Leaked wedding video lays bare luxurious lives of Iran’s political elite and highlights hypocrisy of Islamic Republic

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Farhang Morady, Reader in International Development, University of Westminster

A short video of a private wedding went viral in Iran recently, tearing away the country’s veil of piety and exposing hypocrisy and a seeming disregard for the rules by which the theocratic regime requires that most Iranians live their lives.

The wedding in question was that of Fatemeh Shamkhani, in mid-2024. She is the daughter of Ali Shamkhani, a close adviser to Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, at the luxurious Espinas Palace Hotel in Tehran.

She wore a low-cut strapless dress with a western-style bridal veil rather than the full head-covering mandated for Iranian women. Many wedding guests also wore modern western styles and a lot of the women went without head coverings.

The video displayed images that were starkly dissonant, revealing the significant class and moral divides within the Iranian Republic and contradicting Iran’s values of revolutionary simplicity and Islamic modesty.

That it was Shamkhani’s family wedding made matters worse. A former commander of the regime’s Revolutionary Guards, he is a key power broker in Iran, who has the ear of Khamenei himself. He was also involved in the savage crackdown on the public protests in Iran in recent years, in defence of the same security and morality laws his family was seen so lavishly violating at the wedding celebration.

More than a mere scandal, the event functions as a potent symbol of a systemic crisis. It has highlighted the triple ailments of elite privilege, selective morality and a rapidly eroding social contract between the ruling class and the people of Iran.

Shamkhani is part of a wealthy group at the centre of power in Iran that enjoys many privileges but imposes strict religious and moral rules on ordinary citizens. In recent years, the wealthiest people have become steadily richer – according to Forbes magazine, in 2020 the number of high net worth people in Iran grew by 21.6% against a global average of 6.3%.

Tehran’s wealthiest people enjoy a luxurious lifestyle while many others struggle to make ends meet.

The emerging ruling elites maintain their wealth through oil revenue, state contracts and shadow economic activities – that enable them to evade sanctions (the Shamkhani family was identified and sanctioned earlier this year by the US treasury as controlling a vast shipping empire involved in transporting oil from Iran and Russia in breach of US sanctions). .

Meanwhile, millions of Iranians are facing severe economic hardships due to hyperinflation, stagnant wages and currency devaluation. To the 36% of Iranians living below the poverty line, it is deeply offensive for these citizens to witness senior officials’ families flaunting their extravagant wealth.

Tale of two Irans

Since the 1979 Revolution, Iran has maintained its legitimacy through its mission to reshape public conduct by enforcing rules such as hijab requirements and sex segregation. The state maintains complete authority to regulate female bodies.

So the Shamkhani wedding, with its ostentatious luxury, its low-cut gowns and lack of head coverings felt to many Iranians as showing complete disregard for laws that the regime’s “morality police” uses to enforce strict rules on ordinary women. The rules exist to control, but they do not apply to those at the top of the tree.

This incident is significant in the context of the “woman, life, freedom” protests of recent years. These were sparked in 2022 by the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, a young Kurdish woman who had been arrested for not wearing her hijab properly. Since then, many Iranians, particularly young people, have openly defied the hijab law.

In response, the government has stepped up its enforcement efforts. But Iran is struggling to address significant shifts in generational attitudes and a substantial decline in its legitimacy. The state is attempting to establish a degree of control that may be impossible to achieve. It cannot force millions of women, who have courageously rejected a law, to return to compliance.

The continuing defiance of Iranian women is a powerful sign that the identity of Iranian society has evolved beyond the state’s ability to dictate it.

Additionally, the viral nature of the leaked video is significant. In an era characterised by the prevalence of smartphones and encrypted messaging applications, the regime finds itself unable to exert control over the narrative. The video spread rapidly inside Iran, prompting a great deal of outrage and extensive commentary, criticising the powerful elites.

Infighting at the top

There has also been some speculation that the leaking of the Shamkhani wedding video is part of a power struggle at the top. It’s been reported that the supreme leader has appeared in public only very rarely since the 12-day war with Israel and the US airstrikes on Iran’s nuclear installations in June. Meanwhile, there are signs of political infighting as rival factions jockey for position.

Prominent among those are Shamkhani and former president Hassan Rouhani. The pair have clashed openly over issues such as the 2015 nuclear deal which Rouhani presided over for Iran. Rouhani has also been accused by Shamkhani’s faction of mismanagement in office. There has been speculation that the leaking of the video may have been sanctioned by the former president as a power play.

The disunity has been made worse by resentment among many Iranians who observe the apparent excesses illustrated by the Shamkhani wedding. For the regime’s critics, the video emphasises Iran’s growing inequality, corruption and hypocrisy.

Events like this are more than just news – over time, they can weaken the social and political foundations of Iran. When the ruling families disregard the rules, those rules begin to lose their authority.

The Conversation

Farhang Morady does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Leaked wedding video lays bare luxurious lives of Iran’s political elite and highlights hypocrisy of Islamic Republic – https://theconversation.com/leaked-wedding-video-lays-bare-luxurious-lives-of-irans-political-elite-and-highlights-hypocrisy-of-islamic-republic-264942

Histotripsy: how sound waves could change the future of tumour treatment

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

Histotripsy is a non-invasive cancer treatment that uses focused ultrasound to destroy tumours with targeted, precise therapy, minimising damage to nearby healthy tissue. Aunt Spray/Shutterstock

For anyone facing cancer, the treatment options can feel brutally familiar: surgery, radiotherapy, chemotherapy, or a combination of them all. But a new approach is beginning to offer something very different. By using nothing more than precisely controlled sound waves, histotripsy can destroy tumours without cutting the skin or burning healthy tissue.

Histotripsy uses technology similar to medical ultrasound scans but delivers far more powerful and focused energy. Instead of creating an image, it produces controlled bursts of energy that form microscopic bubbles inside the targeted tissue.

As these bubbles rapidly expand and collapse, they break the tissue apart into tiny particles. The body then absorbs and clears away this debris over a few weeks, leaving behind little to no scar tissue and protecting the surrounding structures.

One of the biggest advantages of histotripsy is that it is non-invasive. For patients, this means no incisions, less pain, a lower risk of infection, and a quicker recovery than surgery or treatments that rely on heat to destroy tissue.

Crucially, histotripsy does not use ionising radiation or heat, both of which can harm healthy cells. Instead, the procedure is guided in real time using imaging, so clinicians can see exactly where the therapy is being delivered and adjust instantly. This level of precision is central to its safety.

Research into histotripsy has grown rapidly. Laboratory and animal studies have shown that it can effectively destroy tumours in the liver, kidney, pancreas, and other organs. Its ability to clearly define the treatment area while sparing nearby vital structures makes it especially useful for cancers that sit close to blood vessels, ducts, or other sensitive tissues.

Clinical trials have recently brought histotripsy closer to routine patient care. The US Food and Drug Administration has approved it for selected liver treatments after promising results in patients with primary and secondary liver cancers.

In the multi-centre Hope4Liver trial, histotripsy successfully removed targeted liver tumours with fewer complications than many standard treatments. These early results suggest the technology could be valuable not only for cancer but also for benign conditions.

Histotripsy does more than mechanically break down tumours. When tumour cells are fragmented, they release cellular debris and chemical signals that alert the immune system. Laboratory research shows this can help the body recognise and attack cancer cells.

Some studies have even demonstrated abscopal effects, meaning immune responses are triggered in tumour sites far from the treatment area. This immune activation raises the possibility of combining histotripsy with modern immunotherapies to make cancer cells more vulnerable to the body’s defences.




Read more:
Unlocking the body’s defences: understanding immunotherapy


Another strength of histotripsy is that it works hand-in-hand with real-time imaging. This gives doctors the ability to adjust the treatment to a patient’s movement, such as breathing, and to work around anatomical variations.

Researchers are exploring histotripsy for a wide range of health problems. Trials have investigated its use for benign prostate enlargement, softening calcified heart valves, and potentially treating certain neurological conditions. Its ability to target tissue gently and precisely, without harming surrounding areas, makes it appealing for patients who are poor candidates for surgery.

In early studies of valve disease, histotripsy has been shown to soften calcified valve cusps and improve leaflet motion, thereby reducing pressure gradients and improving valve opening. It is not yet a technique that reliably removes all calcification or replaces the valve, and most of the evidence so far comes from pre-clinical research.

Looking ahead, histotripsy may become a powerful addition to medicine’s toolkit. Researchers are still studying its long-term benefits in larger patient groups, but its safety record, minimal damage to surrounding tissues, and compatibility with immune-based treatments set it apart.

As further trials are completed, doctors expect to better understand which patients will gain the most. Technological advances are also likely to produce devices designed specifically for different organs, along with improved imaging guidance and motion correction.

For patients, the potential impact is significant. If widely adopted, histotripsy could reduce the need for invasive surgery, improve tumour control and offer new options when other treatments are too risky or have failed.

The transition from laboratory research to clinical practice is still underway, but the momentum is strong. Each study adds to the evidence that histotripsy can provide precise, effective treatment with fewer risks

Current limitations

But challenges remain. Differences in tissue density, patient anatomy and movement can make targeting harder. The phenomenon known as acoustic aberration, where sound waves are distorted by bone or other tissues, can also reduce accuracy.

Engineers and clinicians are continually improving equipment and navigation algorithms to achieve even greater precision and to broaden its use.

It is also important to remember that cancer is often more widespread than imaging can detect. Histotripsy works on specific, localised lesions and cannot identify or treat hidden microscopic cancer cells. For many patients, though, it can play a valuable role in a broader treatment plan.

Histotripsy’s ability to break cancer with sound reflects a major shift in medical innovation. By transforming sound waves into a potent and precise therapy, scientists and clinicians are redefining how conditions such as cancer can be treated: less invasively, more safely and with greater potential for cure. As research continues, histotripsy stands poised to reshape patient care for years to come.

The Conversation

Justin Stebbing does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Histotripsy: how sound waves could change the future of tumour treatment – https://theconversation.com/histotripsy-how-sound-waves-could-change-the-future-of-tumour-treatment-270181

Desperate Journey: wartime cliches overwhelm this extraordinary true account

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barry Langford, Professor of Film Studies, Royal Holloway, University of London

What does the familiar film tagline “based on a true story” really mean? Leaving aside questions of historical fidelity versus poetic license, what does an audience get from the assurance that a given story “truly happened”?

At best, these claims remind us that – however fantastic or horrific – these events were once realities for other people very much like ourselves. At worst, they exercise a kind of moral blackmail: guilt tripping the audience into thinking that criticising the film’s storytelling somehow disrespects the real people who endured those traumatic events.

Every story of Holocaust survival and rescue is unique and, against the backdrop of ubiquitous slaughter, uniquely miraculous. Annabel Jankel’s new film Desperate Journey, based on the experiences of Austrian-born Holocaust survivor Freddie Knoller (1921-2022), is certainly as extraordinary a story as any.

Freddie (played by Lucas Lynggaard Tønnesen) escaped his parents’ fate through a circuitous and often picturesque journey across Nazi-dominated Europe, ultimately landing late in the war in Auschwitz-Birkenau and surviving a death march.

Such accounts can all too easily topple into cliches of wartime derring-do, or fall victim to sentimentality and sensationalism. What inoculates them against these perils is precisely the unique and often tiny details that ground wildly improbable tales of survival in gritty reality. (The French film-maker Claude Lanzmann, best known for the Holocaust documentary film Shoah, once remarked that “there is more truth for me in some trivial confirmation than in any number of generalisations about the nature of evil”.)

However, Desperate Journey – which focuses almost exclusively on the most colourful part of Freddie’s tale, his time working under a false identity in German-frequented nightclubs in occupied Paris – leaves out almost all of this granular detail. As a consequence, it ends up feeling almost as divorced from the hard-to-fathom realities of the Holocaust as much-derided fantasies like The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas (2008)

The trailer for Desperate Journey.

For example, shortly after Freddie’s escape from Austria, at the urging of a friendly farmer’s wife (Niamh Cusack), he burns his Austrian passport, stamped with the lethal “J” (for Jew). From this point on he is stateless and without papers in a continent-wide trap. But, bar a narrow escape on board a train, in the film his fugitive status seems to cause him remarkably few problems.

Numerous survivor accounts attest to the grinding daily fear and the incessant improvisation needed to stay one step ahead of the Gestapo. Yet courtesy of a friendly Jewish landlady and a tolerant employer, Freddie enjoys a life – albeit precarious – of sleazy glamour in the demi-monde of wartime Parisian nightclubs and brothels.

Despite a screenplay by Michael Radford (1984, Il Postino), and handsome if somewhat overblown production design, almost nothing in Freddie’s story has a ring of authenticity. Nazi officers are uniformly leering sadists. The nightclub dancer (Sienna Guillory) with whom Freddie strikes up an ill-starred and dramatically unconvincing romance performs improbably elaborate routines that evoke Josephine Baker and harbours her own tragic secret to match Freddie’s. The French Resistance fighters he encounters are hard but honourable tough guys in leather jackets and crew-neck sweaters (including an enjoyably hammy turn from Steven Berkoff).

Viewers who favour historical precision will be dissatisfied to find Freddie fleeing Austria days after the March 1938 Anschluss and arriving apparently a few weeks later in occupied Paris (France surrendered to Germany in June 1940; the real Freddie Knoller spent two years in Belgium before fleeing to France ahead of Hitler’s advancing armies).

To those with an aversion to cliche, Freddie’s arrival there, emerging from the Metro to the strains of accordion music and the overtures of improbably glamorous street prostitutes and a cartoonishly Mephistophelian pimp (Fernando Guallar), will be equally grating.

Perhaps the film’s most fatal flaw is its refusal even to try to dramatise the trauma that Freddie – only 17 when his six-year trans-European odyssey began – underwent. He sees his family torn apart, sees his companions mown down by German border guards, lives with the ever-present threat of capture and deportation, and ultimately survives (offscreen) the death factory of Auschwitz and the nightmare of the death marches. Yet his principal character note, from early on in the film, is his adolescent fascination with the imagined lubricious pleasures of Parisian nightlife. His exploits there play more as a slightly risky caper than a struggle for survival.

Desperate Journey feels like a throwback – a 1950s Hollywood version of the war. It is far too light and conventionally melodramatic to hold up against decades of scholarship and public understanding of the real costs of survival amid inconceivable terror and against overwhelming odds.


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The Conversation

Barry Langford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Desperate Journey: wartime cliches overwhelm this extraordinary true account – https://theconversation.com/desperate-journey-wartime-cliches-overwhelm-this-extraordinary-true-account-270531

From Stuttgart’s first industrial revolution to Dubai’s fifth – the need for research to connect outside the academy

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Khan, Editor-in-Chief, The Conversation

In the late 19th century, Stuttgart was booming. The southern German city was famously the cradle of an emerging automobile sector and had already established itself as an industrial powerhouse and centre for toolmaking, mechanical engineering and textiles. Rail connections in the Baden-Württemberg region accelerated development, transported workers and spread wealth.

One might think, then, that an obvious place for the nascent railways to reached out to would have been the historic university town of Tübingen, about 20 miles from Stuttgart. No so, Tilman Wörtz of the university’s communications department informed me, on a recent visit. In fact, explained Wörtz, an accomplished journalist, the story goes that the academic grandees of the era resisted a connection with the emerging financial and industrial powerhouse, perhaps regarding it as somewhat uncouth and vulgar to distract from deep cultural and scientific considerations to engage with the forces of commerce. So for a long time, the proposed railroad hit the buffers.

Fortunately today, thanks to the efforts of university leaders, the institution strives to connect, both with industry and the wider community. There is now a railway station, and I was thrilled to speak with a number of academics about relaying their research and knowledge to non-academic readers. Indeed, this fascinating read on rapper Haftbefehl, who is the subject of a Netflix documentary gripping Germany has already come out of the sessions, and do stay tuned in the coming weeks and months for more from the University of Tübingen, which was founded in 1477 and is now the first German member institution of The Conversation.

Fast forward a week, and I found myself in the eye of what some cast as a fourth or even fifth industrial revolution, in Dubai, incorporating AI, nanobiology, and bioengineering. The city is pitching itself as being at the heart of, and a driving force in, this new era of change, which sees civic government enabling human and technological collaboration tackling societal issues and powering growth.

For more than a decade, what is now called Protoypes For Humanity has been an exhibition at the heart of this city’s dash for development, powering projects that bring the prospect of solutions to challenges in the environment, energy, health, technology and other spheres.

When I attended Prototypes a year ago, it was still largely a showcase for PhD candidates’ projects from some of the world’s leading universities, many of which are members of The Conversation. In the last 12 months, however, a new element has been developed, under the guidance of Naren Barfield, former Provost and Deputy Vice Chancellor of the UK’s Royal College of Art. This sees senior academics come to the city to deliver papers drawing on key aspects of their research.

Full transparency, I served on the selection panel Professor Barfield designed to finalise the programme and The Conversation was a media partner for the 2025 Prototypes event.

The themes for the year were as follows:

  • Wellbeing and health futures
  • Sustainable and resilient infrastructure
  • Artificial intelligence and augmented intelligence
  • Environmental sustainability and climate action
  • Socio-economic empowerment and innovation
  • Open and speculative categories

Following short paper presentations in the Socio-Economic Empowerment category, Barfield explained the thinking behind the new element of Prototypes and the opportunity for researchers:

We are bringing together some of the world’s sharpest minds and most innovative researchers to tackle challenges faced in different parts of the planet. Dubai and this initiative provide a unique chance to generate ideas across a range of academic disciplines that might not otherwise collaborate in such an impactful way.

The Prototypes for Humanity initiative and the relatively new Professors’ Programme has a proven track record of connecting academia with policymakers, industry, and the public in a way often described elsewhere as aspirational. Here, it is actually happening.

The reference to industry struck a chord, perhaps given that I’d so recently heard that story of detachment from 19th century Stuttgart, but also because it’s a grumble I regularly encounter across the world when it comes to academia and its engagement (or lack of) beyond the university sector today.

At the conference venue, in the Emirates Towers of Dubai International Financial District, Tadeu Baldani Caravieri, director of Prototypes for Humanity, discussed the thinking behind the project and potential routes forward.

At Protoypes we’ve seen how researchers can directly drive innovation in partnership with industry and, in the case of Dubai, with the city government as a facilitator.

This has been possible thanks to some of the advantages of this state and region. But these are solutions that can, and do present wider benefits – in some cases globally relevant solutions solutions.

He later added:

This edition [of Prototypes] helped to confirm fundamental assumptions for the space we operate in, i.e. creating bridges between academic ingenuity and real-world needs. The main one is that, although there is sometimes a disconnect between university innovation capabilities and industry needs, there is genuine interest, across all of the parts in this equation, to overcome obstacles and do more. We have enabled and witnessed very promising and results-oriented conversations between academia and potential partners, from PhDs and private sector discussing pilots in applied robotics, to professors supporting a humanitarian agency to rethink aid allocation systems, to multinationals looking to fuel their R&D roadmaps.

Dubai is an excellent incubator for these bridges we are building but, in keeping with the city’s outlook and spirit, we want to enable impact across the world – so it’s just natural that, in the future, we hope to open structured avenues for multi-city collaborations, where local ecosystems complement each other’s strengths.

Prototypes’ community brings in research talent from more than 800 universities around the world, including many academics who have also engaged with The Conversation. For instance, Jeremy Howick, of the University of Leicester, presented on empathy in healthcare in the age of AI, and has written this account. Further articles based on projects that exhibited and on the professors’ papers will be published on The Conversation and will be accessible via this link.

Stay tuned to read more on critical and diverse research relating to subjects such as monitoring and diagnosing pre-eclampsia (Patricia Maguire, University College Dublin, using seaweed to create a sustainable packaging alternative (Austeja Platukyte, Vilnius Academy of Arts ) and the emergent Internet of Beings (Francesco Grillo, Bocconi University, Milan).

The Conversation

ref. From Stuttgart’s first industrial revolution to Dubai’s fifth – the need for research to connect outside the academy – https://theconversation.com/from-stuttgarts-first-industrial-revolution-to-dubais-fifth-the-need-for-research-to-connect-outside-the-academy-270528

Le climat est-il vraiment seul responsable de l’augmentation du degré d’alcool des vins ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Léo Mariani, Anthropologue, Maître de conférence Habilité à diriger des recherches, Muséum national d’histoire naturelle (MNHN)

La précocité des vendanges que l’on observe depuis quelques années a été favorisée par le changement climatique. Mais la hausse du degré d’alcool dans les vins est aussi le fruit d’une longue tradition qui emprunte à l’histoire, au contexte social et aux progrès techniques, et qui a façonné la définition moderne des appellations d’origine protégée. Autrement dit, le réchauffement du climat et celui des vins, entraîné par lui, ne font qu’exacerber un phénomène ancien. C’est l’occasion d’interroger tout un modèle vitivinicole.


Dans l’actualité du changement climatique, la vitiviniculture a beaucoup occupé les médias à l’été 2025. En Alsace, les vendanges ont débuté un 19 août. Ce record local traduit une tendance de fond : avec le réchauffement des températures, la maturité des raisins est plus précoce et leur sucrosité plus importante. Cela a pour effet de bouleverser les calendriers et d’augmenter le taux d’alcool des vins.

La précocité n’est pas un mal en soi. Le millésime 2025 a pu être ainsi qualifié de « très joli » et de « vraiment apte à la garde » par le président d’une association de viticulteurs alsaciens. Ce qui est problématique en revanche, c’est l’augmentation du degré d’alcool : elle est néfaste pour la santé et contredit l’orientation actuelle du marché, plutôt demandeur de vins légers et fruités. Autrement dit, le public réclame des vins « à boire » et non « à garder », alors que la hausse des températures favorise plutôt les seconds.

Il faudrait préciser pourtant que l’augmentation des niveaux d’alcool dans les vins n’est pas nouvelle. Elle est même décorrélée du changement climatique :

« Les vins se sont réchauffés bien avant le climat »,

me souffle un jour un ami vigneron. Autrement dit, l’augmentation du degré d’alcool dans les vins a suivi un mouvement tendanciel plus profond au cours de l’histoire, dont on va voir qu’il traduit une certaine façon de définir la « qualité du vin ».

Se pose donc la question de savoir qui a « réchauffé » qui le premier ? Le climat en portant à maturité des grappes de raisins plus sucrées ? ou le savoir-faire des viticulteurs, qui a favorisé des vins plus propices à la conservation – et donc plus alcoolisés ? Postulons que le climat ne fait aujourd’hui qu’exacerber un problème qu’il n’a pas créé le premier. En lui faisant porter seul la responsabilité de la hausse de l’alcool dans les vins, on s’empêche de bien définir ce problème.

De plus, on inverse alors le sens des responsabilités : la vitiviniculture, en tant qu’activité agricole émettrice de gaz à effet de serre, participe à l’augmentation des températures – et cela bien avant que le changement climatique ne l’affecte en retour.




À lire aussi :
Vin et changement climatique, 8 000 ans d’adaptation


Quand la définition des AOP fait grimper les degrés

Disons-le sans détour, l’instauration des appellations d’origine protégée AOP constitue un moment objectif de la hausse des taux d’alcool dans les vins. Dans certaines appellations du sud-est de la France, où j’ai enquêté, elle est parfois associée à des écarts vertigineux de deux degrés en trois à dix ans.

Il faut dire que les cahiers des charges des AOP comportent un « titre alcoométrique volumique naturel minimum » plus élevé que celui des autres vins : l’alcool est perçu comme un témoin de qualité.

Mais il n’est que le résultat visible d’une organisation beaucoup plus générale : si les AOP « réchauffent » les vins, souvent d’ailleurs bien au-delà des minima imposés par les AOP, c’est parce qu’elles promeuvent un ensemble de pratiques agronomiques et techniques qui font augmenter mécaniquement les niveaux d’alcool.

C’est ce paradigme, qui est associé à l’idée de « vin de garde », dont nous allons expliciter l’origine.

Les « vins de garde » se généralisent sous l’influence de l’État, de la bourgeoisie et de l’industrie

Contrairement à une idée répandue, le modèle incarné par les AOP n’est pas représentatif de l’histoire vitivinicole française en général.

Napoléon III, en voulant développer le commerce du vin avec l’Angleterre, a favorisé l’émergence du standard des vins de garde.
Jean Hippolyte Flandrin

Les « vins de garde » n’ont rien d’un canon immuable. Longtemps, la conservation des vins n’a intéressé que certaines élites. C’est l’alignement progressif, en France, des intérêts de l’une d’elles en particulier, la bourgeoisie bordelaise du XIXe siècle, de ceux de l’État et de ceux de l’industrie chimique et pharmaceutique, qui est à l’origine de la vitiviniculture dont nous héritons aujourd’hui.

L’histoire se précipite au milieu du XIXe siècle : Napoléon III signe alors un traité de libre-échange avec l’Angleterre, grande consommatrice de vins, et veut en rationaliser la production. Dans la foulée, son gouvernement sollicite deux scientifiques.

Au premier, Jules Guyot, il commande une enquête sur l’état de la viticulture dans le pays. Au second, Louis Pasteur, il confie un objectif œnologique, car l’exportation intensive de vins ne demande pas seulement que l’on gère plus efficacement la production. Elle exige aussi une plus grande maîtrise de la conservation, qui offre encore trop peu de garanties à l’époque. Pasteur répondra en inventant la pasteurisation, une méthode qui n’a jamais convaincu en œnologie.




À lire aussi :
Louis Pasteur : l’empreinte toujours d’actualité d’un révolutionnaire en blouse


Sur le principe, la pasteurisation anticipe toutefois les grandes évolutions techniques du domaine, en particulier le développement du dioxyde de soufre liquide par l’industrie chimique et pharmaceutique de la fin du XIXe siècle. Le dioxyde de soufre (SO2) est un puissant conservateur, un antiseptique et un stabilisant.

Carte des principaux crus de la région bordelaise.
DemonDeLuxe/WikiCommons, CC BY-SA

Il va permettre un bond en avant dans la rationalisation de l’industrie et de l’économie du vin au XXe siècle (les fameux sulfites ajoutés pour faciliter la conservation), au côté d’autres innovations techniques, comme le développement des levures chimiques. En cela, il va être aidé par la bourgeoisie française, notamment bordelaise, qui investit alors dans la vigne pour asseoir sa légitimité. C’est ce groupe social qui va le plus bénéficier de la situation, tout en contribuant à la définir. Désormais, le vin peut être stocké.

Cela facilite le développement d’une économie capitaliste rationnelle, incarnée par le modèle des « vins de garde » et des AOP ainsi que par celui des AOC et des « crus ».

Ce qu’il faut pour faire un vin de garde

Bien sûr ce n’est pas, en soi, le fait de pouvoir garder les vins plus longtemps qui a fait augmenter les taux d’alcool. Mais l’horizon esthétique que cette capacité a dessiné.

Un vin qui se garde, c’est en effet un vin qui contient plus de tanins, car ceux-ci facilitent l’épreuve du temps. Or pour obtenir plus de tanins, il faut reculer les vendanges et donc augmenter les niveaux d’alcool, qui participent d’ailleurs aussi à une meilleure conservation.

Les vins de garde sont vieillis en fûts de chêne, ce qui a contribué à en façonner le profil aromatique.
Mark Stebnicki/Pexels, CC BY

Ensuite, la garde d’un vin dépend du contenant dans lequel il est élevé. En l’espèce, c’est le chêne, un bois tanique qui a été généralisé (déterminant jusqu’à la plantation des forêts françaises). Il donne aujourd’hui les arômes de vanille aux vins de consommation courante et le « toasté » plus raffiné de leurs cousins haut de gamme.

La garde d’un vin dépend également des choix d’encépagement. En l’espèce, les considérations relatives à la qualité des tanins et/ou à la couleur des jus de raisin ont souvent prévalu sur la prise en compte de la phénologie des cépages (c’est-à-dire, les dates clés où surviennent les événements périodiques du cycle de vie de la vigne).

Grappes de raisin de variété syrah.
Hahn Family Wines/WIki Commons, CC BY

Ceci a pu favoriser des techniques de sélection mal adaptées aux conditions climatiques et des variétés qui produisent trop d’alcool lorsqu’elles sont plantées hors de leur région d’origine, par exemple la syrah dans les Côtes du Rhône septentrionales.

En effet, la vigne de syrah résiste très bien à la chaleur et les raisins produisent une très belle couleur, raison pour laquelle ils ont été plantés dans le sud. Mais le résultat est de plus en plus sucré, tanique et coloré : la syrah peut alors écraser les autres cépages dans l’assemblage des côtes-du-rhône.

On pourrait évoquer enfin, et parmi beaucoup d’autres pratiques techniques, les vendanges « en vert », qui consiste à éclaircir la vigne pour éviter une maturation partielle du raisin et s’assurer que la vigne ait davantage d’énergie pour achever celle des grappes restant sur pied. Ceci permet d’augmenter la concentration en arômes (et la finesse des vins de garde), mais aussi celle du sucre dans les raisins (et donc d’alcool dans le produit final).

C’est tout un monde qui s’est donc organisé pour produire des vins de garde, des vins charpentés et taillés pour durer qui ne peuvent donc pas être légers et fruités, comme semblent pourtant le demander les consommateurs contemporains.

« Sans sulfites », un nouveau modèle de vins « à boire »

Ce monde, qui tend à réchauffer les vins et le climat en même temps, n’est pas représentatif de l’histoire vitivinicole française dans son ensemble. Il résulte de la généralisation d’un certain type de rapport économique et esthétique aux vins et à l’environnement.

C’est ce monde dans son entier que le réchauffement climatique devrait donc questionner lorsqu’il oblige, comme aujourd’hui, à ramasser les raisins de plus en plus tôt… Plutôt que l’un ou l’autre de ces aspects seulement.

Comme pistes de réflexion en ce sens, je propose de puiser l’inspiration dans l’univers émergent des vins « sans soufre » (ou sans sulfites) : des vins qui, n’étant plus faits pour être conservés, contiennent moins d’alcool. Ces vins sont de surcroît associés à beaucoup d’inventivité technique tout en étant écologiquement moins délétères, notamment parce qu’ils mobilisent une infrastructure technique bien plus modeste et qu’ils insufflent un esprit d’adaptation plus que de surenchère.

Leur autre atout majeur est de reprendre le fil d’une vitiviniculture populaire que l’histoire moderne a invisibilisée. Ils ne constitueront toutefois pas une nouvelle panacée, mais au moins une piste pour reconnaître et valoriser les vitivinicultures passées et présentes, dans toute leur diversité.


Ce texte a fait l’objet d’une première présentation lors d’un colloque organisé en novembre 2025 par l’Initiative alimentation de Sorbonne Université.

The Conversation

Léo Mariani ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Le climat est-il vraiment seul responsable de l’augmentation du degré d’alcool des vins ? – https://theconversation.com/le-climat-est-il-vraiment-seul-responsable-de-laugmentation-du-degre-dalcool-des-vins-270501

How Catholic women in 18th-century Italy defied sexual harassment in the confessional

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Giada Pizzoni, Marie Curie Research Fellow, Department of History, European University Institute

The European Institute for Gender Equality defines sexual harassment as follows: “any form of unwanted verbal, non-verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature occurs, with the purpose or effect of violating the dignity of a person, in particular when creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment”. Harassment stems from power, and it is meant to control either psychologically or sexually. In both instances, victims often feel confused, alone, and uncertain about whether they caused the abuse.

As a historian, I aim to understand how women in the past experienced and tackled intimidating behaviour. Particularly, I am looking at harassment during confession in 18th-century Italy. Catholic women approached this sacrament to share doubts and hopes about subjects ranging from reproduction to menstruation, but at times were met with patronising remarks that unsettled them.

A power imbalance

The Vatican archives show us that some of the men who made these remarks dismissed them as emerging from sheer camaraderie or from curiosity, or as boastfulness, and that they belittled women who remained upset or resentful. The women were often younger, they had less power, and they could be threatened to comply. Yet, the archives also show us how some women deemed these exchanges inappropriate and stood up to such abuse.

The archives hold the records of the trials of the Inquisition tribunals, which all over the Italian peninsula handled reports of harassment and abuse in the confessional booth. For women, confession was paramount because it dictated morality. A priest’s duty was to ask women if they were abiding Christians, and a woman’s morals were bound to her sexuality. Church canons taught that sex was to be only heterosexual, genital, and within marriage. Sexuality was framed by a moral code of sin and shame, but women were active sexual agents, learning from experience and observation. The inner workings of the female body were a mystery, but sex was not. While literate men had access to medical treatises, women learned through knowledge exchanged within the family and with peers. However, beyond their neighbourhoods, some women saw the confessional box as a safe space where they could vent, question their experiences, and seek advice on the topic of sexuality. Clergymen acted as spiritual guides, semi-divine figures that could provide solace – a power imbalance that could lead to harassment and abuse.

Reporting instances of harassment

Some women who experienced abuse in the confessional reported it to the Inquisition, and those religious authorities listened. In the tribunals, notaries put down depositions and defendants were summoned. During trials, witnesses were cross-examined to corroborate their statements. Guilty convictions varied: a clergyman could be assigned fasting or spiritual exercises, suspension, exile, or the galleys (forced labour).

The archives show that in 18th-century Italy, Catholic women understood the lurid jokes, the metaphors and the allusions directed at them. In 1736 in Pisa, for example, Rosa went to her confessor for help, worried her husband did not love her, and was advised to “use her fingers on herself” to arouse his desire. She was embarrassed and reported the inappropriate exchange. Documents in the archives frequently show women were questioned if a marriage produced no children: asked if they checked whether their husbands “consumed from behind”, in the same “natural vase”, or if semen fell outside. In 1779 in Onano, Colomba reported that her confessor asked if she knew that to have a baby, her husband needed to insert his penis in her “shameful parts”. In 1739 in Siena, a childless 40-year-old woman, Lucia, was belittled as a confessor offered to check up on her, claiming women “had ovaries like hens” and that her predicament was odd, as it was enough for a woman “to pull their hat and they would get pregnant”. She reported the exchange as an improper interference into her intimate life.

Records from the confessional show examples of women being told, “I would love to make a hole in you”; seeing a priest rubbing rings up and down his fingers to mimic sex acts; and being asked the leading question if they had “taken it in their hands” – and how each of these women knew what was being insinuated. They understood that such behaviour amounted to harassment. Acts the confessor thought of as flirting – such as when a priest invited Alessandra to meet him in the vineyard in 1659 – were appalling to the women who reported the events (Vatican, Archivio Dicastero della Fede, Processi vol.42)“.

The bewildering effect of abuse

It was also a time when the stereotype of older women no longer being sexual beings was rife. Indeed, it was believed that women in their 40s or 50s were no longer physically fit for intercourse, and their sexual drive was mocked by popular literature. In 1721, Elisabetta Neri, a 29-year-old woman seeking advice about her fumi (hot flushes) that knocked her out, was told that by the time women turned 36 they no longer needed to touch themselves, but that this could help let off some steam and help with her condition.

Women were also often and repeatedly asked about pleasure: if they touched themselves when alone; if they touched other females, or boys, or even animals; if they looked at their friends’ “shameful parts” to compare who “had the largest or the tightest natura, with hair or not” (ADDF, CAUSE 1732 f.516). To women, these comments were inappropriate intrusions; to male harassers, they could be examples of titillating curiosity and advice, such as when a Franciscan friar, in 1715, dismissed intrusive comments about a woman’s sexual life (ADDF, Stanza Storica, M7 R, Trial 3)

Seeking meaningful guidance, women had entrusted these learned figures with their most intimate secrets, and they could be bewildered by the attitudes confessors often displayed. In 1633, Angiola claimed she “shivered for 3 months” after the verbal abuse (ADDF, Vol.31, Processi). The unsolicited remarks and unwanted physical touch struck them.

The courage to speak up

It is undeniable that sexuality has always been cultural, framed by moral codes and political agendas that are constantly being negotiated. Women have been endlessly policed; with their bodies and behaviour under constant scrutiny. However, history teaches us that women could be aware of their bodies and their sexual experiences. They discussed their doubts, and some stood up to harassment or abusive relationships. In the 18th century in Italy, Catholic women did not always have the language to frame abuse, but they were aware when, in the confessional, they did not experience an “honest” exchange, and at times they did not accept it. They could not prevent it, but they had the courage to act against it.

A culture of sexual abuse is hard to eradicate, but women can be vocal and achieve justice. The events of past centuries show that time was up then, as it still is now.

Author’s note: the parenthetical references in the text refer to physical records in the Vatican archives.


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The Conversation

Giada Pizzoni has received a Marie Curie Fellowship.

ref. How Catholic women in 18th-century Italy defied sexual harassment in the confessional – https://theconversation.com/how-catholic-women-in-18th-century-italy-defied-sexual-harassment-in-the-confessional-270594

Comme pour le climat, le monde a besoin d’un panel d’experts pour affronter la crise des inégalités

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Joseph E. Stiglitz, Professor, Columbia Business School, Columbia University

Face à l’ampleur de l’aggravation des inégalités dans le monde, les pays ne devraient-ils pas s’unir pour créer un panel international sur cette question, sur le modèle du Groupe d’experts intergouvernemental sur l’évolution du climat (GIEC), l’organisme des Nations unies créé pour évaluer les données scientifiques relatives au changement climatique ? L’idée de créer un groupe international sur les inégalités a été recommandée par le Comité extraordinaire du G20 d’experts indépendants sur les inégalités mondiales.

La réflexion qui sous-tend la création de ce panel est présentée dans un rapport remis au G20 par les experts de ce comité. Ils affirment que le panel proposé « aiderait les gouvernements et les agences multilatérales en leur fournissant des évaluations et des analyses faisant autorité sur les inégalités ». Il ne ferait pas recommandations directes aux pays. Il proposerait plutôt un ensemble de mesures politiques pouvant être utilisées pour lutter contre les inégalités. Joseph E. Stiglitz, président du panel et lauréat du prix Nobel, explique l’idée.

Quelles sont les principales conclusions du rapport sur les inégalités ?

Notre rapport s’est penché sur les recherches consacrées à l’état des inégalités. Les conclusions devraient tous nous alarmer. Les inégalités de richesse sont plus importantes que les inégalités de revenus. Elles se sont aggravées dans la plupart des pays au cours des 40 dernières années.

L’augmentation mondiale des revenus et des richesses pour les plus aisés est particulièrement inquiétante. Les plus riches accumulent des fortunes tandis que la vie des gens ordinaires stagne. Pour chaque dollar de richesse créé depuis l’an 2000, 41 cents sont allés aux 1 % les plus riches. Seul un centime est allé aux 50 % les plus pauvres.

Pour chaque dollar de richesse créé depuis l’année 2000, 41 centimes sont allés au 1 % des personnes les plus riches, et seulement 1 centime est allé aux 50 % les plus pauvres.

Cette concentration de richesse confère une influence massive sur l’économie et la politique. Elle menace les performances économiques et les bases mêmes de la démocratie.

Que recommande le rapport aux pays du G20 pour lutter contre les inégalités ?

Les inégalités résultent de choix. Il existe des politiques qui permettent de les réduire. Il s’agit notamment de proposer une fiscalité plus progressive, un allègement de la dette, une révision des règles du commerce mondial et une limitation des monopoles.

Notre comité a constaté que des progrès significatifs ont été réalisés dans le suivi de l’ampleur des inégalités, de leurs facteurs et des solutions politiques. Néanmoins, les décideurs politiques ne disposent toujours pas d’informations suffisantes, fiables ou accessibles sur les inégalités.

Il existe un besoin urgent d’institutions capables de produire des analyses solides sur les inégalités.

En 1988, les gouvernements ont créé le Groupe d’experts intergouvernemental sur l’évolution du climat (GIEC) afin d’évaluer les données et de fournir des analyses rigoureuses pour aider les gouvernements à faire face à l’urgence climatique. Aujourd’hui, nous sommes confrontés à une urgence en matière d’inégalités et avons besoin d’un effort mondial similaire.

C’est pourquoi notre principale recommandation est de créer un groupe d’experts international sur les inégalités.

En vous appuyant sur ce rapport, que recommandez-vous à l’Afrique du Sud pour réduire les inégalités ?

L’Afrique du Sud a fait preuve d’un leadership extraordinaire en plaçant sa présidence du G20 sur la solidarité, l’égalité et la durabilité. Ce rapport en est la preuve. Nous espérons que l’Afrique du Sud continuera à défendre nos recommandations, en particulier la création d’un panel international sur les inégalités.

Notre comité a choisi de ne pas commenter les politiques spécifiques de certains pays. Mais le rapport propose plusieurs pistes qui peuvent réduire les inégalités. Il s’agit notamment de mesures nationales telles que le renforcement des lois sur la concurrence, la mise en place d’une réglementation favorable aux travailleurs, l’investissement dans les services publics et des politiques fiscales et budgétaires plus progressistes.

The Conversation

Joseph E. Stiglitz is chair of the G20 Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality.

Imraan Valodia receives funding from various agencies that support independent academic research

ref. Comme pour le climat, le monde a besoin d’un panel d’experts pour affronter la crise des inégalités – https://theconversation.com/comme-pour-le-climat-le-monde-a-besoin-dun-panel-dexperts-pour-affronter-la-crise-des-inegalites-270465

How England’s Premier League is trying to stop football’s financial arms race – without a salary cap

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By James Skinner, Dean Newcastle Business School/Professor of Sport Business, University of Newcastle

Debates about financial regulation in sport often begin with salary caps: strict, transparent cost-control mechanisms common in North American and Australian leagues.

They’re credited with improving competitive balance and financial sustainability, so many might assume English football would follow suit.

While England’s Premier League is preparing the most significant overhaul of its financial rules in a generation, it is avoiding a hard salary cap in favour of a bespoke framework designed for Europe’s promotion and relegation ecosystem and globally fluid transfer market.

So why have these rules been implemented, and will they help address football’s financial arms race, given one of the world’s richest and most financially unequal sporting competitions still refuses to introduce a salary cap?

What’s changing in the Premier League?

The Premier League recently announced that from 2026–27, clubs will move away from the Profitability and Sustainability Rules (PSR) introduced in the 2015–16 season, and towards a model centred on controlling football-related spending and ensuring long-term financial health.

The league’s stated aims are clarity, predictability and resilience. They shift focus from backward-looking accounting to real-time cost control and robust balance-sheet strength, with closer alignment to the approach of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA).

Owners will retain freedom to invest in stadiums and infrastructure, but will face tighter constraints on wages, agent fees and “transfer amortisation” – an accounting practice where clubs spread the cost of a player’s transfer fee over the length of their contract to reduce annual costs and stay within spending limits.

Introducing the ‘squad cost ratio’

At the heart of the reforms, the squad cost ratio (SCR) caps how much a club may spend on its first-team squad (wages, agent fees and transfers) relative to its football revenue.

The headline limit is 85% of eligible income, with a small buffer for newly promoted sides to ease the transition.

In practice, a club generating £300 million (A$609 million) from match day, commercial and league distributions could spend around £255 million (A$518 million) on its squad.

Overspending can result in sanctions, including points deductions.

Unlike PSR’s three-year, business-wide profitability test, this squad cost ratio isolates football costs and is monitored during the season, making it easier to understand and harder to game.

Infrastructure and academy investment sit outside the ratio, which means the rule will likely curtail short-term arms races in player wages and fees.

The intent is to stop clubs overspending to keep pace with rivals, enhancing competitive balance without prescribing a hard salary cap.

The second pillar

The second pillar — sustainability and systemic resilience (SSR) — introduces financial health checks aimed at ensuring clubs are solvent and can survive unexpected financial shocks.

Three tests apply:

1. Working capital test. This verifies clubs hold enough cash and commitments to meet month-to-month obligations.

2. Liquidity test. This assesses whether a club can withstand an £85 million (A$173 million) adverse shock, such as lost broadcast income or failure to sell a player during the transfer window.

3. Positive equity test. This requires phasing in the replacement of owner loans with real investment – for example, instead of an owner lending £100 million that must be repaid, the owner invests £100 million as equity, making the club financially stronger.

Together, these measures push for stronger balance sheets, reduced reliance on risky debt and greater transparency, vital after years of insolvency threats across England’s football ecosystem.

By embedding resilience alongside cost control, the framework aims to curb boom-and-bust cycles and protect competitive integrity.

Some concerns remain

Despite its promise, the framework raises practical and strategic concerns.

First, English clubs may face competitive disadvantages in European markets if the rules around how they can generate and spend revenue are stricter than those used abroad. Minor differences may compound in a global talent race, potentially constraining investment in elite players over time.

Second, mandating equity injections while phasing out soft loans raises the cost of capital and narrows financial engineering options, making clubs more expensive to run and less attractive to private equity investment, especially mid-table teams with limited profits.

Third, and most acute, is valuation risk: SSR gives regulatory weight to “squad market value”, a volatile and loosely defined metric. Without clear standards, player valuations can legitimately diverge by tens of millions, allowing clubs to manipulate these valuations to meet financial rules instead of improving real finances.

Closing loopholes on operating spend and debt may inadvertently open a larger one around player valuations, which are harder to audit and easier to manipulate.

Will these changes work?

The two key components shaping the Premier League’s path are the SCR, a cap-like limit tied to football revenue, and SSR, which measures liquidity, working capital, and equity strength to secure financial health.

Ultimately, the question is whether these changes will deliver the desired financial transparency, or just create new loopholes.

A traditional hard salary cap for Premier League clubs remains unlikely. The Professional Footballers’ Association has warned it would unlawfully restrict trade, and leading legal opinions argue rigid caps risk breaching UK or EU employment and competition law and don’t fit a football pyramid system.

The Premier League’s innovative approach could set a benchmark, but we will have to wait and see if it becomes a yardstick for other leagues.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How England’s Premier League is trying to stop football’s financial arms race – without a salary cap – https://theconversation.com/how-englands-premier-league-is-trying-to-stop-footballs-financial-arms-race-without-a-salary-cap-270666

The Hong Kong high-rise fire shows how difficult it is to evacuate in an emergency

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor and Principal Fellow in Urban Risk and Resilience, The University of Melbourne

Tommy Wang/Getty

The Hong Kong high-rise fire, which spread across multiple buildings in a large residential complex, has killed dozens, with hundreds reported missing.

The confirmed death toll is now 44, with close to 300 people still unaccounted for and dozens in hospital with serious injuries.

This makes it one of Hong Kong’s deadliest building fires in living memory, and already the worst since the Garley Building fire in 1996.

Although more than 900 people have been reportedly evacuated from the Wang Fuk Court, it’s not clear how many residents remain trapped.

This catastrophic fire – which is thought to have spread from building to building via burning bamboo scaffolding and fanned by strong winds – highlights how difficult it is to evacuate high-rise buildings in an emergency.

When the stakes are highest

Evacuations of high-rises don’t happen every day, but occur often enough. And when they do, the consequences are almost always severe. The stakes are highest in the buildings that are full at predictable times: residential towers at night, office towers in the day.

We’ve seen this in the biggest modern examples, from the World Trade Center in the United States to Grenfell Tower in the United Kingdom.

The patterns repeat: once a fire takes hold, getting thousands of people safely down dozens of storeys becomes a race against time.

But what actually makes evacuating a high-rise building so challenging?

It isn’t just a matter of “getting people out”. It’s a collision between the physical limits of the building and the realities of human behaviour under stress.

It’s a long way down to safety

The biggest barrier is simply vertical distance. Stairwells are the only reliable escape route in most buildings.

Stair descent in real evacuations is far slower than most people expect. Under controlled or drill conditions people move down at around 0.4–0.7 metres per second. But in an actual emergency, especially in high-rise fires, this can drop sharply.

During 9/11, documented speeds at which survivors went down stairs were often slower than 0.3 m/s. These slow-downs accumulate dramatically over long vertical distances.

Fatigue is a major factor. Prolonged walking significantly reduces the speed of descent. Surveys conducted after incidents confirm that a large majority of high-rise evacuees stop at least once. During the 2010 fire of a high-rise in Shanghai, nearly half of older survivors reported slowing down significantly.

Long stairwells, landings, and the geometry of high-rise stairs all contribute to congestion, especially when flows from multiple floors merge into a single shaft.

Slower movers include older adults, people with physical or mobility issues and groups evacuating together. These reduce the overall pace of descent compared with the speeds typically assumed for able-bodied individuals. This can create bottlenecks. Slow movers are especially relevant in residential buildings, where diverse occupants mean movement speeds vary widely.

Visibility matters too. Experimental studies show that reduced lighting significantly slows down people going down stairs. This suggests that when smoke reduces visibility in real events, movement can slow even further as people hesitate, misjudge steps, or adjust their speed.

Human behaviour can lead to delays

Human behaviour is one of the biggest sources of delay in high-rise evacuations. People rarely act immediately when an alarm sounds. They pause, look for confirmation, check conditions, gather belongings, or coordinate with family members.

These early minutes are consistently some of the costliest when evacuating from tall buildings.

Studies of the World Trade Center evacuations show the more cues people saw – smoke, shaking, noise – the more they sought extra information before moving. That search for meaning adds delay. People talk to colleagues, look outside windows, phone family, or wait for an announcement. Ambiguous cues slow them even further.

In residential towers, families, neighbours and friend-groups naturally try to evacuate together. Groups tend to form wider steps, or group together in shapes that reduce overall flow. But our research shows when a group moves in a “snake” formation – one behind the other – they travel faster, occupy less space, and allow others to pass more easily.

These patterns matter in high-rise housing, where varied household types and mixed abilities make moving in groups the norm.

Why stairs aren’t enough

As high-rises grow taller and populations age, the old assumption that “everyone can take the stairs” simply no longer holds. A full building evacuation can take too long, and for many residents (older adults, people with mobility limitations, families evacuating together) long stair descents are sometimes impossible.

This is why many countries have turned to refuge floors: fire- and smoke-protected levels built into towers as safe staging points. These can reduce bottlenecks and prevent long queues. They give people somewhere safe to rest, transfer across to a clearer stair, or wait for firefighters. Essentially, they make vertical movement more manageable in buildings where continuous descent isn’t realistic.

Alongside them are evacuation elevators. These are lifts engineered to operate during a fire with pressurised shafts, protected lobbies and backup power. The most efficient evacuations use a mix of stairs and elevators, with ratios adjusted to the building height, density and demographics.

The lesson is clear: high-rise evacuation cannot rely on one tool. Stairs, refuge floors and protected elevators should all be made part of ensuring vertical living is safer.

The Conversation

Erica Kuligowski is affiliated with the Society of Fire Protection Engineers (SFPE) as a Section Editor for their Handbook of Fire Protection Engineering (Human Behaviour Section) and as a member of the Board of Governors for the SFPE Foundation. From 2002 to 2020, Erica worked as a research engineer and social scientist in the Engineering Laboratory of NIST, where she contributed to NIST’s Technical Investigation of the 2001 WTC Disaster and received US government funding to study occupant evacuation elevators.

Ruggiero Lovreglio receives funding from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (New Zealand), Royal Society Te Apārangi (New Zealand) and NIST (USA)

Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Hong Kong high-rise fire shows how difficult it is to evacuate in an emergency – https://theconversation.com/the-hong-kong-high-rise-fire-shows-how-difficult-it-is-to-evacuate-in-an-emergency-270774

Why is bamboo used for scaffolding in Hong Kong? A construction expert explains

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher and Sustainable Future Lead, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University

At least 44 people have died and more than 270 are missing after a major fire engulfed an apartment complex in Hong Kong’s Tai Po district. The fire, which swept through multiple high-rise towers, is still burning.

The exact cause of the blaze, which broke out just before 3pm local time on Wednesday, is still unknown. Hong Kong Police have arrested three construction company executives on suspicion of manslaughter.

The apartment blocks are 31 stories tall. Opened in 1983, they were undergoing renovations at the time of the blaze, and were covered in bamboo scaffolding and green protective mesh.

Bamboo scaffolding has been a feature of the city for centuries. But why? The answer is part history, part engineering and part economics.

But the recent tragedy has sharpened the focus on fire safety, and when and where bamboo should be used.

A fast-growing grass

Bamboo is a fast-growing grass with hollow, tube-like stems (known as “culms”). Those tubes give it a high strength-to-weight ratio. A pole is light enough to carry up a stairwell, yet strong enough, when braced and tied correctly, to support platforms and workers.

Crews lash poles together in tight grids and tie them back to the buildings with brackets and anchors. Properly designed, a bamboo scaffold can resist wind and working loads.

Hong Kong’s Buildings Department and Labour Department publishes clear guidelines on the design and construction of bamboo scaffolds.

Bamboo scaffolding is also used in parts of mainland China, India, and across Southeast Asia and South America.

A cheap and flexible material

There are three main reasons why bamboo scaffolds are used in Hong Kong.

First, speed. An experienced team can “wrap” a building quickly because poles are light and can be cut to fit irregular shapes. That matters in tight streets with limited crane access.

Second, cost. Bamboo is a fraction of the price of metal systems, so contractors can keep bids low. The material is also easy to source locally, which keeps routine repairs and repainting within budget.

Third, tradition and skills. Bamboo scaffolding features in a famous piece of Chinese art, Along the River During the Qingming Festival, painted by Zhang Zeduan who lived between 1085 and 1145. Hong Kong still trains and certifies bamboo scaffolders, and the craft remains part of the city’s construction culture.

These factors explain why bamboo has remained visible on the city’s skyline even as metal systems dominate elsewhere.

Unlike metal made in blast furnaces, bamboo also grows back, and turning a stalk into a pole takes little processing. This means its overall climate impact is smaller.

What are the risks?

There are two main risks of bamboo scaffolding.

The first, as this tragedy in Hong Kong highlights, is fire.

Dry bamboo is combustible, and the green plastic mesh often draped over scaffolds can also quickly burn.

In the Tai Po fire, footage and reports indicate the fire quickly raced up the scaffolding and mesh, and across the facade of the buildings.

This is why there are calls for non-combustible temporary works on occupied towers – or at minimum, flame-retardant nets, treated bamboo, and breaks in the scaffold so fire can’t easily jump from bay to bay.

The second risk of using bamboo scaffolding is related to variability and weather.

Bamboo is a natural material, so strength varies with species, age and moisture. Lashings can loosen and storms are a common risk.

Hong Kong’s updated guidelines and code try to manage this with material rules (such as age, diameter and drying), mandatory ties to the structure, steel brackets and anchor testing, and frequent inspections – especially before bad weather.

A high-rise apartment covered in bamboo scaffolding and white mesh.
Bamboo has been used for scaffolding in Hong Kong for centuries.
Frank Barning/Pexels

A shift to metal

In March 2025, Hong Kong’s Development Bureau directed that metal scaffolds be adopted in at least 50% of new government public-works building contracts. It also encouraged metal use in maintenance where feasible.

Subsequent government replies to the Legislative Council in June and July reiterated the 50% requirement and described a progressive transition based on project feasibility.

Private projects may still use bamboo under existing codes. But for public works the baseline is now metal, signalling a move toward non-combustible systems.

The lesson from Hong Kong is not that bamboo is “good” or “bad” for scaffolding – it’s about context. It has clear advantages for small-scale, short-duration, ground-anchored work where streets are tight and budgets are lean. But on tall, occupied residential blocks, especially with mesh-wrapped facades, its fire risk and variability demand much stronger controls.

Bamboo scaffolding helped build Hong Kong’s skyline because it was fast, clever and affordable. The science behind fire and the realities of high-rise living now demand a tighter line: use the right tool for the job, and when the risks climb, switch to non-combustible systems.

That way the city can honour a proud craft, while keeping people safe in the homes those scaffolds surround.

The Conversation

Dr Ehsan Noroozinejad has received funding from both national and international organisations. His most recent funding on integrated housing and climate policy comes from the Australian Public Policy Institute (APPI). He also serves on the Executive Committee of the Early- and Mid-Career Academic and Practitioner (EMCAP) Network at Natural Hazards Research Australia, the Australian government-funded national centre for natural hazard resilience and disaster risk reduction.

ref. Why is bamboo used for scaffolding in Hong Kong? A construction expert explains – https://theconversation.com/why-is-bamboo-used-for-scaffolding-in-hong-kong-a-construction-expert-explains-270780