently but was consistent with previous research finding the same thing. Importantly, the elevated platinum concentrations lasted for 14 years, suggesting a prolonged event rather than an instantaneous asteroid or comet impact.

We compared the ice core’s chemical signature with various other geological samples and found the closest match was with volcanic gas condensates (the products formed when gases released from a volcano cool from a gas to a liquid or solid state) particularly from submarine volcanoes.

Iceland’s volcanoes can produce fissure eruptions lasting years or even decades, matching the 14-year duration of the platinum spike. During the melting phase that preceded the Younger Dryas, Iceland’s volcanic activity increased dramatically as melting ice sheets reduced pressure on the Earth’s crust.

Crucially, submarine or subglacial eruptions interact with water in ways that could explain the unusual chemistry. Seawater can strip away sulphur compounds while concentrating other elements like platinum in volcanic gases. These platinum-rich gases could then travel to Greenland and be deposited on the ice sheet, explaining the odd geochemistry.

Recent research on historical Icelandic eruptions supports this mechanism. The 8th-century Katla eruption produced a 12-year spike in heavy metals like bismuth and thallium in Greenland ice cores. The 10th-century Eldgjá eruption resulted in a cadmium spike within glacial ice. Although platinum was not measured in those studies, these examples show Icelandic volcanoes regularly deliver heavy metals to the Greenland ice sheet.

Maelifell Volcano, Iceland. It is situated in the Mýrdalsjökull glacier, which covers the central part of the Katla caldera.
Research on Icelandic eruptions show that they can deliver heavy metals to the Greenland Ice Sheet.
Palmi Gudmundsson / Shutterstock

A smoking gun?

Because of the chronological mismatch, whatever mechanism was responsible for the platinum spike didn’t trigger the Younger Dryas. Our research does, however, highlight previous results showing a massive volcanic sulphate spike in multiple ice cores coinciding precisely with the onset of cooling 12,870 years ago.

This eruption, whether from the Laacher See eruption or an unknown volcano, injected enough sulphur into the atmosphere to rival the largest eruptions in recorded history. Volcanic eruptions can trigger cooling by releasing sulphur into the stratosphere, reflecting incoming sunlight and potentially setting off a cascade of positive feedbacks including sea ice expansion, changed wind patterns and disruption of ocean currents, though future research needs to explore this further.

The substantial volcanic forcing around the Younger Dryas onset – a time when climate was already sitting between a glacial and an interglacial (the periods between cold snaps) – may have provided the nudge that tipped Earth’s climate back into a cold state.

It is important to note that our research focused on the platinum spike and did not consider other evidence, such as spherules (spherical fragments of melted rock) and black mats (mysterious dark layers in soil), for an extraterrestrial impact. That said, based on our analysis of the new results and existing data, a large northern hemispheric volcanic eruption seems to be the most straightforward explanation for the Younger Dryas Event.

Understanding past climate triggers is vital for anticipating what lies ahead. Although the chance of a large meteorite impact or volcanic eruption in any given year is low, such events are virtually certain to occur eventually. Knowing how Earth’s climate responded in the past is therefore crucial for preparing for the consequences of the next major event.

The Conversation

James Baldini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A volcano or a meteorite? New evidence sheds light on puzzling discovery in Greenland’s ice sheet – https://theconversation.com/a-volcano-or-a-meteorite-new-evidence-sheds-light-on-puzzling-discovery-in-greenlands-ice-sheet-265257

Climate change, through your own memories

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, The Conversation

This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage was first published in our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter, Imagine.


Two weeks ago we asked our Imagine newsletter subscribers: what climate-related changes have you noticed in your lifetime? We wanted anecdotes, not data.

We received dozens of vivid and often rather moving memories. A big thank you to everyone who contributed.

A few themes stand out, which we’ll illustrate with your words alongside expert analysis from The Conversation.

1. The loss of cold winters

“My father was at university in Cambridge during world war two – he was in the university’s ice hockey team, which practised on the Fens whenever they froze over – there was no need of an indoor ice stadium then!” – Hazel Agnew

“The frost would penetrate 20cm into the ground … such hard frosts are a distant memory.” — Graeme Brown

“I grew up in Hertfordshire. When young, it snowed well every winter, with some drifts above my head. Nowadays, [300 miles north, near Newcastle] we are lucky to see an inch of snow.” – Alan Page

Recollections like these are echoed by many of you: frosts that needed scraping off the windows, head height snowdrifts, frozen puddles to smash through. These are no longer shared, common experiences in the UK.

Scientists studying the UK climate confirm there has been a strong drop in frost and snow days in recent decades. In fact, winter is warming faster than any other season. That’s according to a team of climate scientists from the University of Bristol who we asked to investigate the decline in snow days.

A fast changing climate is more volatile, and there’s always a chance of a “Beast from the East”. But, they point out, “disruptions [like these outlier blizzards] that do occur sit on top of increasing background temperatures, reducing the likelihood of the cold spells that bring widespread snowfall.”




Read more:
Why snow days are becoming increasingly rare in the UK


2. Shifting seasons

“There was snow on the ground when I went into hospital in Chelmsford, Essex, to have my first baby on April 18, 1969. The daffodils were finally in bloom when I took him home on May 1. Daffodils are always over several weeks earlier than that now” – Jill Bruce

“Often we’d come back over to Britain [from Trinidad & Tobago] in the height of either summer, or winter for Christmas … Part of why we would come back was the UK had seasons, now we just get nine months of cool to warm drizzle then summers on fire!” – Dean Hill

We have published a lot on seasonal breakdown over the years. Academics have looked at unusual midsummer storms, leaves that linger through autumn,
why April showers are becoming more intense and how that has delayed the annual arrival of swifts.

For more stories like these, check out our series Wild Seasons.

3. Wildlife disappearing

“As a young man driving around the West Country in the summer months in the mid-80s, I would have to stop and scrape a thick layer of dead insects off the windscreen at least once on every journey. Today my windscreen is bug-free for hundreds of miles.” — Steve Tooze

“When I was young every buddleia bush was covered in butterflies during the summer, and I mean covered. We had large flocks of starlings and sparrows on the lawn in our garden during winter. My mother still lives in the same house. She does not see any butterflies on her buddleia now, and no starlings for years, but a very occasional sparrow.” – Andrew Strong

“You hardly see hedgehogs anymore … there have not been any blackbirds or thrushes for even longer.” — Claire Bristol

You told us again and again about butterflies, bees, moths and wasps – once abundant, now rare. You remembered birdsong and hedgerows teeming with life. Small mammals that once wandered quietly through gardens.

Research confirms there has indeed been a steep decline in insect biomass and species diversity. In 2022, for instance, Tim Newbold and Charlotte Outhwaite of UCL wrote about their research which found climate change has triggered a global collapse in insect numbers.

They stress there are winners as well as losers. Freshwater insects are recovering in the UK, for instance. But they say that insects are facing an unprecedented threat due to the “twin horsemen” of climate change and habitat loss, which “do not work in isolation”. “Habitat loss can add to the effects of climate change by limiting available shade, for example, leading to even warmer temperatures in these vulnerable areas.”




Read more:
Climate change triggering global collapse in insect numbers: stressed farmland shows 63% decline – new research


This loss goes far beyond insects: the UK is widely regarded as one of the world’s most nature-depleted countries. Richard Gregory, also of UCL, has written about research showing that one in six UK species are threatened with extinction. “Climate change,” he writes, “is among the biggest threats to wildlife in all ecosystems.”

4. A positive change: less pollution?

“The leaves of evergreens were coated with soot, but there were still sparrows. When I first saw a laurel in the countryside, I had to be told what it was, because I didn’t know it with its clean and shiny leaves.

“Pollution was very visible. Hair brushes and combs had to be frequently washed due to the soot on your hair.” – Carole Hegedus

Let’s end on a more positive note. Carole is a few decades older than me and grew up in the same area of London as I did. Yet I recognise none of this. By the 1990s, the coal power stations and factories that once coated the city in soot were long gone. One power station is now a world-famous art gallery. Another is a more controversial shopping centre.

But let’s not rest on our laurels. In a piece marking 70 years since London’s “great smog”, Suzanne Bartington and William Bloss of the University of Birmingham note: “Poor air quality still contributes to somewhere between 26,000 and 38,000 early deaths each year in the UK.” The days of thick smog clouds may be largely behind us (in the UK at least), but Bartington and Bloss warn that “health harms exist even at low pollutant levels and that there is no ‘safe’ level of exposure to PM2.5” (tiny particles invisible to the human eye).

Thank you again for sending such interesting recollections and I’m sorry we couldn’t feature all of them.

I hope this illustrates that the story of climate change isn’t just written in graphs and data, it’s also in frozen puddles, vanishing butterflies and February daffodils.


This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage comes from our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed.


The Conversation

– ref. Climate change, through your own memories – https://theconversation.com/climate-change-through-your-own-memories-265514

How fraudsters are trying to dupe the UK’s basmati rice lovers

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katherine Steele, Senior Lecturer in Sustainable Crop Production, Bangor University

Many Brits enjoy a curry served with a heap of fluffy white basmati rice, its delicate aroma balancing the heat of the dish. But few stop to think about the grain’s long journey. From the paddy fields of India and Pakistan, through regional markets and rice mills, then matured for a year in silos before being shipped in bulk to the UK.

It then passes through one of the country’s 16 processing sites before reaching supermarket shelves. The UK imports around 250,000 tonnes of basmati rice every year – making it one of the world’s biggest markets.

This summer, consumers got a glimpse of what happens when that supply chain goes wrong. Four people were arrested in late July after investigators found substandard rice being passed off as a well-known basmati brand.

The National Food Crime Unit uncovered the fraud when tests showed the wrong type of rice inside premium-brand packets. The operation began in Leicester, where police arrested a man suspected of repackaging ordinary rice into counterfeit basmati bags. Three more arrests followed in London.

Basmati is a prestigious grain, prized for its nutty flavour and popcorn-like aroma. Alongside jasmine from Thailand and Italy’s arborio, it sits at the top of the speciality rice market. When shoppers buy a packet of basmati, they expect quality. If it falls short, they may feel cheated and think twice about buying that brand again.

To prevent this, the UK operates strict rules under the basmati code of practice. The code sets out which varieties can legally be called basmati, how they may be blended and what level of non-basmati grain is tolerated.

There must not be more than 7% of another rice variety in a packet. It’s a figure reduced from 20% two decades ago, but which cannot be lowered further because of the realities of handling multiple varieties in large mills.

This code was agreed by the Rice Association and the British Retail Association, and it applies across Europe. When exporters in India and Pakistan develop new basmati varieties, samples are sent to the Rice Association in London for approval.

An important tool in enforcing these rules is DNA testing. Every grain carries a genetic fingerprint that can confirm whether it belongs to one of the approved basmati varieties.

Public analyst laboratories regularly test shipments entering the UK and EU. The Food Standards Agency (FSA) also runs an annual survey of basmati products bought at random from retailers.

The current DNA test for basmati authentication was developed through collaboration between my colleagues and me at Bangor University, the FSA and public analysts.

Katherine Steele wearing a white lab coat in a laboratory with scientific instruments.
Katherine Steele in the laboratory.
Bangor University, CC BY

We profiled hundreds of rice varieties and continue to refine the markers used to identify basmati. Before the method was approved, our team ran blind tests of results from known spiked mixtures of grains across different laboratories to ensure reliable results.

An age-old problem with modern costs

Food fraud is nothing new. For centuries, unscrupulous traders have substituted cheaper goods or mislabelled products.

While swapping rice is less harmful than adulterating food with toxic substances, it still matters. Consumers resent being duped, brands suffer reputational damage and companies that play by the rules lose out. The stakes are high because the UK rice industry is worth close to £1 billion a year.

There are points of vulnerability every time the grains get passed from one trader to the next. We can’t assume it all happens overseas. Economic pressures may be making the problem worse. As the UK experiences sluggish economic growth, opportunities for food crime may be increasing.

Counterfeiting is easier to identify using DNA testing than when known mixtures of varieties are introduced further up the food chain. It is probable that some of the less well-known brands of rice sold in the UK may contain varieties that are not listed in the basmati code of practice. These could easily slip through the DNA test because complex mixtures can be made to contain all the right molecular signatures.

Even so, food sold in the UK is among the most closely regulated in the world because of the work done by the FSA. Their National Food Crime unit leads the fight against food crime as exemplified by the recent case of the counterfeit basmati, but consumers must be vigilant because there are still fraudsters about. This can include being wary of poorly printed packaging labels, misspellings, broken seals and unusual pricing. Because if the price seems too good to be true, it probably is.

The Conversation

Katherine Steele receives funding from UKRI, DEFRA and Food Standards Agency.

– ref. How fraudsters are trying to dupe the UK’s basmati rice lovers – https://theconversation.com/how-fraudsters-are-trying-to-dupe-the-uks-basmati-rice-lovers-264146

Carla Simón: un canto de amor contra la muerte

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Shaila García Catalán, Profesora Titular de Comunicación Audiovisual, Universitat Jaume I

Fotograma de _Romería_, de Carla Simón. FilmAffinity

La obra de la cineasta española Carla Simón es un dolor iluminado. Su cámara recoge el tiempo del verano, huele a melocotones y a mar. En su cine se mece el viento, acampa el sonido de las cigarras, los rezos de los padrenuestros, las verbenas de las fiestas populares y el tintineo de los móviles de alabastro. Huyen los gatos y las liebres. Sorprenden los delfines o las risas improvisadas de sus actores naturales.

Las muertes del padre y la madre de la cineasta por el sida cuando era pequeña parecen haberle dejado un ovillo de preguntas que va deshilvanando a lo largo de su filmografía. Carla Simón lamenta haber heredado muy poco archivo familiar: de su padre conserva algunos súper 8; de su madre un vídeo, fotos y cartas.

Por ello, dice, imagina alto. Cortometraje a cortometraje, película a película, va atravesando un proceso de duelo a través del amor a la familia y al cine. En su travesía, trata de reconstruir la historia de sus padres para preguntarse por su lugar en el mundo y situar en el origen el deseo vivo en ellos. Realiza una investigación poética rodeándose de grandes familias alrededor de una mesa entre malentendidos, canciones y secretos. Su obra es un imposible ejercicio de memoria, un trabajo contra la muerte.

Después del fallecimiento de su abuelo filmó Lipstick (2013), un corto sobre dos niños que asisten, sin saberlo, a la muerte de su abuela. En 2015 rodó Llacunes, en el que la cineasta lee las cartas de su madre mientras filma los lugares donde ella los escribió. El propio título sugiere las lagunas que ella encuentra en el saber pues, en su búsqueda de la verdad, esta hace aguas.

Imagen de la ría de Vigo.
Carla Simón lee las cartas de su madre en Llacunes (2015) sobre el mar de Vigo.
Inicia Films

Investigar, llorar

En Verano 1993 (Estiu 1993, 2017), su primer largometraje, despliega las preguntas sobre la muerte de su madre. La historia narra el primer verano tras la adopción de una niña, Frida, por parte de sus tíos después del fallecimiento de sus padres. La pequeña se sitúa debajo de la mesa para escuchar qué dicen los adultos, trata de cazar frases sueltas. Pregunta a su tía por qué no estuvo presente cuando su madre murió, y la busca en la noche, pero solo encuentra silencio. El cielo de Verano 1993 solo devuelve truenos y oscuridad. Sin embargo, Frida se refugia en la luz.

El deseo de Carla Simón como cineasta parece condensarse en la escena en la que Frida entretiene su soledad regulando la luz del butano. Jugar a controlar la luz le permite ensayar la ausencia, hacerla soportable. Así, poco a poco, Frida va elaborando su duelo y, puede, por fin, llorar.

Una mujer joven le indica algo a una niña sentada en un banco.
Carla Simón dirige a Laia Artigas, que interpreta a Frida, en Verano 1993.
FilmAffinity

Dos años más tarde, en el corto Después también (2019) Carla Simón trata de desestigmatizar el sida mostrando cómo el diagnóstico del VIH puede llevar a un primer tiempo de perplejidad y silencio pero, con información, conversación y amor, no es obstáculo para que dos cuerpos puedan encontrarse.

Tras la muerte de su última abuela, Carla Simón firma junto a Dominga Sotomayor Correspondencia (2020), cortometraje en el que filma el vaciamiento de la casa de la anciana mientras habla sobre su deseo de maternidad y se busca entre dos madres: “Mi madre biológica me dio la genética. Mi madre adoptiva me dio la educación. No sé qué partes de mí son de una o de la otra”.

Esto la lleva a querer filmar a su familia materna en Alcarràs (2022), película que comienza a escribir después de que fallezca su abuelo, en gratitud hacia el valor de su legado.

Cantar

Alcarràs, la historia de la última cosecha de un campo de melocotoneros, es una obra coral sobre la familia, la herencia y un sistema de vida en desaparición. Sin embargo, entre todos los puntos de vista del relato, destaca el brillo de la mirada de la joven Mariona, que escucha desde los umbrales retratando la curiosidad de la propia Simón.

En Correspondencia la familia materna de Carla le decía: “Cantar, cantaremos. Siempre cantaremos”. En Alcarràs, aunque un viejo contrato de palabra entre dos familias no sirve y obliga a los protagonistas a abandonar su modo de ganarse la vida, las canciones aparecen una y otra vez en el relato para recordar el valor de la transmisión y los vínculos, la presencia de la memoria hacia los muertos en la guerra civil española y un amor a la tierra que todavía no está perdido.

Una adolescente y un anciano observan algo fuera de cambo.
Mariona en Alcarràs junto a su abuelo.
FilmAffinity

Tras el estreno de Alcarràs, Carla Simón se convirtió en madre por primera vez. En el cortometraje Carta a mi madre para mi hijo (2022) visita la tumba de su progenitora e imagina un encuentro con ella. Carla le confiesa: “Creo que hago cine para poder inventarte e inventarme”. Recoge imágenes de su parto –un dolor ligado a la vida– y presenta a su hijo Manel.

Inventar, registrar

El verano de 2024 Carla Simón rodó Romería (2025), película en la que retrata a su última familia a propósito del viaje en el que Marina –véase el parecido del nombre con Mariona– va a Vigo tras cumplir 18 años a conocer a su familia paterna. Las cartas de la madre que Carla leía en Llacunes se convierten aquí en su diario, un documento al que la joven va poniendo imágenes.

Una chica en una barca en medio de una ría.
Marina lee los diarios de su madre en Romería (2025) sobre el mar de Vigo.
FilmAffinity

La protagonista parece continuar las preguntas de Frida, pero siempre se encuentra con un baile de fechas como respuesta y queda frustrada. Ante la imposibilidad de conocer la verdad sobre la historia de sus padres, los revive en su imaginación, pues ese es el material con el que se teje la memoria.

Pero Marina no se queda en las fantasías, sino que sabe salir de ellas para reclamar el reconocimiento de su linaje, algo íntimamente ligado a su deseo. Así, pide que se rectifique el registro civil de la defunción de su padre para poder nombrar el sida como la causa de su muerte, para quedar inscrita como su hija y para, así, poder obtener una beca para estudiar cine. Es decir, para registrar, inventar, hacer de su mirada curiosa un oficio. Tras espigar hermosas imágenes y poner justas palabras que nombran los misterios de su historia ella puede enunciar, en la última secuencia, un vivaz “yo grabo”.

Antes de su estreno en cines, Carla Simón presentó Romería en el Festival de Cannes embarazada de 8 meses de su segunda hija y abrazada por los aplausos de reconocimiento hacia su singularidad. Su obra es un salto de la investigación a la invención y de la invención a la inscripción de su nombre propio como cineasta.

The Conversation

Shaila García Catalán no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Carla Simón: un canto de amor contra la muerte – https://theconversation.com/carla-simon-un-canto-de-amor-contra-la-muerte-265332

¿Por qué han callado históricamente los países árabes sobre Gaza y siguen sin darle apoyo?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Armando Alvares Garcia Júnior, Professor de Direito Internacional, Relações Internacionais e Geopolítica/Geoeconomia, UNIR – Universidad Internacional de La Rioja

Abdul Fatah al-Sisi, presidente de Egipto, interviene en la cumbre árabe-islámica convocada de urgencia en Doha tras la acción militar de Israel en Catar el pasado 9 de septiembre. Yusron Motret/Shutterstock

El 16 de septiembre de 2025, la Comisión Independiente de Investigación de la ONU sobre los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados publicó un informe histórico que acusa a Israel de cometer genocidio en Gaza. El documento, elaborado durante más de dos años, concluye que el gobierno israelí ha incurrido en cuatro de los cinco actos tipificados en la Convención para la Prevención y Sanción del Delito de Genocidio de 1948:

  • Asesinatos masivos.

  • Daños físicos y psicológicos graves.

  • Imposición deliberada de condiciones de vida destinadas a destruir parcial o totalmente a un grupo.

  • Medidas para impedir nacimientos.

La comisión atribuye responsabilidad directa a figuras como el primer ministro Benjamin Netanyahu, el presidente Isaac Herzog y el exministro de Defensa Yoav Gallant, a quienes acusa de incitación y dirección política de estas acciones.

El informe documenta la magnitud de la tragedia humanitaria. En menos de dos años de ofensiva israelí, más de 64 000 palestinos han muerto, según algunas estimaciones, la mayoría civiles (siendo de estos una gran proporción constituida por mujeres y menores de edad). Mientras, cientos de miles se enfrentan a una hambruna provocada por el bloqueo total impuesto sobre el enclave.

Naciones Unidas describe la situación como “catastrófica”, subrayando que hospitales, escuelas y otras infraestructuras esenciales han sido destruidas de manera sistemática.

Doha: el bombardeo contra líderes de Hamás

En paralelo a la publicación del informe, el 9 de septiembre de 2025 se produjo un bombardeo israelí en Doha, capital de Catar, dirigido contra la cúpula política de Hamás. Según confirmaron fuentes militares israelíes, el ataque se realizó para eliminar a líderes de la organización que se encontraban reunidos para debatir una propuesta de alto el fuego. Al menos seis personas murieron, entre ellas un policía catarí, y varios edificios diplomáticos resultaron dañados. Catar denunció el hecho como una violación grave de su soberanía y lo calificó como “terrorismo de Estado”.

El ataque desencadenó la convocatoria urgente de una cumbre árabe-islámica en Doha con la participación de más de 50 países, incluidos los 22 miembros de la Liga Árabe y los 57 de la Organización de Cooperación Islámica.

Durante tres días, los ministros de Exteriores y jefes de Estado debatieron una respuesta coordinada. El resultado fue una declaración conjunta que condena el bombardeo, acusa a Israel de genocidio, limpieza étnica y uso del hambre como arma de guerra y alerta sobre la expansión de asentamientos en Cisjordania. El texto también reafirma la necesidad de una “seguridad compartida” en la región.

Pese a la contundencia de la retórica, la declaración no incluyó sanciones concretas ni medidas coercitivas. Propuestas como el cierre del espacio aéreo a aviones israelíes, la suspensión de acuerdos militares o la ruptura diplomática con Tel Aviv fueron discutidas, pero no prosperaron.

Analistas presentes en Doha destacaron que esta falta de acciones efectivas refleja el peso de las alianzas estratégicas y comerciales que varios países árabes han desarrollado con Israel en los últimos años.

En las ofensivas posteriores –desde la Primera y Segunda Intifada hasta los bombardeos de 2009, 2014 y 2021–, la respuesta se limitó a condenas diplomáticas sin sanciones regionales estructuradas.

Una inacción repetida muchas veces

Esta inacción, de hecho, se ha repetido a lo largo de las últimas décadas en momentos críticos para Gaza y la causa palestina. Durante la Guerra de Gaza de 2008-2009, conocida como “Operación Plomo Fundido”, las divisiones internas entre los Estados árabes impidieron una respuesta coordinada, limitándose a declaraciones de condena y a cumbres que terminaron sin resultados concretos.

En 2014, tras la ofensiva israelí que dejó miles de muertos, la Comisión de Investigación de la ONU documentó graves violaciones de derechos humanos, mientras que la Liga Árabe se limitó nuevamente a pedir el fin de las hostilidades sin adoptar sanciones o medidas de presión.

Incluso en 2021, cuando la violencia escaló en Jerusalén y Gaza, las reuniones de emergencia convocadas por la Liga Árabe no pasaron de comunicados formales, evidenciando un patrón estructural de dependencia política y económica que ha reducido la capacidad de acción colectiva de la región frente a Israel.

Esta trayectoria histórica demuestra que, más allá de la retórica, la falta de mecanismos vinculantes ha perpetuado la ineficacia de las instituciones árabes a la hora de defender a Gaza.

El contexto actual refuerza esta parálisis. Desde mediados de la década de 2000, países como Arabia Saudí y Emiratos Árabes Unidos han emergido como líderes regionales, desplazando a actores históricos como Egipto, Siria o Irak. Estos nuevos liderazgos priorizan la estabilidad interna y las alianzas estratégicas con Estados Unidos frente a la confrontación directa con Israel.

Los Acuerdos de Abraham, firmados entre 2020 y 2021 por Emiratos Árabes Unidos, Bahréin, Marruecos y Sudán, consolidaron una red de cooperación militar y comercial con Tel Aviv, reduciendo el margen para medidas colectivas de presión.

Egipto ha profundizado su dependencia energética mediante contratos multimillonarios de importación de gas israelí, como el firmado en 2019 y ampliado este año, mientras controla estrictamente el paso fronterizo de Rafah para impedir el ingreso masivo de refugiados palestinos.

Arabia Saudí, aunque no ha formalizado relaciones, mantiene contactos discretos en materia de seguridad, especialmente vinculados a la contención de Irán.

La Convención de 1948 establece que todos los Estados parte tienen la obligación de prevenir y sancionar el genocidio, incluso cuando no estén directamente involucrados, lo que incluye adoptar medidas diplomáticas, económicas y judiciales para detener crímenes de esta magnitud cuando exista capacidad de influencia.

La Corte Internacional de Justicia, en su fallo de 2007 sobre el caso Bosnia y Herzegovina contra Serbia y Montenegro, estableció que la inacción puede generar responsabilidad legal internacional si un Estado pudo actuar y no lo hizo.

El bombardeo de Doha representa un punto de inflexión. Nunca antes Israel había atacado la capital de un país del Golfo protegido por un acuerdo de defensa con Estados Unidos desde 1972. Este hecho pone en duda el papel de Washington como garante de seguridad en la región y genera temores de que, sin una respuesta contundente, se establezca un precedente que permita futuras agresiones sin consecuencias diplomáticas o militares.

Palabras, pero no acciones

La cumbre de Doha se inscribe así –al menos hasta ahora– en una larga cadena de momentos en los que la solidaridad árabe con Palestina se expresó en palabras, pero no en acciones. El informe de la ONU plantea una prueba moral y política para las capitales árabes.

Si la inercia persiste, la tragedia de Gaza quedará como una herida abierta tanto para el pueblo palestino como para la legitimidad de los regímenes que, teniendo poder para actuar, eligieron el silencio. Este es el caso de la actual Unión Europea, salvo cuando se mueve tímidamente para salvar el pellejo político de la presidenta de la Comisión Europea, Ursula Von der Leyen.

The Conversation

Armando Alvares Garcia Júnior no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. ¿Por qué han callado históricamente los países árabes sobre Gaza y siguen sin darle apoyo? – https://theconversation.com/por-que-han-callado-historicamente-los-paises-arabes-sobre-gaza-y-siguen-sin-darle-apoyo-265435