Douleurs chroniques : en France, elles concerneraient plus de 23 millions de personnes et coûteraient plusieurs milliards d’euros par an

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Nicolas Authier, Professeur des universités, médecin hospitalier, Inserm 1107, CHU Clermont-Ferrand, Président de la Fondation Institut Analgesia, Université Clermont Auvergne (UCA)

En France, selon une enquête de la fondation Analgesia, 23,1 millions de personnes vivent avec des douleurs chroniques. Seul un tiers d’entre elles voit sa situation s’améliorer grâce à une prise en charge, faute de traitement adapté notamment. Un lourd fardeau qui pèse non seulement sur les individus, mais aussi sur l’ensemble de la société. Pour l’alléger, il faut faire de la lutte contre les douleurs chroniques une grande cause nationale.


Imaginez vivre avec une douleur constante, jour après jour, sans espoir de soulagement. Pour des millions de personnes en France, c’est la réalité de la douleur chronique, une expression désignant une douleur récurrente, qui persiste au-delà de trois mois consécutifs, et qui a des conséquences physiques, morales et sociales importantes.

Cette maladie invisible a un impact très important sur la qualité de vie, et représente un défi non seulement pour notre système de santé, mais aussi pour l’ensemble de la société, car ce fardeau majeur n’est pas sans conséquence sur le plan économique.

Agréée par le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche, la fondation Analgesia, à travers son Observatoire français de la douleur et des antalgiques, a réalisé en début d’année 2025, avec la société OpinionWay, une enquête nationale auprès de 11 940 personnes représentatives de la population générale française adulte.

L’objectif était d’évaluer la prévalence des douleurs chroniques en France, leur caractérisation et leurs répercussions sur leur qualité de vie. Voici ce qu’il faut en retenir.

Quatre personnes sur dix en France concernées par la douleur chronique

Contrairement à la douleur aiguë, qui a une fonction de signal d’alarme permettant de prendre les mesures nécessaires face à un événement qui représente un danger pour le corps humain (fracture, brûlure, coupure, piqûre, etc.), la douleur chronique n’a pas d’utilité. Elle présente uniquement des répercussions délétères chez le patient.

Très schématiquement, les douleurs chroniques sont fréquemment dues à un foyer douloureux dit « périphérique », car affectant le système nerveux périphérique – c’est-à-dire les parties du système nerveux situées à l’extérieur du système nerveux central, constitué par le cerveau et la moelle épinière.

Les nombreux signaux douloureux qui inondent le cerveau modifient son comportement : il y devient plus sensible (on parle de sensibilisation centrale), et leur traitement ne se fait plus correctement. Dans cette situation, la modulation de la douleur, qui passe en temps normal par des voies neurologiques dites « descendantes » (du cerveau vers la périphérie), dysfonctionne également. L’activité de l’ensemble du système nerveux se modifie, de manière persistante : tout se passe comme si au lieu d’atténuer la réponse aux signaux douloureux, cette dernière devenait plus intense.

Une douleur aiguë intense non contrôlée, une lésion nerveuse résultant d’une opération chirurgicale ou d’un traumatisme, une anxiété de fond ou une altération du sommeil consolident aussi cette sensibilisation centrale. Plusieurs mécanismes physiopathologiques peuvent expliquer l’installation de ces douleurs « maladie ».

Une lésion postopératoire peut induire une douleur neuropathique (due à un dysfonctionnement du système nerveux plutôt qu’à une stimulation des récepteurs de la douleur), une hyperexcitabilité centrale sans inflammation ou lésion évidente peut induire une fibromyalgie ou un syndrome de l’intestin irritable. Une inflammation persistante, comme dans les lésions articulaires (arthropathies) d’origine inflammatoires ou les tendinopathies (maladies douloureuses des tendons), abaisse également les seuils d’activation des récepteurs du message douloureux.

Les douleurs chroniques ont de lourdes répercussions sur les patients, puisqu’elles affectent non seulement leurs capacités physiques et mentales, mais aussi leurs vies professionnelles et familiales. Au point que certains d’entre eux, dont les douleurs sont réfractaires, c’est-à-dire rebelles à tous les traitements, en arrivent parfois à demander une assistance à mourir.

L’analyse des données recueillies par l’Observatoire français de la douleur et des antalgiques indique qu’en France, plus de 23 millions de Français, majoritairement des femmes (57 %), vivraient avec des douleurs, la plupart du temps depuis au moins trois mois.

Sur le podium des douleurs les plus fréquentes figurent les douleurs musculo-squelettiques, dont l’arthrose ou les lombalgies ; les différentes céphalées, dont les migraines ; et les douleurs abdominales, dont l’intestin irritable ou l’endométriose.

Avec un âge moyen de 46 ans, la tranche d’âge des 35-64 ans représente 51 % de la population souffrant de douleurs chroniques. Près de 36 % sont inactifs sur le plan professionnel.

Cette maladie chronique est un fardeau d’autant plus lourd qu’il est très mal pris en charge : seul un tiers des patients se dit satisfait de ses traitements.

Un défaut de prise en charge

Près d’un patient sur deux évalue l’intensité de sa douleur à 7 ou plus sur une échelle de 1 à 10, c’est-à-dire une douleur chronique sévère, et 44 % en souffrent depuis plus de trois années.

Au cours des six mois précédant la réalisation de l’enquête, moins d’un patient sur trois avait vu ses symptômes s’améliorer. Par ailleurs, plus d’un tiers des patients interrogés présentent un handicap fonctionnel modéré à sévère et la moitié déclare des qualités physiques et mentales altérées.

Lorsqu’on les interroge sur leur prise en charge, seuls 37 % des patients s’en disent satisfaits. L’un des problèmes est que les traitements disponibles sont rarement spécifiques de la douleur concernée. Ils réduisent le plus souvent partiellement l’intensité des symptômes, mais n’ont pas toujours un impact significatif sur le fardeau que représente cette maladie dans la vie des malades.

Le paracétamol, les anti-inflammatoires et les opioïdes (morphine et dérivés) sont les trois sortes de médicaments prescrits pour traiter les douleurs chroniques. Signe d’un soulagement insuffisant, 87 % des patients rapportent pratiquer l’automédication pour tenter d’atténuer leurs souffrances.

Un coût sociétal important

En raison de leur prévalence élevée dans la société, les douleurs chroniques ont un coût estimé à plusieurs milliards d’euros par an, si l’on ajoute aux dépenses de santé nécessaires à leur prise en charge les conséquences économiques de la perte de productivité qu’elles entraînent.

Une étude datant de 2004 évaluait le coût total moyen annuel par patient à plus de 30 000 d’euros. Ce chiffre souligne l’impact économique considérable de cette condition, qui dépasse son coût direct pour le système de santé.

Ainsi, les arrêts de travail des personnes souffrant de douleurs chroniques sont cinq fois plus fréquents que ceux de la population générale. En outre, la durée moyenne cumulée des arrêts de travail de 45 % des patients douloureux chroniques dépasse quatre mois par an.

Une autre étude épidémiologique, menée en 2010, auprès de plus de 15 000 personnes adultes en France, a permis d’évaluer l’impact de la douleur sur les situations professionnelles et sur l’utilisation des systèmes de soins. Elle montre que les patients souffrant de douleurs chroniques consultent deux fois plus souvent que les autres.

En extrapolant cette année-là à la population générale, ce sont 72 millions de consultations supplémentaires par an qui sont dues aux douleurs chroniques, ce qui représente un surcoût annuel évalué à 1,16 milliard d’euros. Ces travaux révélaient aussi que l’absentéisme dû à ces douleurs représentait alors 48 millions de journées de travail perdues par an, à l’échelon national.

À la recherche du « mieux vivre avec » plutôt que du « zéro douleur »

L’évaluation et le traitement d’un patient souffrant de douleur chronique nécessitent de considérer simultanément les facteurs biologiques, psychologiques et sociaux, sans faire montre d’aucun a priori quant à l’importance relative de chacun, selon le modèle médical dit « biopsychosocial ».

« Il est temps que chaque patient ait accès à un parcours de soins digne, sans errance ni abandon », souligne Audrey Aronica, présidente de l’Association francophone pour vaincre la douleur (AFVD).

Seuls quatre patients sur dix bénéficient d’une prise en charge pluriprofessionnelle pour leur douleur chronique. Si, on l’a vu, seuls 37 % des patients se disent satisfaits de leur prise en charge, ce chiffre s’élève significativement lorsque les personnes sont suivies par une structure spécialisée dans la douleur chronique : on atteint alors 47 % de satisfaits.

La satisfaction est plus faible pour certaines douleurs comme la fibromyalgie, l’endométriose, les douleurs liées au cancer ainsi que les douleurs inflammatoires ou neuropathiques.

L’objectif thérapeutique pour une personne souffrant de douleur chronique est rarement la rémission totale ou la guérison de cette maladie. En douleur chronique, se donner comme objectif la résolution totale de la douleur est souvent irréaliste et parfois même contre-productif, menant souvent à des escalades thérapeutiques potentiellement délétères. Cela aboutit fréquemment à la prescription, sur une longue durée, de médicaments opioïdes (morphine ou équivalents), alors que ceux-ci ne sont pas recommandés pour toutes les douleurs. Avec le risque de développer une dépendance à ces traitements.

Face aux douleurs chroniques, le but de la prise en charge est essentiellement réadaptatif (mieux vivre avec sa douleur). L’objectif est de faire diminuer la douleur à un niveau acceptable pour le patient, et d’améliorer des capacités fonctionnelles et de la qualité de vie du patient. La réadaptation est éminemment centrée sur la personne, ce qui signifie que les interventions et l’approche choisies pour chaque individu dépendent de ses objectifs et préférences.

Il peut également être intéressant de favoriser la promotion de thérapeutiques non médicamenteuses scientifiquement validées comme la neuromodulation – technique qui consiste à envoyer, au moyen d’électrodes implantées par exemple sur la moelle épinière du patient, des signaux électriques visant à moduler les signaux de douleur envoyés au cerveau.

Les « thérapies digitales » qui accompagnent le développement de la « santé numérique » peuvent aussi s’avérer intéressantes. Elles rendent en effet accessibles, à l’aide d’applications consultables sur smartphone, un contenu scientifiquement validé ainsi que des approches complémentaires, psychocorporelles, qui permettent de mieux gérer la douleur et de réduire ses répercussions négatives au quotidien sur la qualité de vie des patients : fatigue, émotions négatives, insomnie, baisse de moral, inactivité physique.

Une grande cause nationale pour combattre le fardeau des douleurs chroniques

Pour améliorer la situation, il est essentiel que les autorités s’emparent du sujet de la lutte contre les douleurs chroniques en le déclarant « grande cause nationale ». L’attribution de ce label permettrait de mieux communiquer sur ce grave problème, et de soutenir et coordonner les efforts de recherche.

« Les résultats du baromètre Douleur 2025 obligent notre collectivité nationale à une réponse sanitaire de grande ampleur », selon le Dr Éric Serra, président de la Société française d’étude et de traitement de la douleur (SFETD).

Parmi les autres objectifs à atteindre, citons la sanctuarisation d’un enseignement de médecine de la douleur plus conséquent dans les études médicales, le financement ciblé de programmes de recherche nationaux, la mise en application concrète d’initiatives permettant de réduire les délais d’accès aux soins spécialisés et de lutter contre les inégalités territoriales ou économiques d’accès à certaines thérapeutiques.

The Conversation

Président de la Fondation Analgesia (fondation de recherche sur la douleur chronique). Président du comité de suivi de l’expérimentation d’accès au cannabis médical de l’Agence Nationale de Sécurité du Médicament et des produits de santé. (ANSM). Membre du conseil d’administration de la Fondation IUD.

ref. Douleurs chroniques : en France, elles concerneraient plus de 23 millions de personnes et coûteraient plusieurs milliards d’euros par an – https://theconversation.com/douleurs-chroniques-en-france-elles-concerneraient-plus-de-23-millions-de-personnes-et-couteraient-plusieurs-milliards-deuros-par-an-264599

Plastic ‘bio-beads’ from sewage plants are polluting the oceans and spreading superbugs – but there are alternatives

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Pennie Lindeque, Professor of Marine Ecology, Plymouth Marine Laboratory

Bio-beads at Colona beach, St Austell Bay in Cornwall. Rob Wells/Cornish Plastic Pollution Coalition, CC BY-NC-ND

A recent spill of bio-beads – small plastic pellets used by some wastewater treatment facilities since the 1990s – has brought renewed attention to a problem that has been quietly accumulating in coastal waters for years.

Millions of bio-beads recently washed up onto the beach at Camber Sands in East Sussex. But this is not just another form of plastic pollution. Bio-beads can carry potentially dangerous bacteria.

Plastic bio-beads are used in wastewater treatment plants to help break down waste. They resemble the plastic pellets known as nurdles that are used as a feedstock by the plastic industry which are often found on beaches.

Bio-beads, however, are compressed, like a concertina, to maximise their surface area-to-volume ratio. This promotes the growth of bacteria that form a biofilm on their surface. These bacteria break down nutrients in the wastewater effluent and help process sewage.

Bio-beads are a relatively cheap and efficient method for treating waste. However, this efficiency comes with a significant environmental cost when these plastics escape.

The UK’s water industry insists that bio-beads shouldn’t escape from treatment facilities. They are supposed to be contained within the system by mesh screens.

Yet water companies are known to have to top up their bio-bead supplies which raises the question of how much of this plastic pollution is being released, and why.

The answer probably lies in ageing infrastructure. Many wastewater treatment works have outdated retention mechanisms that aren’t fit for purpose. Storage is another weak point.

Bio-beads have been seen in large dumpy bags or strewn across the ground in wastewater treatment plants, so they can spill before treatment processes begin.

Like any plastic, bio-beads will gradually break up into smaller particles. Fragmented bio-beads could escape into the environment as soon as they are smaller than the mesh screens used.

Bacteria-laden plastics

What makes bio-beads particularly concerning isn’t just the plastic itself – it’s what they carry. These pellets are designed to maximise bacterial growth, and when they come from sewage treatment facilities, that biofilm may include harmful bacteria, including E. coli and other pathogens dangerous to humans.

More worryingly, research – including our own studies – shows these plastics can harbour “superbug” bacteria that are resistant to antibiotics.




Read more:
How to detect more antimicrobial resistant bacteria in our waterways


Our latest research has examined how bacteria grow on bio-beads and other substrates such as polystyrene, wood and glass in the environment. By collecting samples at various points along two Cornish rivers – from hospital wastewater, upstream near Truro to the marine environment of the Fal estuary – we’ve demonstrated that antimicrobial-resistant pathogens are found on plastics sampled from source to sea.

Protected within their biofilm, each bio-bead can become a tiny vehicle transporting potential pathogens from sewage works to beaches, swimming areas and locations where shellfish are cultivated.

Our 2024 review of this rapidly growing research area suggests that plastics may promote horizontal gene transfer, the process by which antimicrobial resistance can spread between bacteria. The implications are sobering: these small plastics could be facilitating the spread of antibiotic resistance across marine environments.

Reports from 2017 show there were at least 55 wastewater treatment works around the UK using bio-beads, serving a population of at least 2 million people. There are over 10,000 sewage treatment works in the UK, so those using bio-beads comprise a very small proportion.

While exact figures on bio-bead losses remain elusive, their presence on beaches tells another story. Historic spills, including a major incident near Truro in Cornwall in 2010, have deposited billions of these pellets into coastal waters. Their black or grey colour makes them easily mistaken for food by marine wildlife, from commercially important fish and, once broken or fragmented, shellfish and organisms at the base of the food chain.

Some bio-beads pose also additional chemical risks. Many were manufactured from recycled electronics materials and contain substances like lead and bromine.

If bio-beads are found accumulated on beaches, they can be removed – but with caution. Like any material from sewage systems, they should be handled with care. And any cleanup efforts are only treating symptoms. The solution must be at source.

A solvable problem

Alternative wastewater treatment methods exist. Not all wastewater treatment works use bio-beads, proving they’re not essential. Some facilities use different plastic designs (large flat surfaces rather than floating pellets) or denser materials such as ceramic or stone that are less likely to escape.

Some plants use activated sludge (a biological treatment process where wastewater is mixed with a community of microbes) that breaks down organic pollution. Other treatment stages, such as UV processing, add further layers of protection, though these complement rather than replace the bacterial breakdown process.

By collaborating with water companies, we’re investigating whether certain plastic polymers promote antimicrobial resistance more than others. If we can identify which materials pose the greatest risk without compromising treatment efficacy, we could recommend safer alternatives.

This issue demands transparency and accountability. If water companies disclose how many bio-beads they use and how frequently they require replacement, the scale of losses could be quantified. It’s equally important that spillages are reported and pressure for more environmentally sustainable methods is sustained.

Improvements in policy based on robust scientific data are also required, in the UK and elsewhere. This was highlighted in a 2024 report) from the Ospar convention (the Oslo-Paris convention for the protection of the marine environment for the north-east Atlantic) – of which the UK is a signatory.

Better management and a phase out of bio-beads is possible. This isn’t a technical challenge. Investing in alternative treatment methods and modern infrastructure can eliminate this unnecessary source of contaminated plastic pollution from our rivers and ocean.


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The Conversation

Dr Emily May Stevenson is a director of Beach Guardian CIC.

Pennie Lindeque does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Plastic ‘bio-beads’ from sewage plants are polluting the oceans and spreading superbugs – but there are alternatives – https://theconversation.com/plastic-bio-beads-from-sewage-plants-are-polluting-the-oceans-and-spreading-superbugs-but-there-are-alternatives-269857

Sénégal : l’autorité de régulation de l’audiovisuel est indépendante mais sous influence

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Layiré Diop, Professseur de communication, Francis Marion University

L’année 1990 marque le début d’une nouvelle ère de démocratisation en Afrique. Lors du Sommet de La Baule, la France conditionne son aide publique au développement à la tenue d’élections libres et à la promotion des libertés publiques, notamment celle de la presse. Dans ce contexte, les États africains sont encouragés à créer des organes de régulation indépendants pour encadrer les médias et garantir le pluralisme. Le Sénégal s’inscrit dans cette dynamique : le Haut conseil de la radiotélévision (HCRT) est institué en 1991, devient Haut conseil de l’audiovisuel (HCA) en 1998, puis Conseil national de régulation de l’audiovisuel (CNRA) en 2006, afin d’accompagner la libéralisation du paysage médiatique national.

Depuis sa création, le CNRA se trouve au cœur de débats récurrents sur son indépendance réelle. Il est souvent accusé d’être un instrument du pouvoir politique plutôt qu’un arbitre neutre. Notre étude, fondée sur 18 entretiens avec des acteurs du secteur, dont des journalistes, des anciens régulateurs et des responsables de médias, met en lumière une volonté persistante de “contrôle” de la part de l’État, révélant un phénomène d’instrumentalisation institutionnelle.

Une tare congénitale

Dès l’origine, le CNRA a été conçu avec des pouvoirs limités. Plusieurs anciens responsables estiment que les autorités politiques ont toujours refusé de lui transférer de réelles prérogatives, craignant de perdre le contrôle d’un secteur jugé stratégique pour la stabilité du régime.

Les premiers projets de loi des années 1990 prévoyaient un organe fort, capable d’attribuer les licences et de définir les cahiers des charges. Ces dispositions ont été supprimées au profit d’un modèle plus répressif, placé sous la tutelle du ministère de la Communication. Cette logique de contrôle s’est traduite par la nomination de magistrats à la tête de l’institution, censés incarner la rigueur mais aussi la loyauté envers le pouvoir.

Certains membres qui avaient publiquement dénoncé l’ingérence religieuse dans la vie politique ont été écartés, confirmant la difficulté du CNRA à exercer un contre-pouvoir effectif. En somme, l’institution porte dans son ADN cette tare congénitale : être juridiquement indépendante mais politiquement dépendante.

Des nominations contestées

Bien que la loi reconnaisse au CNRA le statut d’autorité administrative indépendante, la procédure de désignation de ses membres soulève de nombreuses interrogations. En effet, tous les membres sont nommés par le chef de l’État, sans consultation obligatoire des associations professionnelles ou de la société civile. Ce mode de nomination, très centralisé, nourrit soupçons et critiques quant à la véritable autonomie du Conseil.

Durant le mandat 2012-2018, un journaliste nommé président du CNRA a choisi lui-même les membres du Conseil, suscitant la réprobation du Syndicat des professionnels de l’information et de la communication du Sénégal (SYNPICS). Pour de nombreux observateurs, une telle configuration crée une relation de dépendance : la personne nommée se trouve implicitement redevable envers le pouvoir exécutif. D’autres reconnaissent toutefois que certains présidents ont fait preuve d’intégrité personnelle et ont tenté de maintenir une distance avec les pressions politiques.

La loi de 2006 a pourtant prévu plusieurs garanties pour protéger cette indépendance : un mandat unique de six ans, l’immunité pour les actes accomplis dans l’exercice des fonctions, ainsi que l’interdiction de cumuler un mandat électif ou d’exercer dans une entreprise médiatique. Mais ces garde-fous juridiques restent insuffisants pour compenser le déséquilibre initial créé par la mainmise présidentielle sur les nominations.

Pouvoirs et moyens limités

Les limites du CNRA ne tiennent pas seulement à son mode de nomination, mais aussi à la faiblesse de ses compétences et de ses ressources. L’institution ne participe pas à l’attribution des fréquences, prérogative confiée à l’Autorité de régulation des postes et télécommunications (ARTP). Ce processus demeure opaque et fortement influencé par la présidence de la République, ce qui alimente la méfiance du secteur.

De plus, le CNRA n’intervient pas dans la nomination des dirigeants du service public de l’audiovisuel, contrairement à ce qui se pratique dans d’autres pays africains comme le Bénin ou dans des démocraties établies comme la France. Son pouvoir de sanction reste également symbolique : il peut formuler des mises en demeure ou des avertissements, mais il ne peut ni suspendre un programme, ni retirer une fréquence, ni interrompre un signal.

Les contraintes budgétaires aggravent ces faiblesses structurelles. Avec un budget annuel d’environ 280 millions de francs CFA et un effectif limité à 29 agents, le CNRA dispose de moyens humains et matériels très restreints. Son action est concentrée à Dakar, sans présence effective dans les régions. Par ailleurs, il ne dispose d’aucune compétence explicite sur la régulation des contenus diffusés sur Internet, alors que les médias numériques occupent une place croissante dans l’espace public.

Une indépendance à consolider

Dans ces conditions, l’indépendance du CNRA apparaît largement théorique. Le mode de nomination des membres, l’absence d’ancrage constitutionnel, la faiblesse de ses moyens et l’exclusion de la société civile du processus de décision renforcent la perception d’un organe sous tutelle politique. La création du Conseil pour l’observation des règles d’éthique et de déontologie (Cored), organe d’autorégulation mis en place par les journalistes, illustre cette défiance croissante du milieu professionnel envers le régulateur officiel.

Les conséquences de cette situation sont notables pour la qualité démocratique du pays. Lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2019, la mission d’observation de l’Union européenne a reproché au CNRA son manque de réactivité face aux déséquilibres de traitement entre les candidats dans les médias publics et privés. Plus récemment, la publication de la liste des nouveaux membres du Conseil, en décembre 2024, a suscité de vives critiques en raison de l’affiliation politique supposée de plusieurs d’entre eux.

Face à cette crise de légitimité, de nombreux acteurs plaident pour l’opérationnalisation de la Haute autorité de régulation de la communication audiovisuelle (HARCA), prévue par le Code de la presse de 2017 mais jamais mise en œuvre. Une telle institution pourrait permettre de refonder la régulation sur des bases plus transparentes, en prévoyant une désignation pluraliste, un mandat véritablement inamovible et une autonomie financière garantie.

Autant de conditions nécessaires pour donner corps à une indépendance encore fragile et restaurer la crédibilité d’un régulateur souvent perçu comme un géant aux pieds d’argile.

The Conversation

Layiré Diop does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sénégal : l’autorité de régulation de l’audiovisuel est indépendante mais sous influence – https://theconversation.com/senegal-lautorite-de-regulation-de-laudiovisuel-est-independante-mais-sous-influence-255919

Silence en Tanzanie, bruit à Madagascar : comment deux crises opposées racontent la même histoire

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Fabrice Lollia, Docteur en sciences de l’information et de la communication, chercheur associé laboratoire DICEN Ile de France, Université Gustave Eiffel

En 2025 deux pays d’Afrique et de l’océan Indien ont été secoués par des crises politiques d’ampleur. La Tanzanie, à la suite d’élections controversées, et Madagascar, confrontée à une crise socio-économique qui s’est rapidement muée en contestation politique diffuse.

Ces deux crises n’ont ni la même origine ni le même déroulement. Pour autant, en les observant à travers la perspective des sciences de l’information et de la communication (SIC), le même schéma apparaît avec une rupture dans la médiation institutionnelle, une circulation désordonnée de l’information, une montée rapide des récits concurrents et en défintive un affaiblissement profond de la confiance publique.

Cette comparaison n’a pas pour objectif d’uniformiser des réalités différentes mais plutôt d’éclairer ce que ces crises révèlent d’un moment commun en Afrique de l’Est où la communication publique, les technologies numériques et la gouvernance sécuritaire deviennent indissociables.

Chercheur en sciences de l’information et de la communication, je suis spécialiste des dynamiques de crise, de sécurité et des technologies numériques. J’en propose une analyse info-communicationnelle.

Tanzanie : de la coupure d’internet au vide informationnel

Le 29 octobre 2025, la réélection de la présidente Samia Suluhu Hassan avec près de 98 % des voix a immédiatement suscité des interrogations. Le principal parti d’opposition, Chadema, affaibli par les arrestations de plusieurs de ses responsables, n’a pas pu jouer pleinement son rôle.

Les manifestations qui ont éclaté à Dar es-Salaam, Mwanza ou Arusha ont été suivies d’un triptyque sécuritaire entre couvre-feu national, déploiement militaire et coupure d’internet.

Si cette dernière mesure est présentée comme un outil de prévention de la violence, ses effets sont souvent contre-productifs. La coupure d’internet ne fait pas disparaître les tensions. Bien au contraire, elle les nourrit voire les déplace. En privant la population d’informations fiables, elle ouvre la voie à une circulation hors ligne de rumeurs et d’interprétations façonnant un récit hors ligne bien souvent guidé par l’émotion.

De nombreux mécanismes sont bien documentés :

La perte de visibilité institutionnelle : l’État ne peut plus diffuser ses messages ni ajuster son discours;

Le sentiment d’opacité : une coupure est rarement perçue comme une protection mais plutôt comme une tentative de contrôle du récit;

L’amplification de la rumeur : l’information circule malgré tout souvent de manière plus incontrôlée;

La déstabilisation économique : banques, entreprises, services essentiels subissent des perturbations.

Ainsi la coupure d’internet ne gèle pas la crise mais la rend plutôt invisible, plus volatile et parfois plus dangereuse. C’est ce silence imposé qui transforme l’espace public en une zone d’ombre où la défiance s’installe.

Madagacar : la crise dans le bruit

À Madagascar le scénario est presque inversé. Ce qui a déclenché la crise de septembre 2025 n’est pas qu’un évènement politique direct mais une crise d’accès direct à l’eau et l’électricité dans un contexte de fatigue socio-économique déjà prononcée.
Ce quotidien fragilisé a servi de catalyseur à une mobilisation rapide, d’abord centrée sur l’accès aux services essentiels, puis progressivement politisée.
Les premiers rassemblements ont émergé à Antananarivo avant d’être relayés dans plusieurs villes.

Contrairement à la Tanzanie, aucune coupure d’internet ni dispositif sécuritaire massif n’est déployé. Mais cette absence de fermeture crée un vide communicationnel. Les autorités tardent à s’exprimer, et ne proposent pas de récit cohérent susceptible d’apaiser l’inquiétude collective.

Dans cet espace laissé libre, les réseaux sociaux (Facebook, WhatsApp, TikTok) deviennent la principale scène de médiation, de communication et d’information. Entre vidéos amateurs, alertes locales, messages d’indignation, mais aussi fausses informations, erreurs factuelles et interprétations émotionnelles, l’information circule en continu. Ce flux non régulé crée une dynamique de mobilisation très différente de celle observée en Tanzanie.

Plusieurs mécanismes se combinent :

  • Saturation émotionnelle, liée au déferlement d’images et de témoignages ;

  • Politisation progressive, l’accès à l’eau devenant un révélateur des dysfonctionnements de gouvernance ;

  • Fragmentation des récits, chaque communauté produisant sa propre interprétation de la crise ;

  • Accélération collective, favorisée par une communication institutionnelle insuffisante.

Madagascar produit ainsi une crise dans le bruit, où l’excès d’information remplace le silence imposé par la coupure numérique tanzanienne.

L’effondrement de la médiation institutionnelle

À première vue, tout oppose les deux situations. La Tanzanie montre un silence total alors que Madagascar agit dans un débordement informationnel.

Et pourtant, les deux trajectoires convergent vers un point commun. Celui de la rupture de confiance avec les institutions.

Cette convergence repose sur quatre dynamiques communes :

  • Tout d’abord, la fragilité de la communication publique en période de tension.
    Dans les deux cas, les institutions n’ont pas réussi à occuper l’espace discursif de manière cohérente. En Tanzanie, le silence institutionnel a laissé place à la rumeur. À Madagascar, l’incapacité à structurer un récit clair a permis aux récits alternatifs de prospérer.

Ensuite, le rôle central du numérique comme amplificateur émotionnel. Le numérique ne cause pas la crise, il en modifie la vitesse et la géographie. En Tanzanie, sa suppression a déplacé l’expression contestataire hors ligne la rendant plus difficile à anticiper. À Madagascar, la présence non encadrée du numérique, en l’absence d’un discours public structurant, a permis aux contenus émotionnels ( vidéos, témoignages, messages d’alerte ) de dominer le traitement de l’évènement. Cela a amplifié la perception de la crise, créant un effet de loupe où l’émotion collective devançait largement l’information vérifiée.

Aussi, la montée des récits parallèles est également présente. Dans les deux pays, un déficit de médiation institutionnelle produit le même effet. La place laissée vacante est immédiatement occupée par des acteurs non institutionnels (influenceurs, militants, groupe WhatsApp, chaînes Telegram, micromédias, etc.).

Enfin, le recours à des réponses sécuritaires. À des degrés différents, les deux pays ont utilisé une logique de maintien de l’ordre à savoir militarisation et arrestations en Tanzanie, crispation politique et réactions institutionnelles tardives à Madagascar.

Dans les deux cas, ces mesures peuvent temporairement encadrer la contestation mais rarement restaurer la confiance.

Vers une nouvelle vulnérabilité africaine

Des crises locales (pénuries, élections contestées, tensions sociales) basculent désormais rapidement dans une dimension informationnelle.

L’espace public africain est devenu hybride, à la fois numérique et physique, où les émotions circulent plus vite que les faits, où les récits s’imposent avant les explications, et où les institutions peinent à s’adapter à cette vitesse. La vulnérabilité est moins politique que liée à l’information.

Comment renforcer la résilience des sociétés africaines ? Quelques pistes :

  • Développer une vraie communication de crise institutionnelle. Une communication transparente, régulière, pédagogique, capable d’expliquer les décisions et de dissiper les flous.

  • Mettre en place une cellule de veille sécuritaire info communicationnelle afin d’analyser les signaux faibles, détecter les rumeurs, comprendre les dynamiques émotionnelles et anticiper l’escalade.

  • Nouer des partenariats de coordination avec les plateformes numériques et les médias, afin de garantir la circulation rapide de l’information fiable. Ces partenariats peuvent prévoir des lignes directes de signalement, des protocoles de lutte contre la désinformation et une mise en avant des messages publics essentiels lors des crises.

  • Former les décideurs aux dynamiques numériques et à la médiation afin de comprendre comment un récit circule et devient une compétence stratégique;

  • Articuler sécurité et communication : la réponse sécuritaire seule ne suffit jamais, elle doit être accompagnée d’un récit clair et de repères;

  • Renforcer les espaces de dialogue institutionnel : l’absence de canal ouvre la voie aux récits alternatifs.

Madagascar et la Tanzanie ne traversent pas les mêmes réalités politiques. Mais leurs crises respectives montrent une dynamique commune : lorsque la médiation institutionnelle se fragilise, lorsque l’information circule sans repères, lorsque les décisions ne sont pas expliquées, la confiance publique se dissout et la crise s’approfondit.

Comprendre cette vulnérabilité n’est pas juste un exercice d’analyse. C’est une condition nécessaire pour renforcer la stabilité des sociétés africaines dans un monde où la communication est devenue l’infrastructure invisible de la sécurité.

The Conversation

Fabrice Lollia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Silence en Tanzanie, bruit à Madagascar : comment deux crises opposées racontent la même histoire – https://theconversation.com/silence-en-tanzanie-bruit-a-madagascar-comment-deux-crises-opposees-racontent-la-meme-histoire-269972

This year’s climate talks saw real progress – just not on fossil fuels

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jacqueline Peel, Professor of Law, The University of Melbourne

Antonio Scorza/COP30, CC BY-NC-ND

It wasn’t a comfortable process for the tens of thousands of delegates trying to hash out progress on climate change on the edge of the Amazon in Belém, Brazil. I experienced the challenges of the United Nations COP30 climate talks firsthand.

Delegates were hot and sweaty. Tech and aircon didn’t always work. Both flood and fire disrupted negotiations over the fortnight of negotiations. It drove home how climate change feels. But despite the discomfort, some progress was made.

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva dubbed it the “COP of Truth”. Delegates did not shy away from the urgency of the moment as climate change intensifies and emissions continue to climb.

Ahead of the talks, many feared global political headwinds and the United States’ departure from the Paris Agreement would undermine this year’s talks. The fact that nearly 60,000 delegates attended these talks – the second highest ever – shows this isn’t the case.

Progress was made on funding climate finance and adaptation to the changes already emerging. But efforts on ending reliance on fossil fuels faltered in the face of strong resistance by fossil fuel powers. Much progress in Belém happened outside the main talks.

So what did COP30 deliver?

At one stage it looked like COP30 might crack the hardest nut in climate policy – reaching agreement on phasing out fossil fuels. Nations agreed two years ago that it was necessary to move away from fossil fuels. But no plan had yet been devised to get there.

Brazil had a plan: build support for a roadmap to phase out fossil fuels, championed by President Lula and pushed strongly by Environment Minister Marina Silva. It drew support from more than 80 countries, including major fossil fuel exporters such as Norway and Australia. Anticipating pushback, Brazil worked to boost support outside the main talks before bringing the plan in.

It didn’t work. By the end of COP30, all mention of a fossil fuel roadmap had been scrubbed from the text of the final outcomes, following fierce pushback from countries such as Russia, Saudi Arabia and India and many emerging economies.

Instead, countries agreed to launch “the Global Implementation Accelerator […] to keep 1.5°C within reach” and “taking into account” previous COP decisions. This initiative will be shepherded by the Brazilian COP30 Presidency and the leaders of next year’s COP31 talks, Turkey and Australia.

President Lula vowed to continue advocating for a fossil fuel roadmap at the G20. Colombia and the Netherlands will hold a conference on fossil fuel phaseout in April 2026. The COP30 decision text also makes reference to a “high-level event in 2026” which could take place in the Pacific. Without blockers of consensus at these meetings, a coalition of willing countries could make real progress in setting timelines and exchanging policy ideas for fossil fuel phase-out.

woman standing at podium.
Brazil’s Environment Minister Marina Silva emerged as a quiet force working to build support for the first roadmap to phase out fossil fuel extraction and use.
Aline Massuca/COP30, CC BY-NC-ND

The decision to develop a just transition mechanism was welcomed as a win for workers and communities. The new mechanism’s purpose will be to increase international cooperation, technical assistance, capacity-building and knowledge-sharing as countries shift towards a low carbon global economy.

Efforts to boost financing for climate adaptation bogged down, reflecting the trade-offs over fossil fuels.

These funds are meant to help nations most exposed to severe climate damage, usually poorer and with low emissions. These nations led the charge for a tripling of climate finance by 2030 from the US$40 billion (A$62 billion) agreed at COP26 four years ago. But the agreed text merely “calls for efforts to at least triple adaptation finance by 2035”, which pushes out the timeframe and has no funding baseline.

Funding for tropical forests

One of Brazil’s own initiatives, the Tropical Forest Facility, achieved greater success, securing US$9.5 billion (A$14.7 billion) in funding pledges – a COP record.

The trust fund for rainforests is designed to provide resources to arrest global deforestation and protect Indigenous lands, including in the Amazon’s vital carbon sink.

Support for a roadmap towards ending deforestation secured 92 backers.

The success of these deforestation initiatives points to the effectiveness of the COP’s Action Agenda, aimed at spurring on climate action outside formal negotiations and including commitments from business, investors and civil society. As formal negotiations bog down, these bypasses may end up replacing negotiations in driving progress.

American absence

Ahead of COP30, analysts feared the ongoing attacks on climate action by the Trump administration would undermine the international negotiations.

COP30 was the first climate summit without a US government delegation. At first, the absence came as a relief.

But by summit’s end, the disappearance of the world’s biggest historical emitter and largest economy from negotiations had taken its toll.

Developing countries from the African group of negotiators argued better metrics and plans would be meaningless without funding to implement them. Traditionally, the US has been a major funder. No longer.

The US decision to turn its back on climate action created a subdued atmosphere. New finance pledges were broadly underwhelming, likely due to the dampening effect of the US retreat.

people taking photos of a pavilion at global talks.
China’s negotiators focused most of their energy in pushing back on European trade measures targeting high-emissions products.
Antonio Scorza/COP30, CC BY-NC-ND

Early on, many hoped renewables and clean tech giant China might fill the leadership void. China’s clean tech exports last year were enough to cut overseas emissions by 1%. The huge industrial power produces almost 32% of the world’s carbon emissions. These emissions have plateaued, in turn suggesting global emissions may now have peaked.

But China showed reluctance to take up the mantle, preferring to remain focused on its own domestic energy transition. Chinese negotiators spent most of their energy pushing back against new European trade measures targeting emissions-intensive production.

It was left to some of the smallest nations, Indigenous peoples and civil society to lead calls for sticking to the science, ramping up urgency and accelerating the rollout of solutions. An estimated 70,000 people marched in the streets of Belém, staging a mock funeral for fossil fuels. It was an important affirmation of widespread public support for climate action.

What legacy?

As the UN’s climate Executive Secretary Simon Stiell said midway through COP30, nations had to “give a little to get a lot”.

Many countries will be reflecting they gave a lot but got very little. The biggest winners were, yet again, the world’s petrostates who successfully frustrated attempts to address fossil fuels.

Questions will inevitably be asked over whether these consensus-based talks are fit for purpose, given they can be gamed by blockers.

For many, COP30 will be regarded as a failure on fossil fuels and addressing major gaps between national pledges to cut emissions and what’s needed to hold warming to 1.5°C.

This is true. But another view would be that these talks made real progress on important areas despite considerable challenges.

Negotiators from 194 countries showed up and continued to talk and work together to tackle the worsening crisis. Nearly half of those countries have shown they’re ready to begin weaning themselves off fossil fuels through their support for the phase-out roadmap. They don’t have to wait for a UN consensus to act. Fossil fuel exporters only have power while other nations buy and rely on their products.

The world’s climate talks are now clearly moving away from arcane negotiations to the pressing real-world challenges of doing the work. In a rapidly warming world, all issues are becoming climate issues.

The Conversation

Jacqueline Peel receives funding from the Australian Research Council for her Laureate Fellowship on Global Corporate Climate Accountability and for a Discovery Project on investor action on clean energy transition.

ref. This year’s climate talks saw real progress – just not on fossil fuels – https://theconversation.com/this-years-climate-talks-saw-real-progress-just-not-on-fossil-fuels-269903

Cop30: five reasons the UN climate conference failed to deliver on its ‘people’s summit’ promise

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Chin-Yee, Lecturer in International Development, UCL

As the sun set on the Amazon, the promise of a “people’s Cop” faded with it. The latest UN climate summit – known as Cop30, hosted in the Brazilian city of Belém – came with the usual geopolitics and the added excitement of a flood and a fire.

The summit saw Indigenous protests on an unprecedented scale, but the final negotiations were once again dominated by fossil fuel interests and delaying tactics. After ten years of climate (in)action since the Paris agreement, Brazil promised Cop30 would be an “implementation Cop”. But the summit failed to deliver, even as the world recorded a devastating 1.6˚C of global warming last year.

Here are our five key observations:

1. Indigenous groups were present – but not involved

Located in Amazonia, this was branded the summit for those on the frontlines of climate change. Over 5,000 Indigenous people were there, and they certainly made their voices heard.

However, only 360 secured passes to the main negotiating “blue zone”, compared to 1,600 delegates linked to the fossil fuel industry. Inside the negotiating rooms it was business as usual, with Indigenous groups remaining as observers, unable to vote or attend closed-door meetings.

The choice of location was nicely symbolic but logistically tough. Hosting the conference in the Amazon cost hundreds of millions of dollars in a region where many still lack basic amenities.

A stark image of this inequality: with hotel rooms full, the Brazilian government even docked two cruise ships for delegates, which per head can have eight times the emissions of a five star hotel.

2. The power of protests

But this was the second largest UN climate summit ever, and the first since Glasgow Cop26 in 2021 to take place in a country that permits real public protest. That mattered. Protests of various sizes happened every day during the two-week conference, most notably an Indigenous-led “great people’s march” on the middle Saturday.

The visible pressure helped obtain recognition of four new Indigenous territories in Brazil. It showed that when civil society has a voice it can secure wins, even outside of the main emissions negotiations.

3. US absence creates a vacuum – and an opportunity

In Donald Trump’s first turn as president, the US sent at least a skeletal group of negotiators. This time, in a historic first, America did not send an official delegation at all.

Trump recently described climate change as “the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world”, and since returning to power the US has slowed renewables and expanded oil and gas. It even helped scuttle plans for a net zero framework for global shipping last month.

As the US is rolling back its ambition, it is allowing other oil producing countries like Saudi Arabia to ignore their own climate pledges and to try and undermine others.

China has stepped into the void and become one of the loudest voices in the room. As the world’s largest supplier of green technology, Beijing used Cop30 to promote its solar, wind and electric vehicle industries and court countries looking to invest.

But for many delegates, the absence of America came as a relief. Without the distraction of the US attempting to “burn the house down” as it did at the shipping negotiations, the conference was able to get on with the business at hand: negotiating texts and agreements that will limit global warming.

4. ‘Implementation’ through side deals – not the main stage

So what was actually implemented? This year, the main action happened through voluntary pledges, not the binding global agreement.

The Belém pledge, backed by countries including Japan, India and Brazil, committed signatories to quadruple sustainable fuels production and use by 2035.

Brazil also launched a major trust fund for forests, with around US$6 billion (£4.6 billion) already pledged for communities working to protect rainforests. The EU followed by pledging new funds for the Congo Basin, the world’s second largest rainforest.

These are useful steps, but they highlight how the biggest advances at UN climate summits now often happen in the margins, rather than in the main talks.

The outcome of those main talks at Cop30 – the Belém package – is weak, and will get us nowhere near the Paris agreement’s target of limiting global warming to 1.5˚C. Most striking is the absence of the words “fossil fuels” from the final text even though they were central to the Glasgow climate pact (2021) and the UAE consensus (2023) – and of course they represent the main cause of climate change.

5. The Global Mutirão text: a missed opportunity

One potential breakthrough did emerge in negotiating rooms: the Global Mutirão text, a proposed roadmap to “transition away” from fossil fuels. More than 80 countries signed it, from EU members to climate-vulnerable Pacific island states.

Tina Stege, climate envoy for one of those vulnerable states, the Marshall Islands, urged delegates: “Let’s get behind the idea of a fossil fuel roadmap, let’s work together and make it a plan.”

But opposition from Saudi Arabia, India and other major fossil fuel producers watered it down. Negotiations stretched into overtime, not helped by a fire that postponed discussions for a day.

When the final deal was agreed, key references to a fossil fuel phase-out were missing. There was a backlash from Colombia, due to the lack of inclusion of transition away from fossil fuels, which forced the Cop presidency to offer a six-month review as an olive branch.

This was hugely disappointing, as earlier in the summit there seemed to be huge momentum.

A widening gulf

So this was another divisive climate summit. The gulf between oil-producing countries (in particular in the Middle East) and the rest of the world has never been wider.

One positive to come out of the summit was the power of organised people: Indigenous groups and civil society made their voices heard, even if they weren’t translated into the final text.

With next year’s summit to be held in Turkey, these annual climate summits are increasingly migrating to nations with authoritarian leanings where protests are not welcome or completely banned. Our leaders keep stating that time is running out, yet negotiations themselves remain stuck in never ending circles of delays.

The Conversation

Mark Maslin is Pro-Vice Provost of the UCL Climate Crisis Grand Challenge and Founding Director of the UCL Institute for Sustainable Aviation and Aeronautics. He was co-director of the London NERC Doctoral Training Partnership and is a member of the Climate Crisis Advisory Group. He is an advisor to Sheep Included Ltd, Lansons, NetZeroNow and has advised the UK Parliament. He has received grant funding from the NERC, EPSRC, ESRC, DFG, Royal Society, DIFD, BEIS, DECC, FCO, Innovate UK, Carbon Trust, UK Space Agency, European Space Agency, Research England, Wellcome Trust, Leverhulme Trust, CIFF, Sprint2020, and British Council. He has received funding from the BBC, Lancet, Laithwaites, Seventh Generation, Channel 4, JLT Re, WWF, Hermes, CAFOD, HP, Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors, John Templeton Foundation, The Nand & Jeet Khemka Foundation, Quadrature Climate Foundation.

Professor Priti Parikh is the Director of UCL’s Bartlett School of Sustainable Construction and Vice Dean International for Bartlett Faculty of Built Environment. She is a Fellow and Trustee for Institution of Civil Engineers. Research funding sources include UKRI, Royal Academy of Engineering, Water Aid, British Academy, Bboxx Ltd, UCL, Royal Society and British Council. Her consultancy has received funding from AECOM, Cambridge Institute for Sustainable Leadership, Water and Sanitation for the Urban Poor, UNHABITAT, Arup, ITAD and GTZ

Simon Chin-Yee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cop30: five reasons the UN climate conference failed to deliver on its ‘people’s summit’ promise – https://theconversation.com/cop30-five-reasons-the-un-climate-conference-failed-to-deliver-on-its-peoples-summit-promise-269750

Reality check: The Supreme Court actually did the right thing in its child pornography ruling

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Meg D. Lonergan, Contract Instructor and Doctoral Candidate, Legal Studies, Carleton University

The Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in the Attorney General of Québec v. Senneville struck down one-year mandatory minimum sentences for accessing or possessing child pornography. Immediately, politicians and commentators denounced the ruling.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, Ontario Premier Doug Ford and Alberta Premier Danielle Smith have urged Ottawa to invoke Section 33, also known as the notwithstanding clause, of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The clause allows Parliament or provincial legislatures to override certain Charter rights for five years.

Their alarm fits a broader pattern of constitutional populism in which politicians move to sidestep court rulings and Charter protections whenever they obstruct political objectives — whether that’s targeting the unhoused, trans rights, labour rights or now criminal sentencing.

One media commentator accused the Supreme Court of trying to “help” sex offenders, while Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew declared offenders should be “buried underneath prisons.” His reaction echoes last year’s episode in which he apologized for his caucus’s move to expel Mark Wasyliw — a criminal defence lawyer and NDP member of provincial parliament — after Wasyliw’s colleague, Gerri Wiebe, represented convicted sex offender Peter Nygard.

What the court actually did

In her seminal 1984 essay “Thinking Sex,” queer theorist and scholar Gayle Rubin observed that few political tactics are as effective at generating moral panic as invoking the need to “protect children.”

That remains true today, in part because voices across the political spectrum are vulnerable to the same knee-jerk, sensationalized responses whenever sexual harm involving children is at issue.

While the furious response to Senneville shows Canada in the grip of a new moral panic, the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down mandatory minimums for child pornography offences reflects constitutional fidelity — not leniency.

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms must apply to everyone if it’s to have any meaning at all. Section 12 of the Charter, in fact, guarantees that everyone has the right not to be subjected to cruel or unusual punishment.

Generally, mandatory minimums are constitutionally suspect, since they remove judicial discretion in sentencing based on the evidence and the specific situation at hand, and infringe upon the legal doctrine of stare decisis that requires precedence be followed.

In Senneville, the court held that mandatory minimums violate Section 12 Charter rights because they prevent judges from imposing proportionate, individualized sentences based on the facts of the case. The court also noted that Section 12 acknowledges innate human dignity and the inherent worth of individuals.

Proportionality, the Supreme Court emphasized, is a constitutional limit on state punishment, not a discretionary preference. At no point did the court diminish the gravity of child exploitation; on the contrary, it devoted an entire section in its ruling to detailing the profound harm caused by these offences.

This is consistent with the similar R. v. Friesen ruling in 2020, when the Supreme Court reaffirmed that the seriousness of child pornography does not erase the need for principled, proportionate sentencing. To cast this careful reasoning as “helping” sex offenders is not only wrong, it distorts the role of sentencing in a constitutional democracy and diminishes justice and rehabilitation in favour of punishment for its own sake.

A ‘flimsy’ hypothetical isn’t flimsy at all

An overlooked part of the majority decision in Senneville is that the appellants (the Attorney General of Québec) did not argue that, if the mandatory minimums were found to infringe the Charter’s Section 12, those minimums could be saved by Section 1.

Section 1 of the Charter guarantees that rights and freedoms are protected, but allows for “reasonable limits” that can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.

This section gives governments the power to override Charter rights and freedoms when they can justify limiting them — most often in the name of protecting the rights and freedoms of others. Historically, this is what has made obscenity and hate speech laws constitutionally valid.

Many commentators claimed the Supreme Court relied on a “flimsy” and “far-fetched” hypothetical of an 18-year-old who receives an intimate image of a 17-year-old girl from a friend as one example of why the mandatory minimum sentences violate Section 12 of the Charter.

But there is nothing flimsy about this scenario. Canadian criminal justice scholars ranging from Alexa Dodge to Lara Karaian and Dillon Brady have shown that peer-based image-sharing among youth is common, and that criminal law routinely miscasts such behaviour through the lens of child porn, casting ordinary sexual expression as exploitation.

Karaian, in particular, shows how moral panic over “sexting” has long cast teenagers — especially girls — as simultaneously lacking agency and being responsible. This framing has helped create a legal landscape in which consensual, near-age image sharing is reinterpreted as criminal behaviour.

Familiar outrage

Since their introduction in 1993, Canada’s child-pornography laws have been criticized as overly broad.

One of the first tests came in the Eli Langer case, when police raided a Toronto art gallery and seized works — an early alarm bell about the law’s sweeping reach and capacity to criminalize artistic expression unconnected to exploitation.

The Supreme Court confronted these issues directly in the 2001 case R. v. Sharpe _[2001], ruling that existing child-pornography laws ensnared materials that posed no realistic risk of harm, including fictional writings and drawings. The court also carved out narrow exceptions to prevent criminalizing constitutionally protected expression.




Read more:
Why Canada’s Supreme Court isn’t likely to go rogue like its U.S. counterpart


Canadian law professor Brenda Cossman observed that moral panic around child pornography shields the law “from any and all criticism” to the point that: “Nothing can be said. And if it is, the speaker is denounced as a pedophile.”

The Senneville case reflects the realities of life, not some abstraction — and definitely not the carceral mindset that sees harsh punishment as moral and treats empathy as a weakness.

To normalize overriding Charter rights using the notwithstanding clause erodes not only public trust in judicial independence, but also the very rights and freedoms it enshrines.

The outrage of Poilievre, Smith, Ford and Kinew serves to assert their own moral authority and to repeat a familiar message: only incarceration protects the innocent. But if Canada is serious about keeping children safe, it must also invest in the social services, education and community supports that prevent harm.

As the Supreme Court itself reminded us in its ruling: “Criminal justice responses alone cannot solve the problem of sexual violence against children.”

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Reality check: The Supreme Court actually did the right thing in its child pornography ruling – https://theconversation.com/reality-check-the-supreme-court-actually-did-the-right-thing-in-its-child-pornography-ruling-270014

Weak infrastructure leaves Jamaican schools devastated in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Giselle Thompson, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Alberta

The devastation in Jamaica caused by Hurricane Melissa exposed a harsh reality that’s been hidden in plain sight for decades — most schools were not structurally sound enough to sustain high winds, heavy rainfall and storm-surge flooding.

Almost 800 government schools were designated as community shelters before Hurricane Melissa descended. More than 600 were damaged when the hurricane hit. Roofs were blown off. Walls collapsed. Windows broke. Debris scattered everywhere.

Citizens found themselves in “shelters” that could not protect them from the elements and for this reason have had to find alternative living arrangements.

As education researchers based in the Jamaican diaspora whose combined work has examined the Jamaican education system, we are deeply concerned about the future of Jamaica’s schools and their ability to not only serve students and teachers — but to be safe havens in natural disasters.

These thoughts came to mind as we watched reels of footage of Hurricane Melissa’s destruction on social media with feelings of helplessness and regret.

Personal exchanges with friends, research collaborators and family members — who are fortunate to have electricity, cellular service or access to WiFi — told us about harrowing experiences on the ground, especially in communities in western and southern parishes such as Hanover, Westmoreland, St. James and St. Elizabeth.

Principals raise red flags

Previous research carried out by Giselle Thompson, the lead author of this story, has examined education spending in Jamaica and how members of the Jamaican diaspora in Canada support schools “back home” through formal and informal fundraising initiatives.

This research was undertaken in partnership with a primary school community, including the principal, teachers, students, families and neighbours in Hanover. They welcomed Giselle to work with them as a supply teacher, recess monitor and in other supportive roles they needed in 2018.

Being immersed in their everyday, under-resourced environment and having one-on-one conversations with them forged lasting personal and professional bonds that form the foundation of current research. It also offered insight into the structural inequities and related vulnerabilities inherent in the Jamaican school system.

At a media briefing before Hurricane Melissa struck, Jamaica’s minister of local government and community development criticized schools that were designated emergency shelters for electing not to open to the public.

But in June 2025, the Jamaica Gleaner reported that some principals raised concerns about the schools, saying they lacked adequate sanitation facilities, weren’t furnished with items that people would need in a shelter or were in need of repair.

These issues were recently echoed in a conversation with a Jamaican principal and research collaborator on Giselle’s current research project, funded by Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada and Killam Trusts. The study involves three public primary schools in Hanover and Westmoreland and examines Afro-Jamaican women teachers’ care work in these rural areas.

The principal noted her concerns were ignored when she brought them to the attention of personnel from the Office of Disaster Preparedness and Emergency Management (ODPEM) when her school was assessed and put on the emergency shelter list before the hurricane. Ninety per cent of ODPEM-designated shelters were schools, and close to 78 per cent of them were destroyed.

She also said the expectations of school staff during sheltering periods were unclear, and she was worried about the implications of leaving schools with scant resources unlocked without oversight.

Given the extensive and likely irreparable damages to her school, her decision to keep its doors closed may have been a life-saving move.

An account like this stands in contrast with the Ministry of Education, Skills, Youth and Information’s announcement that it had “taken deliberate and comprehensive steps to ensure the resilience of the education sector” and that the school “facilities are prepared for what is forecast to be an active hurricane season.”

Structural vulnerabilities

Approximately $5.5 million (J$628 million) was spent to prepare 204 schools for hurricane season in the 2025-26 academic year after Hurricane Beryl, a Category 4 storm, damaged 101 institutions in 2024.

This injection of capital was part of a more than $50 million (J$5 billion) government infrastructure preparation project for Hurricane Melissa’s descent.

Although not all schools were damaged in the hurricane, the high percentage of those impacted is a cause for concern. But the structural vulnerability of many Jamaican schools to the effects of climate change is nothing new.




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It is directly linked to decades of under-resourcing, particularly in the “era of structural adjustment” (1977 to present) as the state has had to adopt severe austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions to reduce its spending on public goods such as education.

Such fiscal belt-tightening is meant to help Jamaica and other heavily indebted countries placate their debt to external creditors. But this economic growth formula is seldom associated with social development.

The cost of inflation and the forced devaluation of the Jamaican dollar — additional austerity measures required by international financial institutions — have reduced government capacity to adequately resource school infrastructure.

Jamaica Teachers’ Association advocacy

Since 1977, the year that structural adjustment programs took root in Jamaica, education spending has fluctuated between five and six per cent of the country’s GDP. However, many stakeholders, including the Jamaica Teachers’ Association (JTA), have been vocal about the negative implications of inadequate spending on education for several years.

In 2024, the JTA president said such low spending puts the nation “woefully” behind. Much needed physical infrastructure and maintenance (and, we might add, books and other learning materials, nutritional programs and transportation) have lagged as a result.

It’s therefore not difficult to comprehend why the scale of Hurricane Melissa’s assault on schools was so significant.

Casting a hopeful vision

Through our ongoing engagements in Jamaica as scholars, educators, activists and community members, we have borne witness to, and are involved in, ongoing efforts to support numerous aged, decrepit and crumbling school structures, which are the result of the state’s neglect and weather systems that are growing increasingly harsh.

We write with hope for the future, one that includes new ecologically resilient schools for teaching and learning and where community members can shelter safely when natural disasters hit. This is essential because Jamaica, and the wider Caribbean region, is susceptible not only to hurricanes, but also floods, landslides, earthquakes and other hazards.

Yet we are not optimistic that the state alone can effect necessary changes because of its heavily indebted status, and therefore, relatively weak capacity.




Read more:
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Although not an explicit admission, the creation of the National Education Trust in 2010 to raise funds and resources for schools, demonstrates this. The state has already begun its official solicitation of support from the international community.

But as members of the Jamaican diaspora in Canada, we urge others in our communities who are interested in supporting the reconstruction of schools in Jamaica to engage with principals, teachers, students and local community members directly so they are able to convey their institutions’ immediate and long-term needs.

This will increase the efficacy of our support and strengthen our ability to work together as Jamaicans at home and abroad.

The Conversation

Giselle Thompson received funding from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and the Killam Trusts. She is affiliated with the not-for-profit organization, World Class Jamaica.

Meshia Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Weak infrastructure leaves Jamaican schools devastated in the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa – https://theconversation.com/weak-infrastructure-leaves-jamaican-schools-devastated-in-the-aftermath-of-hurricane-melissa-269783

Motherhood changes how women spend, save and think about money

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Oriane Couchoux, Assistant Professor of Accounting, Carleton University

Mothers aren’t just losing the income, promotions and career advancements that we’ve known about for quite some time. They’re also quietly spending their own money, absorbing more day-to-day costs and making financial sacrifices that place them at a long-term disadvantage.

We already knew about the impact of motherhood on women’s income. A 2015 study by Statistics Canada shows that mothers earn 85 cents for every dollar earned by fathers. Ten years after the birth of their first child, mothers’ earnings are still around 34.3 per cent lower than they would have been without children.

But our research also reveals that women’s relationship with money is rewired with motherhood and that having children changes their financial decisions and spending habits.

Study participants describe two competing narratives when discussing their personal finances. On the one hand, they view motherhood as a financial project they must manage independently, within the limits of budgets and cost-benefit considerations. On the other hand, they also see motherhood as a role that requires financial sacrifice, where children’s needs and well-being take priority over all financial considerations.

The true cost of motherhood

Motherhood comes with a price. Studies have shown that becoming a mother negatively affects women’s finances and career.

Some research suggests that among other changes, their colleagues might start to perceive their competence and commitment to their professional work less favourably. Mothers also face intensified work-life balance pressures, often leading to part-time employment.

Women are 19 times more likely than men to cite “caring for children” as the primary reason for working part-time.

But beyond the well-documented motherhood penalty — the name given by social scientists to this phenomenon of workplace disadvantages — and the impact of motherhood on women’s income, our qualitative study reveals that motherhood alters the relationship women have with money.

We interviewed mothers living in the Canadian province of Québec to better understand how they manage their finances after having children, and found that motherhood reshapes how mothers spend and think about money.

When asked about how they manage expenses related to their children, participants in our study said they feel they must navigate competing societal expectations that drive them to juggle two narratives — seeing the financial aspect of motherhood as, one, a project to manage, and, two, as a sacrifice to make for their children.

Taking on the role of financial strategist

Mothers, on one hand, strive to be autonomous financial managers capable of developing financial strategies and making decisions considered economically responsible for their families.

As a study participant described:

“Everything goes through my account, I manage everything. I like it that way too. I’m a very meticulous person […] I like to be in control of the budget.”

This leads them to create “baby budgets,” tracking and comparing the prices of different diaper brands in spreadsheets, or setting up savings strategies for their children’s potential future education.

This vision of themselves as independent financial managers, coupled with their desire to fully take on the financial responsibilities of having children, sometimes leads participants in our study to shoulder certain child-related expenses on their own without sharing full details with their co-parent or asking the co-parent to contribute to everyday costs such as food, clothing or family activities.

Another person in the study explained:

“I know that I buy more things for the children. I put them on my card so I know that there are more expenses that I incur as extras … But, at the same time, that’s what I like. I love shopping for them. It’s a gift for me too. But sometimes, I find it a little annoying. I really devote myself a lot to the family, buying things for the house, the family.”

The cultural script of maternal self-sacrifice

Mothers also see themselves as the primary caregivers responsible for making financial sacrifices for their children.

Within this narrative, participants in our study tend to believe that being a good mother means putting their children first, doing everything possible to ensure their happiness and well-being and not tracking the time and money they devote.

As another shared:

“That’s what being a good mom is all about […] you can’t count that. You don’t count the time, being present, taking care of them, the activities, the clothes, everything. You don’t count the expenses, you’re the person they go to.”

This can lead mothers, for example, to put their children’s future ahead of their own, prioritizing education savings or splurging on non-essential items they believe will make their children happy over their own retirement.

This view of motherhood that normalizes financial sacrifice also appears in mothers’ reluctance to calculate the full cost of raising their children and the overall impact of these expenses on their own financial situation, as if determining the amount of money spent on a child were somehow incompatible with the maternal ideal of selfless devotion.

Gender inequality’s long-term financial fallout

This shift in women’s financial perspective highlights some factors behind the persistent gaps between women’s and men’s personal finances. In Canada, the gender pension gap is at about 17 per cent, meaning that “for every dollar of retirement income men receive, women get only 83 cents”.

The additional mental load carried by mothers doesn’t just cost them time and energy, it takes a real toll on their budgets too.

In fact, financial burdens can fall unevenly within couples and between co-parents. Many participants said that they focus on shouldering the financial responsibilities of motherhood independently, no matter the impact on their finances or the contribution from the other parent.

Over time, all of this can contribute to reduced savings and lowered retirement security for mothers, reinforcing the disparities in wealth accumulation and the gender pension between men and women.

Our findings highlight that the true cost of motherhood goes beyond what meets the eye and the need for a broader recognition of the financial labour that mothers bear. We, as a society, must better support them.

The Conversation

Oriane Couchoux received funding from the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Centre for Research on Inclusion at Work (CRIW) at the Sprott School of Business, Carleton University, Canada.

Gabrielle Patry-Beaudoin received funding from the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Centre for Research on Inclusion at Work (CRIW) at the Sprott School of Business, Carleton University, Canada.

ref. Motherhood changes how women spend, save and think about money – https://theconversation.com/motherhood-changes-how-women-spend-save-and-think-about-money-268737

Worker honey bees can sense infections in their queen, leading to revolt

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Alison McAfee, Postdoctoral Fellow, Applied Ecology, University of British Columbia; North Carolina State University

A queen honey bee (marked blue) surrounded by her workers. A typical queen bee lays thousands of eggs a day to keep the hive going. (Abigail Chapman)

When the results of the Canada’s national honey bee colony loss survey were published in July 2025, they came as no surprise. According to the Canadian Association of Professional Apiculturists, an estimated 36 per cent of Canada’s 830,000 honey bee colonies had perished over the winter.

These figures used to make headlines. But after almost two decades of the same story ― colonies dying in the winter, beekeepers struggling to rebuild, somewhat succeeding, rinse and repeat ― the sad statistics are no longer news, and we are still working out why the cycle persists.

Now, we might be having a light-bulb moment. My colleague Abigail Chapman and I recently found that queen honey bees are infected with viruses that compromise their fertility and may get them ousted from their colonies. And that’s meaningful, because “poor queens” is the top-ranked cause of colony losses reported by Canadian beekeepers.

The life of a queen

A typical honey bee colony has a single queen at the helm, and she is solely responsible for laying thousands of eggs per day ― more than her own body weight ― to grow and replenish the colony’s population for years.

A healthy, productive queen also secretes pheromones that, like a chemical bouquet, signal her quality to the workers (sterile females who make up most of the colony’s population).

The queen cannot afford to get sick. She already barely has time to sleep, and the colony depends on her to remain reproductive. But she may indeed become sick.

Queen “autopsies” point to viruses

Our surveys of queens from members of the British Columbia Bee Breeders’ Association showed that “failing” (poor quality, unproductive) queens had a higher viral burden than their healthy counterparts. That is, they were either infected with more viruses, had more intense infections, or both. The failing queens also had smaller ovaries, a sign they could be less fertile.

But this doesn’t necessarily mean that viruses were the culprit or that queens were sick, per se. They could have been failing for other reasons that also made them more susceptible to infection.

So, Chapman designed an experiment to take a closer look. She infected queens with two common honey bee viruses, then measured the queens’ egg-laying activity and the mass of their ovaries.

Not only did the infected queens lay fewer eggs per day, they were less likely to lay eggs at all when compared with controls, at least during the monitoring period, despite all queens laying normally before the experiment. When we saw that the infected queens also had shrunken ovaries, just like the queens supplied by B.C. beekeepers, we knew we were onto something.

In the apiary, too, infected queens had problems. The worse a queen’s infection was, the more likely her workers were to begin rearing a replacement ― a process known as “supersedure.” If the upcoming replacement queen reaches adulthood, she will normally duel any other queen to the death, mate and become the new conveyor of eggs.

The workers’ dilemma

Superseding colonies are over three times more likely to perish when compared with healthy colonies, in part because there is no guarantee that the new queen will successfully mate. But from the workers’ perspective, supersedure is a necessary risk. If the old queen is compromised, producing a new one is the colony’s best chance at survival.

Normally, the queen produces and secretes a retinue pheromone — a blend of at least nine different chemical components — that, among other functions, inhibits workers from replacing her if all is well. But if one or more of those cues is disrupted by a viral infection, that could act like a red flag, we reasoned, signalling to the workers that the queen can’t lay her weight.

Our new data shows that this is the very process underlying the workers’ drive to replace infected queens. The infections caused a deficiency in methyl oleate ― one flower in the queen’s bouquet. This change encourages the workers to begin raising a new queen.

bees moving along a hive
Normally, the queen produces and secretes a retinue pheromone that inhibits workers from replacing her, but a viral infection can disrupt those cues.
(Unsplash/Boba Jaglicic)

From beekeeper to queenkeeper

This validates beekeepers’ reports of having “queen issues” when infection levels are high and supports murmurs of queens not lasting as long as they used to. There are many other reasons why a queen may sputter, including pesticide exposure, extreme temperatures, poor mating and more. But viruses are a universal problem, and we did not previously understand the extent to which they could compromise queens.

Now that we do, colonies can be managed differently to better support the queen. There are currently no treatment options for honey bee viruses and there is a real need for commercial products, but luckily, there is still a way to act. Viruses are spread and sometimes amplified by varroa, a parasitic mite that can thankfully be controlled.




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Varroa treatments ― which must be conducted two to three times per year to keep colonies alive ― already keep beekeepers up at night. Some may want to surrender at the thought of needing to be even more diligent.

But until an antiviral is developed and brought to market, stepping up varroa control is likely the best defence for keeping queens healthy and bringing down colony losses. Pollination of our fruits, nuts and seeds will depend on it.

The Conversation

Alison McAfee receives funding from Project Apis m. She is affiliated with the Canadian Association of Professional Apiculturists and the British Columbia Honey Producers’ Association.

ref. Worker honey bees can sense infections in their queen, leading to revolt – https://theconversation.com/worker-honey-bees-can-sense-infections-in-their-queen-leading-to-revolt-269054