What is Bluetooth and how does it work?

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shreyas Sen, Associate Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Purdue University

Her earbuds are connected to her tablet by radio waves. Olga Pankova/Moment via Getty Images

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.


What is Bluetooth? – Henry, age 13, Somerville, Massachusetts


How do headphones, toys, gadgets and other devices talk to each other without any wires? Many of them connect with Bluetooth. It’s a technology that allows different devices to communicate wirelessly. Think of it as a device’s voice that it uses to share information.

Bluetooth works by sending radio wave signals between devices. Radio waves are electromagnetic waves, which are a type of energy that moves from one place to another. Other kinds of electromagnetic waves include heat, light and X-rays. Radio waves can carry information, from the sights and sounds on a TV to data on a laptop. As an example, your music player sends the music through these invisible waves to your headphones.

I’m an electrical and computer engineer and I study wireless technologies. Every device that uses Bluetooth contains a set of computer chips that send and receive these radio waves.

Connecting through Bluetooth starts with a process called pairing. Pairing is like first introductions between two people, where they acknowledge each other and agree to talk to each other. Once paired, the devices remember each other and don’t have to be paired the next time.

Bluetooth is everywhere! Over 5 billion Bluetooth devices were sold worldwide in 2025. It’s in headphones for listening to wireless music and in video games that let you play with wireless controllers. Smartphones and tablets use Bluetooth to share photos, videos and files with friends. Smartwatches connect to your phone to get notifications and track your fitness. In cars, Bluetooth lets you play music from your phone and enables hands-free calls.

a vertical blue oval containing white lines forming a geometric pattern
The Bluetooth logo is based on the ancient Scandinavian symbols for the initials of a 10th-century Viking king, Harald ‘Bluetooth’ Gormsson.
Jnmasek/Wikimedia Commons

Bluetooth is named after a Scandinavian king, Harald Bluetooth Gormsson, who united parts of the Nordic region in the 900s, because the technology unites different devices. The symbol for Bluetooth comes from a combination of two ancient Nordic runes, or symbols, for the king’s initials.

Bluetooth vs. Wi-Fi

Bluetooth and Wi-Fi complement each other, serving different purposes in our everyday connected world.

Bluetooth is great for things that need moderate but not superfast speeds, such as streaming music or connecting devices. For faster needs, people use Wi-Fi. Bluetooth is not ideal for transferring large files or streaming high-definition video. But for most everyday tasks, it’s pretty capable.

Bluetooth is ideal for short-range connections up to 30 feet, so mostly when the two connected devices are in the same room. Wi-Fi, on the other hand, is designed for longer-range communication, up to 300 feet – for example, within a house or school building.

a pair of hands hold a game controller
Most wireless game controllers use Bluetooth to connect to game consoles.
Nikos Pekiaridis/NurPhoto via Getty Images

Bluetooth connects devices directly to each other without needing to connect to the internet. But if you need high-speed internet access or to create a local network of multiple devices, Wi-Fi is the way to go.

Bluetooth is good for when it’s important to use low amounts of power to connect devices, like for wireless devices that run on batteries. Wi-Fi consumes more power, so the Wi-Fi routers that connect devices to each other and the internet typically have to be plugged into an outlet.

From blasting music to tracking your steps or sharing a meme with a friend, Bluetooth makes it faster and easier. So the next time you use your wireless headphones, you’ll know the technology behind the magical flow of songs through the airwaves.


Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

The Conversation

Shreyas Sen is the Founder and CTO of Quasistatics, Inc. (dba Ixana), which develops Wi-R, a wireless body-area communication technology. He owns shares in the company.

ref. What is Bluetooth and how does it work? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-bluetooth-and-how-does-it-work-242892

Algorithms that customize marketing to your phone could also influence your views on warfare

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Justin Pelletier, Professor of Practice of Computing Security, Rochester Institute of Technology

Could AI algorithms sway the public mood? Paper Trident/iStock via Getty Images

When a coupon suddenly appears on your phone as you approach a store, you might find it convenient and even helpful. But the same AI systems that know where you are and try to influence your purchases can be used to infer what you fear, what you trust and which stories you are likely to believe. AI-fueled marketing algorithms are becoming increasingly good at influencing human behavior.

That raises concern about what various governments might do with these tools to influence citizens’ views about warfare. A clear-eyed look at how administrations are exploiting these systems may help people and their nations navigate an uncertain future.

I am a security researcher who studies ways to explore and characterize the risk technology poses to individuals and society. The rise of AI-mediated influence has raised questions about the erosion of people’s capacity to exercise free will and, by extension, society’s ability to distinguish a just war from an unjust war.

AI-powered marketing

The integration of AI with location-based services is pushing the marketing frontier. Location-based services use geographic data from indoor sensors, cellphone towers and satellites to promote goods and services that are tailored to your location, a capability called geofencing.

When marketing firms couple massive amounts of data about individuals’ behaviors – including information that people voluntarily or unknowingly share through mobile device applications – the firms can group, or segment, potential customers based on what they like, what they do and what they say.

Once an AI-powered marketing system knows where a user is and can make an informed guess about that person’s likes and dislikes, it can design targeted coupons and advertisements to influence the behavior of each person in a group, and possibly the group as a whole. This combination of AI with geofencing and segmentation makes hyperpersonalized marketing content possible at an unprecedented scale.

Real-time propaganda

What might this advance have to do with warfare? The use of psychology to win battles or obviate the need for war is as old as armed conflict itself. Sun Tzu, the Chinese military general and philosopher who died in 496 B.C., wrote: “Therefore the skillful leader subdues the enemy’s troops without any fighting; he captures their cities without laying siege to them; he overthrows their kingdom without lengthy operations in the field.”

From Sun Tzu’s era until today, skilled practitioners of military strategy have sought to reduce the risk in fighting through reflexive control: getting opponents to willingly perform actions that are best for the strategist’s empire or nation.

Today’s strategists increasingly rely on paid social media advertisements, influencers, AI-generated content and even fake social media accounts to sway popular opinion toward their goals. This power, and controversy surrounding it, has been implicated in recent national elections, domestic unrest and negotiations to end the conflict in Ukraine.

Jessica Brandt, former director of the Foreign Malign Influence Center at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, discusses the role of AI in foreign influence operations.

Unlike propaganda during the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, modern influencers don’t rely on a single message broadcast to the masses. Strategists test and deploy thousands of narrative variations simultaneously, monitor how different groups respond and refine their approach in near-real time. The purveyors don’t need to convince everyone. They just need to nudge enough people at the right moment to change election outcomes, pressure domestic policies or even trigger ethnic violence.

How much deception is tolerable?

As online influence becomes more automated and personalized, it is harder to determine where persuasion ends and coercion begins. If groups of people, or even a nation’s citizenry, can be guided toward certain beliefs or behaviors without overt force, democratic societies face a new problem: how to distinguish traditional attempts at influence from manipulation – especially during conflict.

Recent studies show that Americans trust local news sources more than national ones, although trust in both local and national news media has declined across all age groups in the U.S. Ironically, this trust deficit is being exploited by unscrupulous media in various ways, such as AI-generated, pink-slime news – online news stories that only appear to be from authentic local news outlets. The stories are often technically accurate but presented with veiled political bias.

AI-driven propaganda directly challenges how people typically evaluate claims that their nation has been wronged – that it is the “good guy” standing up for what is right. Just war theory assumes that citizens can reasonably consent to war. Legitimate political authority requires an informed public that can decide violence is both necessary and proportional to the offense. However, when influence operations sway people’s views without them being aware of it, these systems threaten to undermine the moral preconditions that make war just.

The question citizens have to answer is how they will allow their information environments to evolve. Do they assume that deception is ubiquitous and therefore governments must control information and even preempt the truth by weaponizing AI-driven narratives? Or should the public accept the risk of AI-generated influence as a regrettable but necessary part of openness, pluralism and the belief that truth emerges through transparent debate and not under tight controls?

The same systems that decide which coupon reaches your phone are starting to shape which narratives reach you, your community and a nation’s entire population during a crisis. Recognizing this connection is the first step toward deciding how much influence people are willing to accept from such algorithms and the propagandists who control them.

The Conversation

Justin Pelletier is affiliated with the United States Army Reserve. The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Army, Department of War, or the U.S. Government.

ref. Algorithms that customize marketing to your phone could also influence your views on warfare – https://theconversation.com/algorithms-that-customize-marketing-to-your-phone-could-also-influence-your-views-on-warfare-274817

How Homeland Security’s subpoenas and databases of protesters threaten the ‘uninhibited, robust, and wide-open’ free speech protected by Supreme Court precedent

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin, Frank and Bethine Church Endowed Chair of Public Affairs, Boise State University

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security is reportedly issuing administrative subpoenas to identify anonymous social media accounts that criticize U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Google, Meta and Reddit have complied with at least some of those requests, according to The New York Times.

These subpoenas appear alongside other recent steps by the Trump administration aimed at clamping down on its critics.

In Minneapolis and Chicago, ICE agents told protesters their faces were being recorded and identified using facial recognition technology. Tom Homan, the White House border czar, has also spoken publicly about creating a database of people arrested during protests against immigration enforcement operations.

One way to understand these government moves is by focusing on law enforcement and compliance. Some people may wonder about what legal authority DHS is using to demand identities and compile lists, how many accounts are involved, and whether prosecutions will follow. Those questions matter.

But they are not the most important ones.

To me, a professor of public service and vice chair of the National Communication Association’s Communication and Law Division, the more revealing question is why the government wants the names of critics in the first place, and what that choice signals about how dissent is being understood.

A large white sign with the name 'Meta' on it.
DHS has issued subpoenas to social media companies to identify anonymous accounts that criticize ICE; Meta is one of the companies that has complied.
Nicolas Economou/NurPhoto via Getty Images

Legality is wrong measure

The DHS subpoenas that target social media accounts may be perfectly legal.

Administrative subpoenas are authorized by statute and do not require a judge’s approval before issuance. The government’s use of facial recognition technology has survived constitutional challenge in certain investigative contexts. A president’s executive memoranda routinely set enforcement priorities.

But constitutionality does not turn on whether a tool exists. It turns on how that tool is used.

Power can be lawful in the abstract and antidemocratic in its application. The fundamental question in a democracy isn’t whether the government possesses investigative authority. Instead, the question to ask is what happens when that authority begins to focus on critics of a particular policy.

National Security Presidential Memorandum-7, issued in September 2025, makes the stakes even more stark. It directs agencies to prioritize efforts to counter what it calls “domestic terrorism” and organized political violence. It emphasizes threat assessment and intelligence sharing across departments. It frames certain forms of political conflict in security terms.

When protest and online criticism are characterized using a national security vocabulary, they begin to look less like disagreement and more like destabilization. And once dissent is understood as a potential threat, the gathering of names and data can feel ordinary rather than exceptional.

Same rules for everyone

The First Amendment draws its strongest protections around speech that challenges the state. Criticism of immigration enforcement concerns federal authority, borders and human rights. It is core political speech.

Viewpoint discrimination is among the borders the Supreme Court has guarded most carefully. A viewpoint-neutral law is one that applies to everyone, regardless of opinion. Racists have the same right to speech as do Catholic nuns.

Government may regulate conduct, and it may punish true threats and incitement. It may even enforce neutral laws that incidentally restrict speech.

What government may not do is single out one side of a political debate because officials disapprove of its perspective.

If opposition to immigration enforcement triggers subpoenas by the government to businesses to provide the identity of dissenters, that is a problem for the Constitution. The government would need to demonstrate a compelling and viewpoint-neutral justification for the requests. Broad appeals to public safety are rarely sufficient when the speech at issue lies at the center of public debate.

A Minnesota resident thinks federal agents identified her with facial recognition technology.

Anonymous speech makes the stakes clearer

In the 1958 case NAACP v. Alabama, the Supreme Court refused to allow the state to compel disclosure of civil rights membership lists because exposure invited retaliation. In McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission, in 1995, the court protected anonymous pamphleteering.

The reasoning in both cases was grounded in experience rather than theory. People speak differently when they believe their names may be recorded and stored by the state.

The risk in the present moment to the kind of dissent democracy needs and the Constitution protects may not lie in mass arrests. It may lie in narrowing – a narrowing of who feels safe criticizing federal policy. A narrowing of how sharply people speak. A narrowing of what feels worth the risk.

The First Amendment guards the right to express unpopular views. Chilling speech does not require prosecution. It requires uncertainty and asymmetry – a power imbalance. A person who believes online criticism could land them in a federal database may decide silence is the rational choice.

Supporters of the subpoenas will point to genuine safety concerns. Sharing agents’ locations can create real danger. True threats and incitement fall outside constitutional protection. Under the Supreme Court’s Brandenburg standard, advocacy loses protection when it is directed at and likely to produce imminent lawless action.

The Constitution leaves room to address such genuine danger. The harder question is what happens when tools designed for protecting against tangible harm migrate into ordinary political conflict.

American history offers reminders of how this unfolds. During the Red Scare, loyalty investigations reached into universities and civic organizations. After the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, surveillance authorities expanded under the Patriot Act. Early provisions allowed the government to seek library borrowing records. Even limited use or constraints on how government could apply its powers for obtaining information may have chilled inquiry. The harm did not depend on mass prosecutions. It depended on normalization.

Measuring what is lost

It is easy to identify the harms that speech can cause. Hate speech can silence its targets. Dishonest rhetoric from public officials can erode trust in institutions. Marketing campaigns can deceive elderly citizens into surrendering their savings. We can see those injuries. We can name their harm. We can point to the damage.

The benefits of free speech are harder to make tangible.

It is difficult to measure what is lost when an opinion is never voiced. It is impossible to catalog the arguments that never quite form because a speaker calculates the risk and decides silence is safer. There is no headline announcing that a citizen chose not to post, not to protest, not to dissent.

Yet the Supreme Court has long understood that the value of free speech lies precisely in that unseen space.

In New York Times v. Sullivan in 1964, the court wrote that “the theory of our Constitution is that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open.” That theory assumes something demanding. It assumes that criticism of government will be sharp, uncomfortable and, at times, unfair. It assumes that the cure for bad speech is more speech, not surveillance.

When the government begins collecting the names of its critics, even through tools that are lawful in isolation, the question is not simply whether a statute permits it. The question is whether the conditions for uninhibited and robust debate are quietly narrowing.

Free speech rarely disappears in a dramatic moment. It erodes at the margins. It shrinks in the spaces where people decide the risk feels too high.

And by the time someone tries to measure what has been lost, the silence may already feel normal.

The Conversation

Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How Homeland Security’s subpoenas and databases of protesters threaten the ‘uninhibited, robust, and wide-open’ free speech protected by Supreme Court precedent – https://theconversation.com/how-homeland-securitys-subpoenas-and-databases-of-protesters-threaten-the-uninhibited-robust-and-wide-open-free-speech-protected-by-supreme-court-precedent-276151

Dissolution des partis politiques au Burkina Faso : pourquoi les putschistes africains se retournent contre leurs alliés

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Salah Ben Hammou, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Rice University

La fin du mois de janvier 2026 a marqué la fin effective de la politique partisane au Burkina Faso. Le 29 janvier, le gouvernement du capitaine Ibrahim Traoré a officiellement dissous tous les partis politiques, y compris ceux qui avaient soutenu son coup d’État de septembre 2022.

Les partis avaient déjà été suspendus depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Traoré, mais la junte a présenté cette dernière mesure comme s’inscrivant dans le cadre d’une « restructuration » plus large de l’État visant à réduire les divisions sociales.

Dans la pratique, cette mesure supprime le peu d’espace qui restait à la participation civique indépendante et concentre davantage le pouvoir entre les mains de Traoré. Les biens des partis ont été saisis par l’État.

Bien que la junte se soit appuyée au départ sur un soutien civil enthousiaste, cette décision contraste avec son discours de mobilisation populaire et de renouveau révolutionnaire. Pourtant, cette trajectoire est loin d’être surprenante.

Dans tout le Sahel et ailleurs en Afrique, les partisans des prises de pouvoir militaires découvrent que l’enthousiasme initial se traduit rarement par une influence politique durable. Les coups d’État qui commencent avec le soutien populaire se terminent souvent par la mise à l’écart ou la répression ouverte par la junte des groupes mêmes qui ont contribué à stabiliser son emprise sur le pouvoir. Cette tendance remonte à plusieurs décennies.

J’ai longuement étudié et écrit sur les coups d’État militaires pendant près d’une décennie, en particulier la récente vague de coups d’État en Afrique.

Je soutiens que, une fois au pouvoir, les dirigeants militaires ont peu d’intérêt à partager leur autorité. Les groupes civils sont utiles dans les premiers jours d’une prise de pouvoir. Ils apportent les foules, la légitimité et donnent l’impression que le coup d’État est le fruit de la frustration de la population.

Mais ces mêmes groupes deviennent rapidement gênants. Ils ont leurs propres dirigeants, leurs propres électeurs et leurs propres attentes concernant la transition. Ils peuvent critiquer les retards ou mobiliser leurs partisans. Cette indépendance est précisément ce que redoutent les juntes.

L’enthousiasme initial des civils ne doit pas être confondu avec un mandat durable, ni être interprété comme la preuve que la transition restera inclusive.

La récente interdiction des partis politiques au Burkina Faso n’en est que le dernier rappel. Le soutien venu de l’extérieur des casernes peut contribuer à déclencher ou à stabiliser un coup d’État, mais il garantit rarement une influence durable sur la suite.

Avertissement : le soutien des civils conduit rarement à une influence durable

Contrairement à ce que l’on pense généralement des coups d’État, les prises de pouvoir militaires attirent souvent le soutien d’au moins une partie de la population civile. Parfois, les civils encouragent activement le coup d’État. Ils peuvent également contribuer à son succès et à sa stabilisation.

Cette dynamique a été particulièrement visible lors de la récente vague de coups d’État en Afrique. Du Mali au Niger, les interventions militaires ont été bien accueillies, célébrées et même approuvées par les groupes de la société civile, les partis politiques et d’autres acteurs nationaux. Pour les leaders des coups d’État, ces alliances offrent une légitimité visible et une base de soutien toute faite.

Mais une tendance tout aussi courante se dessine. Alors que les groupes civils s’engagent à soutenir le maintien d’une certaine influence dans l’ordre post-coup d’État, les juntes écartent fréquemment, marginalisent, voire répriment complètement leurs anciens alliés.

Ce schéma se répète à travers les époques et les régions, transcendant les clivages idéologiques et sociaux.

Après le coup d’État de 1969 au Soudan, par exemple, le Parti communiste s’est initialement aligné sur les Officiers libres dirigés par le colonel Jaafar Nimeiri, leur offrant un soutien politique crucial. Mais en l’espace de sept mois, Nimeiri a commencé à écarter le parti, renvoyant les figures communistes clés du gouvernement. En 1971, il s’était complètement retourné contre eux, lançant une répression brutale qui a écrasé le parti.

Une trajectoire similaire a suivi le coup d’État de 2013 en Égypte. Le mouvement de protestation Tamarod a ouvertement soutenu et approuvé par la suite la prise de pouvoir du général Abdelfattah el-Sisi. L’influence du mouvement et d’autres partis politiques s’est rapidement évaporée à mesure que l’espace civique se réduisait.

Regrets des partisans du coup d’État au Sahel

Aujourd’hui, de nombreux groupes civils qui ont soutenu les récents coups d’État au Sahel vivent la même expérience que leurs prédécesseurs ailleurs.

Au Mali, le Mouvement du 5 juin – Rassemblement des forces patriotiques (M5-RFP) – une large coalition de partis d’opposition, de religieux et de militants associés à l’imam Mahmoud Dicko – est devenu l’un des détracteurs les plus virulents de la junte du colonel Assimi Goïta.

Pourtant, le M5-RFP figurait parmi les premiers partisans du coup d’État. Après des mois de manifestations massives contre le président Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, le mouvement a salué l’intervention de l’armée en août 2020 et espérait contribuer à orienter la transition.

Cette attente s’est rapidement estompée. La junte a écarté le M5-RFP lors de la formation du gouvernement de transition, excluant nombre de ses dirigeants des postes clés.

Lorsque Goïta a mené un deuxième coup d’État en mai 2021, renversant le gouvernement civil provisoire et consolidant le contrôle de l’armée, l’influence du mouvement s’est encore réduite. Ce qui avait commencé comme une alliance tactique s’est terminé par la marginalisation du M5-RFP.

Les conséquences du coup d’État de 2021 en Guinée ont suivi une trajectoire similaire. Les leaders de l’opposition à l’ancien président Alpha Condé ont initialement salué le coup d’État du général Mamady Doumbouya.

Espérant jouer un rôle significatif dans la transition, les dirigeants des partis ont même exhorté la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cedeao) à ne pas imposer de sanctions et ont publiquement légitimé le coup d’État comme une mesure nécessaire.

Mais, tout comme au Mali, la junte n’a pas tenu compte du soutien des partis, les empêchant d’être représentés de manière significative. Un peu plus d’un an plus tard, des membres du parti ont été arrêtés pour avoir exprimé leur opposition à leur exclusion de la transition.

Vu sous cet angle comparatif, la récente dissolution des partis au Burkina Faso s’inscrit dans un schéma bien établi. Un soutien politique précoce ne garantit pas un accès ou une influence continus une fois que les dirigeants militaires se sont solidement installés.

The Conversation

Salah Ben Hammou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dissolution des partis politiques au Burkina Faso : pourquoi les putschistes africains se retournent contre leurs alliés – https://theconversation.com/dissolution-des-partis-politiques-au-burkina-faso-pourquoi-les-putschistes-africains-se-retournent-contre-leurs-allies-276188

Coup d’État au Myanmar : cinq ans plus tard, cinq leçons à retenir

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Alexandre Lord, PhD Student, University of Toronto

Cinq ans après le coup d’État militaire de février 2021, la révolution birmane n’a ni triomphé ni disparu. Elle s’est transformée en une guerre longue, territorialisée et profondément internationalisée, dont les civils paient le prix le plus lourd.


Le 1er février marquait les cinq ans du coup d’État qui a mis fin à une décennie d’ouverture politique au Myanmar. Face à la confiscation brutale du pouvoir par l’armée, la population s’est d’abord mobilisée pacifiquement avant que la répression ne pousse le mouvement à se militariser.

Cette dynamique a donné naissance à une guerre civile d’ampleur nationale. Malgré des avancées militaires notables de la résistance, le régime n’est pas tombé. Que nous apprend cette révolution inachevée ?

Une révolution au coût humain dévastateur

La militarisation du soulèvement s’est accompagnée d’un coût humain considérable. Amnesty International estime que l’armée birmane a tué plus de 6000 personnes et en a emprisonné plus de 20 000 depuis le coup d’État. Ces prisonniers sont soumis à la torture. Les multiples fronts à travers le pays ont forcé le déplacement de plus de 3,4 millions de personnes, tandis que l’effondrement des services publics prive une large partie de la population d’un accès fiable à la nourriture et à l’eau potable.

L’armée birmane s’appuie massivement sur sa supériorité aérienne pour mener des bombardements indiscriminés contre des villages et des zones tenues par la résistance. Entre 2021 et 2025, le nombre de frappes aériennes a explosé, causant la mort de milliers de civils. Les écoles et les hôpitaux figurent parmi les cibles récurrentes, illustrant l’indifférence de la junte face aux normes humanitaires et sa disposition à commettre des crimes de guerre pour se maintenir au pouvoir.




À lire aussi :
Transition énergétique : une leçon autochtone venue du Myanmar


Transformer la résistance sans faire tomber le régime

L’union inédite entre les civils birmans du groupe majoritaire, les Bamars, et les forces armées des minorités ethniques a profondément transformé la résistance. La création des People’s Defence Forces (PDF), affiliées au gouvernement en exil (NUG), et leur coordination avec des groupes armés ethniques ont mis fin à l’illusion d’un retour rapide à l’ordre autoritaire. Cette militarisation a permis à la résistance de contrôler de vastes territoires et d’infliger à la junte ses revers militaires les plus sérieux depuis des décennies.

Cette dynamique a culminé avec l’offensive coordonnée du 27 octobre 2023 (opération 1027), au cours de laquelle des dizaines de villes sont tombées aux mains des forces révolutionnaires. Toutefois, ces succès n’ont pas suffi à renverser le régime, révélant les limites d’une victoire strictement militaire.

La résilience inattendue de la junte

Affaiblie mais non vaincue, la junte a démontré une capacité de résilience remarquable. Sa maîtrise quasi exclusive de la violence aérienne lui a permis de reprendre progressivement certaines villes perdues, en compensant ses faiblesses terrestres par une stratégie de bombardements massifs. Incapables de neutraliser cette supériorité aérienne, les forces révolutionnaires ont vu leurs gains territoriaux partiellement érodés.

Parallèlement, le régime a cherché à se maintenir politiquement en organisant des élections en décembre dernier. Largement dénoncé comme une mascarade, ce scrutin visait néanmoins à créer un cadre institutionnel minimal, à répondre aux attentes chinoises et à tenter de restaurer une forme de légitimité internationale. Malgré son isolement persistant, la junte reste solidement ancrée au pouvoir.

La Chine est plus influente que jamais

L’isolement diplomatique du régime n’a pas entraîné son effondrement, mais un réalignement stratégique. En cinq ans, la Chine s’est imposée comme l’acteur central du conflit. Voisin direct du Myanmar, Pékin soutient la junte par des livraisons d’armes, un appui financier et une protection diplomatique, motivés par ses intérêts économiques et sécuritaires, notamment dans le cadre de son projet de nouvelles routes de la soie, aussi appelées « Une ceinture, une route ».

Dans le même temps, la Chine entretient des liens étroits avec plusieurs groupes armés le long de sa frontière. En modulant son soutien militaire à ces acteurs, Pékin dispose d’un levier décisif pour influencer l’équilibre des forces. Cette capacité à peser sur les deux camps fait de la Chine un arbitre indirect de la guerre et un acteur incontournable de l’avenir politique du Myanmar.

Une économie de guerre criminelle

La prolongation du conflit a favorisé l’essor d’économies criminelles qui compliquent toute perspective de paix. Le Myanmar est aujourd’hui le premier producteur mondial d’opium, dépassant l’Afghanistan, tandis que la production de méthamphétamines atteint des niveaux records. Ces drogues alimentent les marchés régionaux et génèrent des profits considérables pour des groupes armés et criminels.

Un nouveau fléau a aussi émergé à cause de la guerre civile : les centres d’hameçonnage en ligne. Les zones frontalières du Myanmar sont connues pour leurs casinos, qui cherchent à attirer les joueurs chinois. Cependant, pendant la pandémie de Covid et compte tenu du retour des hostilités, ces casinos frontaliers n’apportaient plus les profits escomptés.

Par conséquent, leurs propriétaires, souvent associés au crime organisé chinois, se sont tournés vers l’arnaque en ligne pour s’enrichir. Seulement au Myanmar, pour l’année 2023, le nombre d’arnaqueurs était estimé à 120 000 individus et le revenu total de leur arnaque s’élevait à 15,3 milliards de dollars américains. En plus du coût financier, ces centres alimentent les réseaux de trafic humain d’Asie du Sud-Est.


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Le Myanmar transformé

Cinq ans après le coup d’État militaire, la révolution birmane n’a pas renversé la junte, mais elle a durablement transformé le Myanmar. Malgré une mobilisation populaire massive et une résistance armée sans précédent, l’armée birmane demeure au pouvoir.

Les pressions internes autant qu’externes, notamment celles de l’Association des nations de l’Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE), n’ont pas suffi à ébranler l’armée birmane. Pour tenter de se légitimer, la junte a organisé des élections en décembre, largement dénoncées comme truquées et illégitimes. Cette manœuvre vise surtout à masquer la poursuite brutale du conflit à travers le pays.

L’enlisement du conflit crée des dynamiques qui dépassent désormais la seule confrontation entre la junte et la résistance. À mesure que la guerre se prolonge, les incitations à la paix s’érodent. Tant qu’une économie de guerre sera présente, profitant tant au régime qu’à l’un de ses voisins et à certains groupes armés, la révolution birmane restera suspendue entre résistance et enlisement.

La Conversation Canada

Alexandre Lord ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Coup d’État au Myanmar : cinq ans plus tard, cinq leçons à retenir – https://theconversation.com/coup-detat-au-myanmar-cinq-ans-plus-tard-cinq-lecons-a-retenir-275067

Colleges face a choice: Try to shape AI’s impact on learning, or be redefined by it

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Vicki Baker, Professor of Economics and Management, Albion College

While many colleges have guidance on how students should use AI, specific policies tend to vary across professors and fields of study. Jutharat Pinpan/iStock/Getty Images Plus

What happens to a college education when a chatbot can draft an essay, summarize a reading and generate computer code in seconds? The arrival of artificial intelligence in college classrooms has been swift and, for many schools, disorienting.

As professors of economics and business management and biology at liberal arts colleges, we are confronting a question that now cuts across all colleges and universities: What is the purpose of a college education, as AI is rapidly reshaping how students think, learn and prepare for careers?

While much of the public debate has focused on plagiarism and credit for student work, the deeper issue extends beyond rule-setting.

Across higher education, most schools have issued guidance on how students should use AI, rather than adopted sweeping mandates.

Liberal arts colleges, like the University of Richmond, Bard College and Trinity College, tend to emphasize the importance of students using AI ethically and responsibly, and typically allow students to use AI when they cite it and their instructor permits it. These schools also allow professors to individually determine their own AI policies.

A 2024 study of 116 research universities found similar patterns, with instructors largely determining course policies and few campus-wide bans.

What’s unsettled is not whether students can use AI, but how institutions want students to use it. In our view, unless colleges clearly shape AI’s role in teaching and learning, fast-moving technologies may begin to redefine education by default. The risk isn’t more AI, but a gradual shift in what counts as learning.

Students may spend less time asking hard questions, making their own judgments and building real expertise. In that case, college risks becoming less about understanding and more about producing papers and other content quickly.

Letting AI into the classroom

When generative AI tools first became widely available in late 2022 and early 2023, most professors focused on finding and preventing it in student work. They looked for signs of AI use, including generic phrasing, fake citations, sudden shifts in tone or unusually polished writing that didn’t match a student’s prior work. Some faculty also used AI-detection software to identify computer-generated text.

But it is often difficult to tell when someone has used AI, in part because the detection software is unreliable. As a result, many faculty have shifted from bans to more structured guidance.

Some faculty, as a result, allow students to use AI for specific tasks, such as brainstorming, outlining or debugging code.

The rationale is practical: AI is everywhere and already embedded in professional settings. College graduates are likely to use AI in the workplace.

People are seen down a hallway, near a sign on a wooden wall that says 'Stanford University Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence.'
A student works in the hallway at Stanford University’s Institute for Human-Centered AI in 2023.
Kori Suzuki for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Accepting AI is here to stay

More recently, college faculty at a range of schools have shifted the focus from whether students are using AI at all to whether students using AI can still analyze, question and justify their own research and conclusions.

At the University of Michigan, for example, some faculty are redesigning assessments to include live debates and oral presentations.

And across the U.S., professors are reviving oral exams, since live questioning makes it harder for students to rely solely on AI. Students must then verbally explain their reasoning and defend their work.

Different academic fields, though, are approaching AI in various ways.

Many business programs, like the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, have moved quickly to bring AI into coursework and degree programs, often framing them as workforce preparation.

Recent analysis of more than 31,000 syllabuses at a large research university in Texas showed a growing number of faculty in the fall of 2025 allowed students to use AI. Business courses allowed the greatest use of AI, while humanities courses allowed it the least. The physical and life sciences fell in between.

Across disciplines, AI was most often allowed at this school for editing, study support and coding. It was most commonly restricted for drafting, revising and reasoning or problem-solving.

AI’s role in higher education is not settled. Instead, it is evolving, dependent on different academic cultures.

Different schools, different approaches

Colleges’ and universities’ overall responses and approaches to AI are varied, as well.

Research universities like Carnegie Mellon University and Stanford University are expanding on their long-standing investments in AI, moving quickly to develop new research centers, hiring faculty with AI expertise and creating new degree or certificate programs.

Liberal arts colleges are moving too, but often with a different emphasis.

The Davis Institute for AI at Colby College supports AI work across disciplines through new courses, faculty development and entrepreneurship. At the University of Richmond, a new center links AI to critical thinking and human values, so students can study AI’s impacts and help shape it intentionally.

All of these schools are determining AI policy course by course. But these plans are not part of a comprehensive, school-wide strategy.

Few schools have articulated coordinated, institution-wide plans on AI. Arizona State University is one example of a broader AI integration strategy, which spans academics and campus operations.

Comprehensive AI strategies are expensive. Meaningful integration may require campus licenses for AI services, upgraded computing systems and faculty training. These investments are difficult at a time when many colleges face enrollment declines and financial strain.

Public trust in higher education is another concern that makes enacting broad change difficult. Gallup surveys in 2023 and 2024 found that only 36% of Americans had high confidence in colleges and universities.

Against this backdrop, AI is raising questions about how colleges prepare students for their careers. Employers still prize critical thinking and communication. Yet generative AI can mimic the appearance of thinking even when real understanding is absent.

The tension is clear: If AI does the writing, coding or analysis, where do students do the thinking?

Rethinking learning

Rising use of AI is forcing colleges and universities to revisit what students should learn, how to measure this and the enduring value of a college degree.

That shift moves the conversation beyond course-by-course changes to a shared strategy on what forms of knowledge and thinking are developed in college. Colleges may redesign assignments, expand oral and project-based assessments, and integrate AI literacy across disciplines. They may also clarify learning outcomes, invest in faculty development and find new ways to document students’ judgment and problem-solving in an AI-assisted world.

The question is no longer whether AI belongs in higher education. The real question is whether colleges and universities will shape its role – or allow AI to quietly reshape them.

The Conversation

Linda M. Boland receives funding from the American Physiological Society.

Vicki Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Colleges face a choice: Try to shape AI’s impact on learning, or be redefined by it – https://theconversation.com/colleges-face-a-choice-try-to-shape-ais-impact-on-learning-or-be-redefined-by-it-275653

How transparent policies can protect Florida school libraries amid efforts to ban books

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Abigail Leigh Phillips, Associate Professor, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Florida has ranked No. 1 in the United States when it comes to banning books for the past three years, with 2,300 books removed or restricted from public school libraries.

What’s driving these numbers are small, grassroots organizations made up of vocal, media-savvy members. Moms for Liberty is one of the best known to school and public librarians.

Moms for Liberty has chapters in every state, with a particularly active Florida chapter that has been aided by legislation easing restrictions on banning books under Governor Ron DeSantis. Moms for Liberty created and regularly updates a document it calls the Book of Books, with a content-based rating system the organization created. The document is meant to serve as a template that parents can use to make complaints about a book to school boards and school district administrators.

In some cases, book challenges have gone beyond heated public debates, escalating to harassment and even death threats against school librarians.

That kind of escalation hits home for me because I’m a former public librarian. I spent my career in libraries serving small, rural communities in southwestern Georgia – the same libraries I grew up in. Now, as an information science professor in Wisconsin, I educate students on how to build and maintain physical and digital collections as librarians, archivists and museum curators.

One thing I emphasize to my students is that creating a collection involves building in processes for the community to give feedback – even by challenging books.

The purpose of school libraries

School libraries have long served as sanctuaries and supportive spaces for vulnerable students. They are meant to serve as access points to diverse, unique and insightful materials that help students connect with learning in a new way. A school library collection is intended to offer students both a mirror that reflects their own experience of the world and a window that allows them to see that there’s a bigger world out there.

School librarians help teachers with instructional technology in their classrooms, teach students how to use databases and online resources, and build the school community’s information literacy skills. They help schools meet district instructional goals, state education standards and national school library standards.

The required qualifications to work as a school librarian vary state by state. In Florida, school librarians must have a bachelor’s degree, a minimum of two years of professional library experience and demonstrated successful professional work experience as a full-time library staffer.

A woman in a Moms for Liberty T-shirt holds a sign that says 'I don't co-parent with the government'
Members of Moms for Liberty have organized campaigns to have hundreds of books removed from school library collections.
SOPA Images/Light Rocket via Getty Images

School libraries and politics

But beyond their qualifications and functions in the classroom, a school librarian’s role also requires leading and engaging the community as an advocate for the importance of the library.

Unlike public libraries, which have elected or appointed boards, school libraries are governed by district policies decided by school boards and school administrators. This means local funding, changes among school board members and local politics have significant implications for school libraries.

Still, school librarians are not without some power to affect policies in their districts. Every state and even every school district has its own unique ways of operating, but typically, school librarians are tasked with writing or at least consulting on the policies the school board approves. A school librarian has to know their local policies and procedures and build collaborative relationships with the decision-makers in their district.

And of course, librarians excel at knowing and taking advantage of resources at their disposal. These include the American Association of School Librarians’ collection of position statements covering a range of issues like selecting materials and appropriate staffing in school libraries. The American Library Association also provides a free tool kit covering selection, maintaining the library’s collection and ways to encourage a student to check out new books. All of these policies serve to help protect school libraries when battling book banning.

Well-crafted policies and best practices

I emphasize several best practices with my students that serve as guideposts, regardless of their individual district’s characteristics. Well-crafted, transparent policies defend school librarians and their collections against arbitrary book challenges, restrictive protocols for readers and eroding intellectual freedom.

First of all, proactive communication ensures that everyone in the school and the community knows the library’s role, procedures and contacts. When policies are visible and accessible, they become tools for strengthening collaboration rather than afterthoughts.

A transparent collection development policy serves as a how-to manual for library staff on building and maintaining physical and digital collections. It also provides a basis for explaining their choices if part of that collection is challenged.

And finally, it’s best practice for every district to have a standing committee of parents, educators and district officials to oversee book challenges. A school librarian can brief them on the district’s collection policy so that they understand what criteria are considered when books are added to the school library’s collection. This gives them context in which to evaluate the books being challenged. A standing committee also ensures that challenges will be addressed in a timely fashion.

District officials often feel enormous pressure to respond to the loudest voices at a school board meeting, even if they don’t represent the majority of parents. A standing committee and clear procedure for challenges help to alleviate that pressure by providing a venue for those voices to be heard and weighed against the interests of other library users. This helps to safeguard the collection’s integrity against persistent minority voices.

For the love of reading

I don’t remember my first trip to a school library. But I still remember one of the first picture books I ever checked out: “A Chocolate Moose for Dinner” by Fred Gwynne. I fell in love with this delightful and cleverly written book, full of puns, word play and hilarious illustrations. And it’s that love of reading that all librarians want to nurture.

Collection development policies are not simply paperwork. They are the backbone of a school library’s integrity, supporting librarians as they curate collections that meet educational goals, nurture the school as a community and provide students with books they are excited to read.

Read more stories from The Conversation about Florida.

The Conversation

Abigail Phillips has received funding from IMLS, ALA, Library of Congress, and Internal Grants from UWM (her university/employer). Consistently applying for external and internal funding is integral to her position as a university faculty member to support her research.

ref. How transparent policies can protect Florida school libraries amid efforts to ban books – https://theconversation.com/how-transparent-policies-can-protect-florida-school-libraries-amid-efforts-to-ban-books-269769

Crowdfunded generosity isn’t taxable – but IRS regulations haven’t kept up with the growth of mutual aid

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Shelly Tygielski, Doctoral Student in Philanthropic Leadership, Indiana University

Charitable crowdfunding is on the rise, but the IRS hasn’t caught up yet. wassam siddique/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Have you ever received some money through a GoFundMe campaign or Venmo or CashApp transfers after a medical emergency, natural disaster or other crisis?

If so, you may have also gotten an unwelcome surprise: a federal tax form that treats what you got as a gift as if it were earned income. And receiving this form can also affect your state tax return.

We are researchers at Indiana University’s Lilly Family School of Philanthropy. Together, we study how the tax system treats charitable crowdfunding – and sometimes harms people who get help that way.

A failure to make a needed distinction

Also known as monetary mutual aid, charitable crowdfunding refers to need-based gifts that one person gives another.

It may sound simple, but many practical issues arise when reporting rules designed for commercial transactions inadvertently treat these transfers as taxable income.

We have analyzed Internal Revenue Service reporting rules, federal case law and community-based mutual aid practices to better understand how tax policies can affect people who get money directly from others, given to them as charity.

In the cases we examined, recipients were not selling goods or services. Yet payment platforms frequently issued tax forms to the recipients without distinguishing between payments tied to earned income and money received as crisis-related support.

Mutual aid has grown

Through mutual aid, people can help meet the needs of others, typically outside formal nonprofit or government systems – meaning that such giving tends to bypass established charities. It tends to be community-driven and often emerges when institutional support is delayed, insufficient or inaccessible.

During the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent disasters, mutual aid surged. For example, studies indicate that at the start of the pandemic, approximately 50 documented mutual aid groups existed across the United States.

By May 2020, that number had grown to over 800, with networks established in nearly every U.S. state.

These groups provided food, rental assistance, medical supplies and direct cash support when formal systems, such as government programs and nonprofit agencies, faltered.

Research from the Lilly Family School of Philanthropy’s Women’s Philanthropy Institute found that during the first year of the pandemic, most Americans who gave money did not donate primarily to official charities. Instead, they gave directly to people in need or to informal groups using crowdfunding platforms, such as GoFundMe, and money-transfer apps like Venmo and CashApp.

Tax law hasn’t kept up

We’ve found that the tax code has not kept pace with the rapid growth of digitally mediated, peer-to-peer giving on a large scale.

Crowdfunding platforms now facilitate billions of dollars in transfers each year, and peer-to-peer payment apps process hundreds of billions more in transactions. Unfortunately, reporting rules originally designed to detect business income are increasingly applied to individuals who receive crisis-related financial support.

Due to changes to federal tax reporting rules that Congress approved in 2021, payment platforms, including Venmo, CashApp, PayPal and any other platforms used for transacting funds, had to issue 1099-K forms to any Americans who received more than US$600 in payments. The 1099-K is a tax document that reports payments a person receives through third-party platforms to the IRS.

Lawmakers made this change to improve tax compliance in the gig economy – by making sure that Americans were paying taxes on the taxable income they earn by driving for Lyft, walking dogs and doing other kinds of side hustles.

Congress has since reversed course.

A provision in the large tax-reform-and-spending package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, restored the federal 1099-K reporting threshold for payment apps like Venmo to the prior standard: over $20,000 in gross payments and more than 200 transactions.

Mutal aid and taxation explained.

An incomplete fix

While this change is likely to make a difference, especially since it’s retroactive to 2021, confusion persists.

For one thing, people can still receive tax forms in some states, including Maryland, Massachusetts, Vermont and Virginia, that have continued to require that people getting less than $20,000 be issued 1099-K forms.

There are still cases where mutual aid recipients may have to document that the money they’ve gotten from people trying to help them was a gift, not earned income.

And when someone gets very ill or their house burns down, legitimate fundraising through mutal monetary aid can exceed $20,000.

For example, roughly 250,000 campaigns are created each year on GoFundMe for medical costs; studies have found that campaigns related to cancer seek $20,000 in gifts on average.

Following the 2025 Los Angeles wildfires, the median amount that vetted, individual fundraisers raised through GoFundMe topped $25,000 , with several instances where they brought in hundreds of thousands of dollars.

If someone receives a 1099-K for funds that were provided as gifts rather than payments, tax experts generally recommend keeping clear documentation of the transfers and consulting a tax professional about how to properly report the amount so it is not treated as taxable income.

IRS doesn’t get mutual aid

Mutual aid isn’t gig work, so the tax code shouldn’t treat them the same. Getting multiple $50 gifts through a GoFundMe campaign to help you contend with a crisis brought on by your husband’s stroke is not the same as earning the equivalent driving for Uber.

The Internal Revenue Code excludes gifts from your taxable income, although the person donating needs to pay taxes if they give someone more than a certain amount – currently $19,000 per year.

But U.S. courts have historically interpreted what constitutes a gift narrowly. In a 1960 U.S. Supreme Court case, an opinion from a seven-justice majority defined gifts as arising from “detached and disinterested generosity.”

That standard works when your uncle cuts you a birthday check. But it’s not a good fit for today’s collective, need-based giving that’s often coordinated through online platforms and often involves the transfer of funds among people who have never met.

Jeopardizing government benefits

Research shows that mutual aid disproportionately supports low-income households, undocumented families, people with disabilities and communities of color. These same groups are more likely to face heightened scrutiny from financial platforms and tax authorities, and are less likely to have access to tax or legal assistance.

In examining tax enforcement research alongside our findings, we found evidence that expanded reporting requirements may have amplified existing racial and economic inequities. And there could be serious consequences for the recipients of monetary mutual aid. Simply receiving a tax form can jeopardize their eligibility for some government benefits because it may suggest to the authorities that someone’s income is too high to need them.

Without clearer guidance, people who are already facing a crisis may be penalized for receiving help. Research on informal giving suggests that when reporting rules are unclear, individual donors may become more hesitant to send money directly to someone who needs it.

As charitable crowdfunding continues to grow, the issue is not only how platforms such as Venmo or GoFundMe report transactions. Clearer guidance from the IRS about how need-based, noncommercial transfers should be treated could reduce the risk that emergency support is mischaracterized as income.

Shelly Tygielski founded the Pandemic of Love mutual aid movement.

The Conversation

Shelly Tygielski is affiliated with Pandemic of Love, the global mutual aid organization. She is also an executive board member of Global Empowerment Mission, a global nonprofit humanitarian aid organization.

Pamala Wiepking receives funding from the Dutch Postcode Lotteries and her work is funded through a generous grant from the Stead Family.

ref. Crowdfunded generosity isn’t taxable – but IRS regulations haven’t kept up with the growth of mutual aid – https://theconversation.com/crowdfunded-generosity-isnt-taxable-but-irs-regulations-havent-kept-up-with-the-growth-of-mutual-aid-274945

Michelangelo hated painting the Sistine Chapel – and never aspired to be a painter to begin with

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Anna Swartwood House, Associate Professor of Art History, University of South Carolina

From a young age, Michelangelo prized drawing and sculpture above painting. Ian Nicholson/PA via Getty Images

When a 5-inch-by-4-inch red chalk drawing of a woman’s foot by Michelangelo sold at auction for US$27.2 million on Feb. 5, 2026, it blew past the $1.5 million to $2 million it was expected to receive.

Experts believe it to be a study for the figure of the Libyan Sibyl, a female prophet who appears on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel in Rome. Michelangelo painted the iconic frescoes from 1508 to 1512, but he first sketched out the overall composition and details in a series of preparatory drawings. Only around 50 of these drawings survive today.

This was an exciting sale for reasons outside that eye-popping sum. Held in private collections for centuries, the drawing only came to light after the owner sent an unsolicited photo to Christie’s auction house. There, a drawings expert recognized it as one of the relatively few remaining studies for the Sistine frescoes.

As an art historian who specializes in the Italian Renaissance, I’m excited about the sale not because of the money it fetched, but because of the attention it has brought to Michelangelo’s lifelong devotion to drawing, a medium he prized over painting.

‘Not my art’

Art historians know a lot about Michelangelo through the letters and poems he penned, along with two biographies written in his lifetime by intimates Giorgio Vasari and Ascanio Condivi.

In 1506, Pope Julius II put Michelangelo’s sculpting work on a papal tomb at St. Peter’s Basilica on hold, redirecting the funds intended for the tomb to the renovation of the basilica itself.

Michelangelo responded by closing his studio. He ordered his workshop assistants to sell off its contents, abandoned 90 wagonloads’ worth of marble and left Rome in disgust.

In 1508, Julius and his intermediary, Cardinal Francesco Alidosi, were able to lure Michelangelo back to Rome with the promise of a 500-ducat payment and a contract to paint the Sistine. Despite accepting, the artist went on to complain relentlessly about his new commission. He wrote to his father that painting “is not my profession” and told the pope that painting “is not my art.”

Sculpture, not painting, was central to Michelangelo’s identity.

In the Condivi biography, which Michelangelo approved and helped shape, the artist is said to have abandoned painter Domenico Ghirlandaio’s workshop around 1490 to train in the Florence sculpture garden of powerful arts patron Lorenzo de’ Medici. Michelangelo would later joke that he became a sculptor as an infant, thanks to the breast milk of his wet nurse, who was the daughter of stonemasons.

Beyond his enthusiastic embrace of sculpture and resentment over the Sistine – what he called the “tragedy of the tomb” – Michelangelo found painting in fresco to be backbreaking work.

A yellowed piece of paper with text written in Italian and a doodle of a man straining to paint an image on a ceiling.
Michelangelo griped about painting the Sistine Chapel in a poem he sent to his friend Giovanni da Pistoia.
Wikimedia Commons

“I’ve grown a goiter from this torture,” he wrote to his friend Giovanni da Pistoia in an illustrated poem. “My stomach’s squashed under my chin, my beard’s pointing at heaven, my brain’s crushed in a casket, my breast twists like a harpy’s. My brush, above me all the time, dribbles paint so my face makes a fine floor for droppings!”

“My painting is dead,” he concludes. “I am not in the right place – I am not a painter.”

A grand design

The caricature that accompanies Michelangelo’s poem shows not only a cantankerous and restless mind, but also his use of drawing to reflect its inner workings.

The early 16th century witnessed a rise of drawing, with Michelangelo leading the way. Rather than simply copying or providing models for painting, drawing became understood as an important intellectual, exploratory and creative exercise

Michelangelo’s biographer Vasari famously used the term “disegno” to mean both a physical drawing and a work’s overall “design” or concept, giving the artist an almost godlike creative power.

This double meaning is reflected in the title of the hugely popular 2017 exhibition of Michelangelo’s drawings at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York”: “Michelangelo: Divine Draftsman and Designer.”

Michelangelo created many drawings for the Sistine that reflected the different meanings of “disegno.” There were his sketches of models, along with his architectural renderings and schemes to organize the huge space. Then there were the full-size “cartoons” he drew to transfer his designs directly onto the ceiling itself.

Sketches of architectural forms and human limbs from various angles.
Michelangelo’s scheme for the decoration of the vault of the Sistine Chapel, along with his studies of arms and hands.
© The Trustees of the British Museum, CC BY-SA

The good foot

Michelangelo also made many studies of individual body parts and gestures for the Sistine, including eyes, hands and feet.

In a drawing for the Sistine ceiling that’s now in the British Museum, various hands – perhaps modeled after his own – repeat across the right side of the page. Feet were especially important to the overall design of the human figure, and they stand at the intersection of Michelangelo’s interests in Classical art and human anatomy.

Contrapposto, or the Classical “counter-poise,” was the iconic stance for standing figures in paintings and sculptures. It features the trunk of the body centered over one leg with its foot planted, and the other bent with the foot perched on the toe. Michelangelo’s “David” stands in contrapposto, and even doctors today are impressed by the anatomical precision of the muscles and veins of each foot.

A white, marble-carved foot.
The relaxed left foot of Michelangelo’s ‘David.’
Franco Origlia/Getty Images

The Christie’s red chalk drawing of the foot was likely done from a live model, with Michelangelo showing the elegance of the Libyan Sibyl prophetess through her dramatically arched foot.

In the finished fresco, Sibyl’s body is a kind of elegant machine. The musculature of her extended arms, her coiled torso and her pointed toe all work in concert. This small drawing shows how the charged energy of a single body part could contribute to the overall “disegno” of the massive fresco.

While the process of painting the ceiling was arduous, the process of conceiving it through drawing was obviously rewarding for Michelangelo.

Colorful painting of a young woman posing from a seated position, twisting toward viewers while holding open a large book.
The finished fresco of the Lybian Sybil in the Sistine Chapel.
Wikimedia Commons

Drawing as the linchpin

Despite the popularity of the Sistine frescoes, Michelangelo rarely returned to painting after completing them. In 1534, Pope Clement VII commissioned him to paint the “The Last Judgment” on the altar wall of the Sistine Chapel. But only after Clement died later that year – and Clement’s successor, Pope Paul III, gave Michelangelo the extraordinary title of Chief Architect, Sculptor, and Painter to the Vatican Palace – did the artist begin work on the altar wall.

While many people today may think of the Sistine frescoes or Leonardo da Vinci’s “Mona Lisa” when they think of the Italian Renaissance, those artists did not think of themselves primarily as painters.

In a famous letter of introduction to the Duke of Milan, Ludovico Sforza, Leonardo elaborates on his many skills in creating fortifications, infrastructure and weaponry. He boasts about his ability to build bridges, canals, tunnels and catapults. Only after 10 paragraphs does he include a single sentence admitting that he, in addition, “can carry out sculpture in marble, bronze, or clay, and in painting can do any kind of work as well as any man.”

Like Michelangelo’s, Leonardo’s drawings show a voracious mind at work. They explore, rather than simply observe, everything from military machines to human anatomy. In 1563, Michelangelo would go on to be named master of the Accademia del Disegno in Florence, which aimed to teach drawing and design as the underlying skills necessary for sculpture, architecture and painting.

Drawing, it turns out, was the art that unified the many pursuits of the “Renaissance Man.”

The Conversation

Anna Swartwood House does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Michelangelo hated painting the Sistine Chapel – and never aspired to be a painter to begin with – https://theconversation.com/michelangelo-hated-painting-the-sistine-chapel-and-never-aspired-to-be-a-painter-to-begin-with-275788

Picky eating starts in the womb – a nutritional neuroscientist explains how to expand your child’s palate

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Kathleen Keller, Professor of Nutritional Sciences, Penn State

Bitter vegetables can be an acquired taste. d3sign/Moment via Getty Images

It’s 5:45 p.m. and you’ve just arrived home after a long day at work. You’d like nothing more than a glass of pinot and to binge old episodes of your favorite show. Into the kitchen comes young Sally, your food-adventurous 8-year-old. “I’m hungry, what’s for dinner?”

Sally has never met a food she’s afraid to try. Visions of her savoring the tangy brine of an oyster and joyously slurping spicy ramen noodles dance in your head.

Before you can give her an answer, Billy, your 4-year-old picky eater, shouts, “Mac and cheese!” from the living room. Billy rotates between three entrées: macaroni and cheese from a box, chicken nuggets (only dino shaped) and pasta (only spaghetti).

You sigh and wonder how such diverse creatures ended up in the same family.

If this scenario rings a bell, you are not alone. As a nutritional neuroscientist and a parent, I have spent the better part of my professional and personal life thinking about why children eat the foods they do.

Understanding how food preferences develop can help parents teach kids to enjoy a diverse, varied and healthy diet.

Nature vs. nurture?

Are genes to blame in the case of picky eaters like Billy? While genes can have some influence, they often explain only a small part of the story.

People are born liking the taste of sweet and disliking the taste of bitter. These traits are thought to be protective in that they can help drive someone toward sources of calories – which are often sweet, such as fruits or breast milk – and away from potential toxins or poisons, which are often bitter. As an example of these innate preferences, one study found that pregnant moms who consumed sweet carrot capsules had babies who smiled on the ultrasound, while those who ingested bitter kale capsules had babies who grimaced for the camera, suggesting early on their dislike for bitter vegetables.

Child looking down at bowl of food with a frown, face propped up against hand on dinner table
Dinner was not a hit.
Milky Way/Moment via Getty Images

In addition to these innate responses, there are genes that affect your ability to taste bitter compounds. These compounds, called thioureas, are similar to those found in cruciferous vegetables. People who inherit genes that make them sensitive to these bitter compounds – about 70% of the U.S. population – tend to also be more sensitive to other bitter tastes in foods. Because of this, they may dislike foods such as raw broccoli, black coffee and grapefruit.

However, there are plenty of people who develop a liking for bitter foods, even though their first experience with them might have been unpleasant. Case in point, the growing popularity of bitter IPA beers.

Another gene that can influence food preferences is the gene that makes cilantro taste soapy. Those born with a version of this olfactory gene – up to 20% of the U.S. population – are sensitive to aldehyde compounds that tend to taste soapy. Because of this taste, they often dislike cilantro.

Pavlov and food preferences

While genes by themselves explain only a small part of taste, a person’s interactions with food in the environment are particularly influential when it comes to what they want for dinner.

Ivan Pavlov was a 19th-century experimental physiologist who showed that dogs could be taught to salivate at the sound of a bell. He put them through a conditioning period in which mealtime was repeatedly paired with the sound of a bell. Most pets have some ability to learn to associate environmental cues – such as a food bowl or the sound of their owners’ commands – with food.

In the early 1980s, psychologist Leann Birch conducted a series of studies showing that people develop food preferences using a process similar to Pavlov’s classical conditioning. When the taste of a food is associated with positive experiences – such as an influx of calories, release of reward chemicals in the brain or the pleasing tones of a mother’s voice – these positive experiences can enhance how much a person likes a food. On the other side of the coin, negative experiences, such as a painful stomachache or a punishment associated with eating a food – “You have to eat all of your vegetables or no screen time!”– can often decrease how much someone likes a food.

Babies even begin learning about food before they are born. In a classic study by biopsychologist Julie Mennella, pregnant moms who drank carrot juice four days a week during their pregnancy or while breastfeeding had babies who were more accepting of carrot-flavored cereal when it was first presented to them. Flavors that are passed through amniotic fluid to the developing fetus prime the future baby to accept the cuisine of the family.

Side profile of child nibbling on cracker from an open lunchbox in cafeteria
Supportive food environments can encourage kids to expand their palate.
Catherine Falls Commercial/Moment via Getty Images

Hope for picky eaters

The good news is that for most children, picky eating is a phase that tends to decline as they reach school age. And if children are growing at a healthy pace, it’s often not something to be too concerned about.

For parents who want to help their kids expand their palates, the most important thing you can do is give your child repeated opportunities to taste foods without pressuring or coercing them. Some children need 12 or more taste experiences with a new food before they will accept it. Some children will also be open to trying foods at school or day care, even if they won’t try them in front of you.

As for Sally and Billy, you’ve managed to get dinner on the table right on time. Your latest invention: kimchi mac and cheese and baked cauliflower, with extra Sriracha for Sally. You’re hoping the familiar shape of the boxed mac and cheese noodle might tempt Billy into taking a bite. And if not, there’s always tomorrow.

The Conversation

Kathleen Keller receives funding from The National Institutes of Health, The United States Department of Agriculture, Dairy Management Inc., McCormick Science Institute

ref. Picky eating starts in the womb – a nutritional neuroscientist explains how to expand your child’s palate – https://theconversation.com/picky-eating-starts-in-the-womb-a-nutritional-neuroscientist-explains-how-to-expand-your-childs-palate-275643