Lionel Jospin, figure éthique de la gauche française

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Pierre Bréchon, Professeur émérite de science politique, Sciences Po Grenoble, Auteurs historiques The Conversation France

Lionel Jospin, ancien premier ministre français, s’est éteint dimanche 22 mars, à l’âge de 88 ans. À la tête du gouvernement de la gauche plurielle de 1997 à 2002, il a marqué la vie politique par de nombreuses réformes : les 35 heures, PACS, CMU… premier ministre sous Jacques Chirac, premier secrétaire du PS, il échoua aux élections présidentielles de 1995 et de 2002.


Lionel Jospin fut, des années durant, au cœur des combats de la gauche française, dès 1981, avec la négociation du programme de gouvernement avec le Parti communiste et jusqu’à l’époque de gauche plurielle, de 1997 à 2002, lorsqu’il gouverna une France en situation de cohabitation.

Né en 1937 dans une famille protestante et militante de gauche, de classe moyenne, avec un père enseignant et une mère sage-femme, Lionel Jospin fait de brillantes études à Sciences Po Paris puis à l’ENA. Il entre dans la carrière diplomatique, puis enseigne l’économie à l’IUT de Sceaux, avant d’être complètement happé par la politique.

Étudiant, il avait milité un temps à l’UNEF ; antistalinien et opposé à la politique coloniale de la SFIO, il s’engage aussi à l’Union de la gauche socialiste (UGS) créée en 1957, puis au Parti socialiste Unifié (PSU) né en 1960. En 1965, il se laisse séduire par l’Organisation communiste internationaliste (OCI), mouvement trotskiste antibolchevique, au fonctionnement secret, qui envoie ses adhérents militer dans des partis de gauche non communistes. Il est d’abord un intellectuel du mouvement sans action interne dans un autre parti, mais rejoint le Parti socialiste en 1971. Il y participe d’abord à un groupe d’experts des relations internationales. Il est très vite remarqué par François Mitterrand, entre au bureau exécutif en 1973, et y fait une ascension très rapide.

A la tête du parti en 1981

Il devient Premier secrétaire lorsque François Mitterrand entre en campagne présidentielle en 1981. Il est ainsi associé à l’exercice du pouvoir pendant tout le premier septennat mitterrandien, participant chaque semaine au « petit déjeuner du mardi » autour du président pour discuter des politiques à l’agenda. Il quitte la direction du parti en 1988 pour devenir ministre de l’Éducation nationale jusqu’en 1992.

En 1994, dans un contexte de fortes critiques du président dans l’opinion, et d’un score très bas de la liste socialiste aux élections européennes, Michel Rocard renonce à être candidat à la présidentielle de 1995, Jacques Delors aussi. Dans une primaire interne à seulement deux mois du premier tour, Lionel Jospin est facilement désigné candidat face à Henri Emmanuelli, Premier secrétaire. Dans les semaines qui suivent, il fait une remontée fulgurante dans les sondages où son image d’honnêteté est reconnue. Il revendique un droit d’inventaire dans le bilan mitterrandien et propose un programme social avec réduction du temps de travail hebdomadaire à 37 heures, création d’emplois jeunes, amélioration des petites retraites, construction de logements sociaux. Il se déclare aussi favorable à une police de proximité, à la limitation du cumul des mandats et à un mandat présidentiel de cinq ans. Contre toute attente, il arrive en tête du premier tour mais suivi de près par Jacques Chirac et Edouard Balladur. Il est battu au second tour avec un score très honorable après deux mandats socialistes (47,4 %).

Premier ministre de la gauche plurielle de 1997 à 2002

À nouveau Premier secrétaire, il prépare les échéances futures. Aux législatives anticipées de 1997, il conduit une coalition électorale de gauche plurielle (PS, PCF, PR, Mouvement des citoyens, Verts), avec candidature unique chaque fois qu’un accord a été possible, qui obtient une majorité absolue de 319 sièges. Lionel Jospin devient, pendant cinq ans, le premier ministre de la troisième cohabitation, il va donc être le véritable entrepreneur de la politique française pendant cinq ans.

En matière sociale, de nombreux emplois aidés sont créés pour réduire le chômage des jeunes ; une prime pour l’emploi va permettre d’augmenter le pouvoir d’achat des travailleurs pauvres ; une allocation personnalisée d’autonomie (APA) et la couverture maladie universelle (CMU) sont créées ; la loi « Solidarité et renouvellement urbains » (SRU) oblige les communes à développer le logement social ; le temps de travail est réduit à 35 heures sans perte de salaire, un congé paternité est instauré ; la TVA baisse d’un point ; des mesures sont adoptées en faveur du développement durable. Concernant les libertés publiques, le PACS, nouveau statut d’union ouvert aux homosexuels est instauré ; les droits des malades sont mieux reconnus ; le droit du sol, aboli en 1993 par la loi Pasqua, est rétabli.

Du point de vue institutionnel, l’intercommunalité est renforcée ; une police de proximité est mise en place ; le mandat présidentiel est réduit à cinq ans ; de nouveaux statuts de la Corse et de la Nouvelle-Calédonie voient le jour ; les fonds spéciaux de l’Elysée sont supprimés ; les ministres sont contraints de ne plus diriger des exécutifs locaux ; la parité des candidatures entre hommes et femmes est instaurée.

Du point de vue économique, le gouvernement Jospin poursuit une politique libérale et privatise – complètement ou en partie – certaines sociétés (notamment France Telecom, Thomson-CSF, Air France) mais aussi des banques (CIC, Société marseillaise de crédit et Crédit lyonnais) et des assureurs (Gan et CNP).

Grâce à ces politiques sociales et de modernisation économique, mais aussi du fait d’une conjoncture économique favorable, le chômage baisse assez fortement, passant de 10,6 % au 3e trimestre 1997 à 7, 9 % au 2e trimestre 2002.

À Matignon, Lionel Jospin ne fait pas d’annonces tonitruantes et reste modeste, soucieux de respecter ses ministres et de dialoguer avec eux, de gérer les conflits entre tendances de la gauche plurielle tout en s’assurant de la continuité des politiques menées avec le programme de la coalition. Il se définit lui-même en 1999 comme « un dogmatique qui évolue, un austère qui se marre et un protestant athée ». Contrairement à beaucoup de chefs de gouvernement français, l’opinion reste positive à son égard, même s’il subit une petite baisse la dernière année. Jacques Chirac, lui, bénéficie de sa position privilégiée de chef de l’État pour critiquer le gouvernement, notamment sur sa politique qui serait trop laxiste à l’égard des incivilités.

L’échec à la présidentielle de 2002

Les deux têtes de l’exécutif sont candidats à la présidentielle de 2002, et tout le monde s’attend à un second tour entre eux. Contre toute attente, Jean-Marie Le Pen arrive en seconde position (16,9 %) derrière Jacques Chirac (19,9 %), éliminant le premier ministre socialiste au soir du Premier tour (16,2 %).

Lionel Jospin a été affaibli par un trop grand nombre de candidats de gauche. Les cinq candidats de la gauche plurielle obtiennent ensemble 32,5 %, auxquels peuvent s’ajouter trois listes d’extrême gauche (10,5 %). La droite ne recueille que 25,2 % et le centre 8,7 %. Le fait d’avoir cru Jospin qualifié d’office pour le second tour a favorisé chez certains électeurs de gauche le choix d’une autre tendance, voire d’un vote d’extrême gauche.

Dans sa déclaration au soir du premier tour, Lionel Jospin se dit fier du travail accompli depuis cinq ans et assume la responsabilité de cet échec. Il annonce son retrait de la vie politique. Il déplore le score de l’extrême droite, pour la première fois qualifiée pour un second tour, mais n’appellera à voter Jacques Chirac qu’à la veille du second tour, étant en forte divergence avec sa politique.

La retraite politique

Après son retrait de la vie politique, Lionel Jospin publie, en 2005, Le monde tel que je le vois où il s’interroge sur l’avenir de l’Union européenne après l’échec du référendum, sur la politique économique et sur le devenir du PS. Il laisse entendre qu’il pourrait à nouveau être candidat à la présidentielle si on le lui demandait. Mais quelques mois plus tard, il renonce à se présenter aux élections et soutient Ségolène Royal. Peu après l’échec de cette dernière, il publie dans le livre L’impasse qui la critique durement.

Pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012, Lionel Jospin participe à la campagne de François Hollande. Celui-ci élu, le président de la République annonce sa nomination à la tête d’une Commission sur la rénovation et la déontologie de la vie publique, pour formuler des propositions visant notamment à réduire le cumul des mandats et à établir des règles déontologiques sur la transparence de la vie publique. Certaines propositions seront actées dans des lois, notamment sur l’interdiction du cumul de mandats entre fonctions exécutives locales et mandat parlementaire.

En décembre 2014, Lionel Jospin est nommé au Conseil constitutionnel où il siège jusqu’en 2019, respectant alors la neutralité et la réserve demandée aux neuf sages.

The Conversation

Pierre Bréchon ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Lionel Jospin, figure éthique de la gauche française – https://theconversation.com/lionel-jospin-figure-ethique-de-la-gauche-francaise-279019

Lire pour réussir : pourquoi la motivation et l’entourage font la différence

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Daisy Pelletier, PhD in Educational Psychology, Université Laval

La réussite en lecture est une préoccupation majeure, en raison de son rôle central dans les autres disciplines scolaires. Or, face au manque de ressources et à la diversité des besoins, comment mieux soutenir les élèves ?


À l’école, les classes sont souvent composées d’élèves aux besoins variés et les ressources ne sont pas toujours suffisantes. Le personnel de l’éducation souligne notamment des effectifs trop élevés, des élèves en grande difficulté sans soutien adapté, un manque de personnel de soutien et un temps de préparation insuffisant, ce qui rend l’accompagnement individualisé difficile. À l’extérieur de l’école, la lecture est en compétition avec de nombreuses autres activités et les élèves ne disposent pas tous des mêmes occasions de s’y engager, ce qui accentue les inégalités.

Dans une récente étude canadienne menée auprès de 1533 élèves du primaire (4e et 6e année) et du secondaire (2e et 4e secondaire), nous nous sommes intéressés aux mécanismes pouvant expliquer leur réussite en lecture. Au début de l’année scolaire 2019-2020, ces élèves ont rempli un questionnaire portant sur le temps consacré à la lecture récréative, les raisons de lire et le soutien reçu en lecture de leur enseignant de français, de leurs parents et de leurs amis.

Quelques mois plus tard, ces variables ont été utilisées pour prédire la note en lecture au deuxième bulletin, en tenant compte du niveau initial des élèves au premier bulletin.




À lire aussi :
Lire à l’écran et lire sur papier, mêmes stratégies ?


La motivation, moteur de l’engagement en lecture

L’analyse des réponses obtenues montre que les élèves qui pratiquent la lecture dans leurs temps libres obtiennent de meilleures notes en lecture que leurs camarades de classe qui ne lisent pas. Ce lien soulève une question centrale : qu’est-ce qui amène certains élèves à lire plus souvent que d’autres dans leurs temps libres ?

Pour s’engager dans la lecture, les élèves ont besoin de motivations, qui correspondent à des raisons de lire. Toutefois, les motivations ne garantissent pas toutes un engagement de qualité. Dans la recherche que nous avons menée, les raisons de lire relevant d’un choix de l’élève (par exemple, lire par plaisir) étaient liées à une pratique plus fréquente de la lecture que celles relevant d’une pression externe (lire pour éviter une conséquence) ou interne (lire pour ne pas se sentir coupable de ne pas le faire).

Plus encore, la motivation à lire en contexte récréatif était plus fortement associée à la pratique de la lecture que la motivation à lire en contexte scolaire. Ce résultat peut s’expliquer par la nature même de la lecture récréative, qui repose généralement sur un choix. Lorsqu’un élève lit dans ses temps libres, il le fait pour des raisons personnelles comme le plaisir, l’intérêt ou la curiosité, notamment parce qu’il dispose d’une grande liberté pour choisir ses lectures.

À l’inverse, la lecture scolaire ne relève pas toujours du choix : un élève qui lit pour l’école peut le faire par plaisir ou par intérêt, mais aussi pour des raisons externes comme obtenir de bonnes notes ou éviter d’être pénalisé à une évaluation. Cela invite à porter attention aux pratiques qui nourrissent des raisons de lire fondées sur le plaisir, l’intérêt et le sens que les élèves accordent à leur lecture, autant à l’école qu’à l’extérieur de celle-ci.

Les parents et les amis : des alliés à mobiliser

Comme plusieurs caractéristiques physiques ou psychologiques, la motivation scolaire s’explique en partie par des facteurs génétiques. En lecture spécifiquement, jusqu’à 50 % de la motivation est attribuable à l’hérédité. Est-ce à dire qu’on ne peut rien y faire ? Absolument pas. Certains facteurs environnementaux jouent également un rôle important pour expliquer la motivation en lecture.

Contrairement à une idée reçue selon laquelle la réussite en lecture relève d’abord et avant tout de l’école, les résultats de notre étude révèlent que la contribution des enseignants ne parvient pas à rivaliser avec celle des parents et des amis pour soutenir la motivation et la pratique de la lecture des élèves.

Plus précisément, les comportements des parents et des amis qui soutiennent le besoin d’appartenance sociale (par exemple, être un modèle de lecteur, s’intéresser aux goûts de son enfant/d’un ami en lecture) s’avèrent particulièrement importants pour favoriser une motivation ne relevant d’aucune pression, tant en contexte récréatif que scolaire.

Cela ne signifie pas que les enseignants ne jouent aucun rôle, mais que leur contribution ne ressort pas comme distincte lorsque l’on considère les autres sources de soutien. L’école demeure néanmoins un milieu universel pouvant offrir à tous les élèves des occasions de lire, indépendamment des ressources dont ils disposent à la maison.




À lire aussi :
Des modèles masculins pour développer l’envie de lire chez les garçons



Déjà des milliers d’abonnés à l’infolettre de La Conversation. Et vous ? Abonnez-vous gratuitement à notre infolettre pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux contemporains.


Un rôle qui transcende la période de l’enfance

L’importance du soutien des parents et des amis s’observe autant chez les élèves du primaire (4e et 6e année) que chez ceux du secondaire (2e et 4e secondaire). Autrement dit, leur rôle n’est pas moins important au secondaire. Toutefois, les interventions à privilégier doivent être cohérentes avec les besoins des élèves, qui peuvent se manifester différemment selon leur âge.

La réussite en lecture repose ainsi sur une responsabilité partagée entre l’école et la famille. Miser sur la lecture ne relève pas seulement des programmes scolaires ou des approches pédagogiques, mais d’un engagement collectif visant à créer des environnements où les élèves cultivent leur intérêt pour la lecture.

Pour les enseignants, il peut s’agir d’offrir aux élèves des occasions de choisir leurs lectures, de préserver des moments où ils sont invités à lire librement et de favoriser les échanges entre pairs autour de la lecture. Pour les parents, il peut s’agir de s’intéresser aux goûts de leurs enfants, de discuter de leurs lectures ou d’incarner eux-mêmes le plaisir de lire.

Car avant de réussir en lecture, encore faut-il développer le goût de lire.

La Conversation Canada

Daisy Pelletier a reçu des financements du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines et du Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Société et culture

Catherine Ratelle a reçu des financements du CRSH et du FRQSC.

Frédéric Guay a reçu des financements du CRSH.

William Gilbert a reçu des financements du FRQSC.

Erick Falardeau ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Lire pour réussir : pourquoi la motivation et l’entourage font la différence – https://theconversation.com/lire-pour-reussir-pourquoi-la-motivation-et-lentourage-font-la-difference-273884

Vietnam ruined Lyndon B. Johnson’s political career. Will Donald Trump face the same fate over Iran?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ronald W. Pruessen, Emeritus Professor of History, University of Toronto

Is United States President Donald Trump lurching toward decline and fall? Will he and his MAGA movement reprise Lyndon B. Johnson’s story, when the quagmire of the Vietnam War took the Democratic president out of the 1968 election and gave Republican Richard Nixon the opening he needed to defeat the Democrats?

Trump’s war on Iran is already hurting him politically. More than half of Americans disapprove of the decision to join Israel and attack Iran.

And Iran is not the only problem for Trump and MAGA. The loss of 92,000 jobs in February offers little good news. Neither does a Supreme Court ruling that weakened the tariff strategy at the core of Trump’s economic plan. There’s also the lingering risk posed by ongoing media and public attention to the Jeffrey Epstein files.

Amid all these storm clouds, Trump’s extreme and bizarre behaviour shows no signs of abating. His provocative boorishness continues: as with the “Good, I’m glad he’s dead” posting about the death of former FBI director Robert Mueller and the baseball cap he wore at the “dignified transfer” of the remains of U.S. soldiers who have died in the conflict.

Other disturbing and ultimately weightier behaviour has included Trump’s bulldozing of the American Constitution as readily as the East Wing of the White House by ignoring congressional powers, weaponizing the Department of Justice and fostering kleptocracy for friends and family via cryptocurrency ventures.

Without discounting the toll of the extreme and bizarre, however, the potential impact of a traditional force hiding in plain sight may prove more powerful. Will Trump’s 2024 voters shift loyalties because the purportedly amazing “deal maker” has forgotten that buyers have cancellation options when they become unhappy?

Parallels to LBJ

Former president Lyndon B. Johnson — known colloquially as LBJ — may offer the most dramatic cautionary tale for Trump. The shrewd Texan was a master of congressional coalitions crucial to achieving transformative “Great Society” milestones
like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the “War on Poverty.”

Becoming president after John F. Kennedy’s assassination, Johnson’s triumph in his own right in the 1964 election turned gradually toward disaster. The costs of a protracted conflict in Vietnam — that “bitch of a war,” in Johnson’s own words — was the primary driver in his reversal of electoral fortunes.

But his problems were also compounded by backlash against radicalization within the Civil Rights Movement, the tradition-shaking tremors emanating from the 1960s “counterculture” and the so-called sexual revolution.

Wilson and Truman

There are other lessons for Trump in the experiences of Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman.

Wilson predated LBJ in a dramatic loss of support among once-enthusiastic voters.

At the end of the First World War, the 38th president and his Democrats faced disaster in 1919-20, when struggles at the Paris Peace Conference and the flaws of its Treaty of Versailles made it clear that a messianic crusade to “end all wars” and “make the world safe for democracy” had been vastly oversold.

Wilson damaged his party further by refusing to compromise with congressional internationalists of both parties (partially attributable to the president’s October 1919 stroke). Republicans went on to win the 1920, 1924 and 1928 elections.

Feisty Harry Truman came to the presidency after Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1945 death and made his “Fair Deal” extensions of FDR’s New Deal popular enough to win election himself in 1948.

Serious problems then emerged when Soviet testing of an atomic bomb, and the emergence of the People’s Republic of China spurred Cold War anxieties. All of this was intensified by Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s rants about “pinko” domestic subversives and the mounting frustrations of a long-stalemated war in Korea.

Republicans under Dwight Eisenhower easily won the 1952 election.

Trump’s turn?

There’s little evidence Trump cares much about or understands historical precedents, but if he does, he might be experiencing some alarm at the moment.

The specifics of Trump’s transactional relationship with voters may not repeat past patterns exactly, but the underlying dynamics of political transactionalism are difficult to suppress.

Buyers’ remorse, in fact, may dramatically reveal itself later this year in the mid-term elections.

Promising “golden age” economic growth, Trump has instead delivered results that range from disappointing to devastating. Lurching tariff policies have caused tensions in profitable trade relationships, including Canada, and increases in prices.

Any easing of inflation is now seriously threatened by a war-related oil crisis. Gas price increases already greater than 20 per cent signal a cascading impact on manufacturing and food production costs. Voters do not need Democrat messaging to feel affordability stress — they’re living it.

ICE overkill

Trump also set immigration correction as a primary goal, tapping into clear voter desire. But his administration has used excessive force and scale that have turned off many voters.




Read more:
ICE pullback in Minneapolis shows the limits of Donald Trump’s scare tactics


The year 2025 may have resulted in a 93 per cent drop in apprehensions of unauthorized entrants at U.S. borders, but it also brought ICE ferocity, slayings of American citizens and the fierceness of incarcerations in facilities like Florida’s “Alligator Alcatraz” without due process.

There have also been disruptions of neighbourhoods and workplaces across the country as long-time “illegals” are rounded up or forced into hiding.

Another vaunted Trump promise: an “America First” stance that avoided the global activism requiring costly military ventures.

And yet, Trump has made threats against Greenland and Canada, embarked upon a military invasion of Venezuela and extracted President Victor Maduro, and launched military operations in Somalia, Yemen and Syria.

The ongoing war in Iran has now been waged with ever-shifting justifications and without congressional authorization.




Read more:
Allies or enemies? Trump’s threats against Canada and Greenland put NATO in a tough spot


Consequences

Flawed delivery on key campaign commitments reveals core weaknesses in Trump’s “art of the deal” posturing — particularly his insensitivity to the two-way-street dynamic of a successful transactional relationship with voters.

In a democratic system, even an imperfect one, voters show support for promises both made and kept.

There can be patience about the pacing of the delivery of those promises, as Trump seemed to be granted about inflation in the early months of his second presidency. There can be pragmatism about the realities of overseas conflicts of the kind LBJ enjoyed in the Vietnam War’s initial stages.

At some point, however, voters usually shift course because they see they’re not getting what they voted for. Will this fate befall Trump in November?

The Conversation

Ronald W. Pruessen has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. Vietnam ruined Lyndon B. Johnson’s political career. Will Donald Trump face the same fate over Iran? – https://theconversation.com/vietnam-ruined-lyndon-b-johnsons-political-career-will-donald-trump-face-the-same-fate-over-iran-278847

Saturday Night Live UK’s first episode was a ratings success and had some shining moments that prove it can work

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Hemingway, Teaching Fellow in Film and Television Studies, University of Warwick

An air of scepticism greeted the announcement last year that the American sketch comedy show Saturday Night Live (SNL) would get a UK counterpart.

Critics of the news brought up the incompatibility of British and American humour as a major issue, as well as the lack of big-name British comedians who could potentially work on the show. The latter concern seems to misunderstand the fact that the likes of Chevy Chase and Gilda Radner were plucked out of relative obscurity in 1975 to star in the first season of the original US version.

As a scholar in television comedy, I believe the only way SNL UK could work on its own terms is to allow a new crop of British talent to create their own group dynamic and to rely on the original version of the show in format only. Based on the first episode alone, it seems like they have achieved this with ease.

The most interesting thing about the first episode of SNL UK is how it sought to teach UK audiences how SNL typically works and what they can expect. Former US SNL comedian Tina Fey was selected to host the debut episode, effectively acting as a representative for the institution and fuelling further speculation about her potential takeover of the US show when SNL creator and producer, Lorne Michaels, eventually decides to retire.

In her successful opening monologue, Fey explained the show’s format, mentioning its sketch comedy, musical performances and the fact it was a live broadcast where things can go wrong. Fey’s monologue also included three celebrity cameos – another common feature of the show – from British TV stalwart Graham Norton and actors Michael Cera and Nicola Coughlan. Norton’s inclusion was smartly executed, providing UK viewers with a familiar face right at the start of the show.

The back-and-forth between Norton and Fey involved him quizzing her on various aspects of British comedy and culture more broadly. Along the way, Fey performed impressions from Monty Python, Fawlty Towers and Eastenders. Once again, British comedy culture, plus all of the weird stuff which seeps into the collective consciousness (“Nothing beats a Jet 2 holiday”, “What a sad little life, Jane”), was leaned on in the opener.

The sketches also helped teach the viewer how the show works on a moment-to-moment basis. For instance, the camera frequently tracked backwards once a sketch was complete to show the makeshift set, behind-the-scenes crew members and the live studio audience watching.

Wet Leg were the first British band to take the SNL UK stage, performing two songs from their recent album Moisturizer. Like the US version, the sound quality for these performances was somewhat muddled and poorly mixed, but the band’s energy carried them through.

As is often the case with SNL, not everything worked. David Attenborough’s Last Supper sketch ran too long, involving nearly every cast member playing a famous historical figure – ranging from Al Nash’s Winston Churchill to Emma Sidi’s Cilla Black. George Fouracres delivered a rather weak Attenborough impression. However, his version of the prime minister, Keir Starmer, during the political “cold open” (a topical live sketch that begins each episode) was well-received and will no doubt become a permanent fixture on the programme over the next few years.

Fouracres’ weirdest moment came during the 45 Seconds with Fouracres sketch. The sketch began with Fouracres frantically singing “what kind of Irish is your grandad?” direct to camera, followed by him speaking in various, sometimes unintelligible, Irish accents. This was reminiscent of early SNL sketches and was a clear direct descendent of the surreal humour found in Vic Reeves and Bob Mortimer’s Shooting Stars, an often surreal and absurd British panel show from the 1990s. As the show continues and grows in confidence, pushing further in this direction would be welcome.

Along with Fouracres, Jack Shep (with his lip-biting Princess Di) and Hammed Animashaun made the biggest impressions, appearing in nearly every sketch.

Other highlights included the very first Weekend Update segment with Ania Magliano and Paddy Young. Update is the longest-running recurring sketch in SNL history and comments on current news events with cast members playing the role of news anchors. The first UK version featured a prop joke about helium shortages due to the conflict around the strait of Hormuz which was so well executed, I won’t ruin it here.

It also can’t be overstated how much difference a few swear words can make. It’s common knowledge in comedy that a carefully timed “fuck” can double your laughs. In the case of this week’s episode, the same could be said for a carefully timed “cunt”. Due to a more relaxed approach to late-night programming, this is one of the major ways in which the UK version can differentiate itself from its occasionally tame US forebear. It will be interesting to see just how far this can be pushed in future episodes.

The first episode reached 226,000 viewers in its 10pm slot on Sky One, a number which is likely to increase as people watch on catch-up services later in the week. Sky One received a bigger audience share than Channel 4 in the same timeslot, which is a resounding success for a programme broadcast on a subscription-based television service. Time will tell whether this initial curiosity will sustain into longer-term engagement and enthusiasm. But for now, the stars and writers can rest easy knowing that the first episode exceeded all expectations and has the potential to begin a new era in British comedy. See you on Saturday night.

The Conversation

Tom Hemingway does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Saturday Night Live UK’s first episode was a ratings success and had some shining moments that prove it can work – https://theconversation.com/saturday-night-live-uks-first-episode-was-a-ratings-success-and-had-some-shining-moments-that-prove-it-can-work-279021

Alcoholic capitalism: How rum fuelled Canada’s early economy

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Allan Greer, Professor Emeritus of History, McGill University

With health-conscious young people drinking less than ever before, it’s interesting to look back to an earlier century when Canadians consumed more liquor — a lot more, in fact.

According to my estimates, the average consumption of spirits in the 1700s was about 15 times higher than today’s figures. Between the 1720s and the 1830s, the colonies that would later become Canada were awash in rum.

As I explain in my recent book, Canada in the Age of Rum, the spirit became deeply embedded in the economic life of early Canada.

Cheap rum came pouring in from New England and the Caribbean, supplemented with local production from distilleries in Halifax, Québec City and Montréal. It mostly fed the hard-drinking workforces of industries like fish, fur and timber.

Rum, labour and survival in the fisheries

Book cover of Canada in the Age of Rum by Allan Greer
Canada in the Age of Rum by Allan Greer.
(McGill-Queen’s University Press)

In the 18th century, alcohol was considered good for the health and warming to the body: just the thing for people working outdoors in a cold climate. But that’s not the main reason that rum flowed into Canada in such prodigious quantities.

More importantly, it provided a solution to export industries’ chronic labour problem. Every spring, Newfoundland fishing skippers had to hire four or five men to catch, clean and salt-dry cod for shipment abroad. Since the pool of qualified fishing hands was small and competition for their services stiff, generous salaries were offered. The catch was that payment was deferred until the end of the season.

In the meantime, the boat master would supply the men with free room and board, plus as much rum as they desired. The latter was charged against their salary at four to four times the retail price.

Consequently, when it came time to settle accounts in the fall, many fishermen found they had drunk away their wages. Some had even racked up a negative balance and had to sign on for the next season to work off their debts.

Under-capitalized and indebted to their merchant-suppliers, fishing entrepreneurs would have gone under if they paid their crews in full, but alcohol conferred the magical ability to claw back wages and hold on to workers for the future.

Drinking on the job

Far from prohibiting drinking on the job, employers actively encouraged it, since the more the men drank, the less they had to be paid.

A similar logic prevailed in the fur trade. The North West Company shipped hundreds of thousands of litres of rum every year from Montréal to destinations as far away as the Mackenzie River and the Pacific coast.

Some of this liquor was for Indigenous customers, but much was destined to slake the thirst of the French Canadian voyageurs who paddled the company’s canoes and manned its trading posts. In this industry, too, skilled labour was scarce and nominal salaries high, more in aggregate than the company could afford to pay.

Traders like Sir Alexander Mackenzie developed a policy of plying their crews with liquor during downtimes to cut costs and retain workers. This strategy was very effective. An 1805 ledger shows that 83 per cent of northern voyageurs were in debt to the company and that many signed on for another three years to pay for the overpriced rum they had already consumed.

Alcohol and the fur trade

Traders also found rum indispensable in their dealings with the Indigenous people who supplied them with furs.

The fur trade was rarely a matter of direct barter. From the trader’s point of view, it was more a matter of exchange mediated by credit.

Each fall, traders gave hunters the supplies they needed for the winter hunt, such as blankets, ammunition and pots. They kept a record of the debts incurred and expected the hunters to return with pelts of a corresponding value the following spring.

It made perfect sense from a capitalist perspective: value for value according to an implied contract.

Indigenous people saw things differently, however. For them, the exchange of goods always took place as part of a relationship of mutual support: gifts were a device to turn strangers into friends, as were hospitality, advice, protection and participation in ceremonies.

If circumstances prevented a hunter from delivering as many pelts as expected, that was a violation of contract for the trader, but not for the Indigenous person. One does what one can in a spirit of alliance, without numerical calculations or rigid deadlines.

Alcohol proved useful in bridging the gap between these divergent economic universes. After cultivating a taste for liquor in preliminary contacts, traders would present a keg of watered-down rum when hunters accepted goods “on credit.” Another keg would be gifted when they returned to pay their “debts.”

In between, a trader might distribute drinks as an incentive to be more productive. Rarely was alcohol treated as merchandise for sale. And despite enduring racist stereotypes, Indigenous people drank less liquor than the non-Indigenous.

The hidden cost of a rum-soaked economy

Alcohol played a vital role in making capitalism work in 18th-century Canada.

It was used in an effort to make Indigenous people conform to the ways of the global market and to ensure a supply of cheap labour at a time when workers were scarce.

Huge quantities of low-cost rum made all this possible, though it did exact a social cost in widespread drunkenness, lethal accidents, violence and spousal abuse.

Today’s capitalism thrives on other addictions, especially consumerism fuelled by digital media, while alcohol’s empire seems to be declining.

The Conversation

Allan Greer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Alcoholic capitalism: How rum fuelled Canada’s early economy – https://theconversation.com/alcoholic-capitalism-how-rum-fuelled-canadas-early-economy-277829

Entreprise : quand les tâches ingrates alimentent silence et malaise

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Rahman Khan, Associate professor, PSB Paris School of Business

Même sans mauvaise intention, une tâche peut être perçue comme illégitime, voire témoigner d’un mépris pour l’expertise professionnelle. CastOfThousands/Shutterstock

Entre 30 et 50 % des salariés doivent effectuer des tâches sans lien avec leur poste ou leur expertise professionnelle. Résultat, ils deviennent silencieux, gardant pour eux leurs questions ou leurs suggestions, bien qu’elles pourraient s’avérer utiles pour l’entreprise. Alors, comment sortir de cette dynamique perverse ? Car, le silence des salariés n’est qu’un symptôme d’une entreprise malade.


L’image d’Épinal du stagiaire « responsable machine à café » ou « photocopieuse » traduit une réalité. Dans certaines entreprises, des employés en contrat limité ou non limité, souvent surdiplômés, doivent se cantonner à réaliser des missions ingrates. « Tu veux bien passer les slides PowerPoint pour ma présentation ? »

Dans une recherche récente, nous avons étudié la façon dont les tâches assignées déterminent le comportement des employés, en particulier lorsque ces tâches sont perçues comme illégitimes – considérées comme déraisonnables, inutiles ou ne correspondant pas au rôle des employés. Une étude complémentaire rappelle que de telles tâches ne sont pas une simple source de désagrément. Elles influencent la manière dont les employés perçoivent l’équité et leur place au sein de l’organisation, au-delà d’être des facteurs de stress.

Le silence est une réponse courante à l’illégitimité perçue. L’effet secondaire : les employés peuvent cacher des informations qui pourraient aider leurs équipes, comme leurs préoccupations, leurs idées ou leurs suggestions. Alors, comment fonctionne ce mécanisme pervers pour l’entreprise et pour les salariés ?

Tâches injustes sans mauvaises intentions

Les employés qualifient certaines tâches d’injustes lorsqu’ils constatent un décalage avec leur rôle, leur statut professionnel ou l’objectif de leur poste. Cette évaluation reflète la perception des employés et non les intentions de leur responsable.

Une tâche peut être donnée sans mauvaise intention, mais tout de même être perçue comme injuste quand elle entre en conflit avec les attentes liées à un poste ou qu’elle témoigne d’un mépris pour l’expertise professionnelle. Des études sur les tâches illégitimes établissent une distinction entre les tâches qui ne relèvent simplement pas d’un rôle précis et celles qui sont considérées comme inutiles.

Les deux cas remettent en question la manière dont les employés définissent leur contribution au travail. Lorsque les tâches vont à l’encontre des normes du métier, les employés se sentent méprisés dans leur identité professionnelle.

De 30 % à 50 % des salariés concernés

Les enquêtes indiquent que les tâches illégitimes sont monnaie courante dans le milieu professionnel. Entre 30 % et 50 % des employés sont confrontés, au moins occasionnellement, à des tâches déraisonnables ou inutiles, avec des variations importantes selon les professions et les secteurs.

Le phénomène est particulièrement fréquent dans les environnements à forte surcharge de travail et où les rôles sont flous. Des rôles mal définis augmentent le risque que les employés se voient confier des tâches ne relevant pas de leurs responsabilités officielles. Les environnements à forte charge de travail intensifient ce phénomène, car les managers s’appuient sur une délégation ad hoc pour répondre au besoin immédiat de l’entreprise.

L’injustice organisationnelle va de pair avec un silence accru, les employés choisissant de ne pas partager leurs idées même lorsque celles-ci pourraient être très importantes pour l’organisation. Le silence est notamment utilisé délibérément pour exprimer son désaccord avec l’attribution injuste des tâches.

Moins de sincérité dans l’entreprise

Le silence des employés traduit une tendance à ne pas communiquer à ses supérieurs ou à ses collègues, intentionnellement, des informations ou des suggestions liées au travail, même lorsque les exprimer pourrait être utile. C’est une décision délibérée. Le cas d’un silence délibéré peut traduire un motif de représailles ou de vengeance à la suite d’une injustice perçue.




À lire aussi :
Le silence, un outil de performance managériale sous-estimé


Il existe une différence entre silence et désengagement. Des employés désengagés fournissent globalement moins d’efforts, tandis que les employés silencieux restent impliqués dans leur travail, mais communiquent moins. Concrètement, ils ne souhaitent pas exprimer sincèrement leur opinion sur les conditions de travail à ceux qui sont en mesure d’y répondre.

Un traitement inéquitable et une injustice organisationnelle sont susceptibles d’entraîner un silence défensif, où les employés évitent de partager des informations afin de se protéger d’éventuelles conséquences négatives.

En revanche, le silence délibéré est dirigé vers l’organisation en réponse à une répartition des tâches jugée injuste. Les employés sont plus enclins à garder le silence lorsqu’ils s’attendent à :

La morale influence les réactions des salariés

La moralité des employés – leur sens du bien et du mal – détermine leur comportement éthique au travail. Par exemple, les employés ayant une forte identité morale sont moins susceptibles de tricher au sein de leur entreprise.

Cette conduite morale, traduction d’une conception de soi en entreprise, guide le comportement des salariés. Les employés qui valorisent des traits moraux importants pour leur image d’eux-mêmes, comme le fait d’être juste et bienveillant, sont plus à même d’éviter les comportements négatifs au travail, tels qu’un silence motivé par la vengeance, contraire à leurs valeurs morales.

Cette éthique individuelle a ses limites. En réalité, elle ne permet pas de déceler pleinement les systèmes injustes ni les environnements de travail toxiques. Lorsque la répartition des tâches et les processus de prise de décision restent constamment inéquitables, le silence persiste, même lorsque les employés ont une image morale élevée d’eux-mêmes.

Ce que les entreprises peuvent apprendre

La délégation des tâches reflète la manière dont les employés sont considérés au sein d’une organisation. La répartition des tâches est un signe de respect et de statut, mais aussi d’inclusion.

La perception d’une répartition des tâches équitable favorise la confiance et la coopération, tandis qu’une répartition inéquitable est source de tension et de ressentiment. Il n’est pas surprenant que les employés confrontés à cette dernière se plaignent davantage d’épuisement émotionnel et d’une baisse de leur bien-être.

La légitimité de la répartition prime sur les objectifs d’efficacité au sens strict. Des processus équitables renforcent les normes d’échange social et l’engagement en soulignant que chaque contribution est reconnue à sa juste valeur. Parallèlement, l’attribution des tâches sur la base de la justice est corrélée à un engagement plus fort et à une diminution des réactions de retrait.

Le silence des employés n’est qu’un symptôme. Les organisations devraient donc être attentives au silence de leurs employés et à leurs pratiques d’attribution afin de détecter les problèmes de légitimité avant que des conflits ouverts ou des départs ne surviennent.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Entreprise : quand les tâches ingrates alimentent silence et malaise – https://theconversation.com/entreprise-quand-les-taches-ingrates-alimentent-silence-et-malaise-274756

Einstein’s theories fuel the drama in Project Hail Mary

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ed Macaulay, Lecturer in Physics and Data Science, Queen Mary University of London

The science fiction film Project Hail Mary brilliantly uses authentic science to underscore the human drama and narrative tension of the story.

Based on the novel by Andy Weir, the story revolves around an effort to save the Earth – threatened by an alien organism that is consuming the Sun. By combining real science, compelling characters and a gripping narrative, the filmmakers have crafted a science fiction odyssey that might just inspire a whole new generation of scientists.

The story begins with the main protagonist, Ryland Grace (Ryan Gosling), waking from a coma in a sealed lab with no windows. Affected by amnesia, the novel describes how he nevertheless applies his knowledge of high-school physics to deduce that gravity in the lab is 50% greater than on the surface of the Earth. He concludes that he must either be in a constantly accelerating spaceship, or on the surface of another planet.

This opening scene perfectly illustrates a concept that Einstein described in 1907 as his “happiest thought”. Einstein realised that while a person is in perfect free-fall, they don’t directly experience the effects of gravity themselves. This is the state of weightlessness experienced by astronauts in orbit – in a perpetual state of free-fall about the Earth.

By the same token, Einstein realised that this inertial experience of acceleration is also perfectly equivalent to the force of gravity. As Grace discovers, there’s no way to distinguish the two. This principle of equivalence was the essential insight that Einstein needed to describe gravity as the effects of warped space-time in his general theory of relativity.

Grace soon discovers that, not only is his increased sensation of gravity due to the constant acceleration of the spacecraft Hail Mary, he’s rapidly approaching the vicinity of the star Tau Ceti, some 11.9 light-years from Earth. To date, the fastest that humans have ever travelled was on the Apollo 10 mission, which reached nearly 25,000 miles per hour – or about seven miles per second.

That may sound fast, but at that speed, it would take about 320,000 years to reach Tau Ceti. But Grace nevertheless finds himself there well within the course of a human lifetime. To understand how, we have to turn to some of the most fascinating results from Einstein’s theory of relativity.

A famous equation

A capable sports car might accelerate from 0 to 60mph in a time of 2.7 seconds. This is the same rate at which an object falls to the ground due to the effects of Earth’s gravity: 1g of acceleration. The 1.5g of the Hail Mary spacecraft corresponds to a 0-60mph time of 1.8 seconds; clearly rapid, but a comparable rate to a modern hypercar.

Official trailer for Project Hail Mary.

The difference is that even the highest performance cars can maintain that acceleration for only a few seconds. The Hail Mary accelerates at that rate for eight and a half months, reaching a maximum speed of 92% of the speed of light, or about 165,000 miles per second; about 25,000 times faster than Apollo 10. So how could the Hail Mary sustain this acceleration for so long?

The answer lies in Einstein’s most famous equation: E=mc². The Hail Mary is fuelled with huge tanks of astrophage – the fictional microorganisms in the story that feed off the Sun and can convert matter to pure energy. The astrophage provides the continuous thrust required to reach almost the speed of light. But it takes light itself 11.9 years to reach Tau Ceti, so even at 92% of the speed of light, how could Grace experience the journey in less than half that time?

The ultimate speed limit

Relativity is clear that nothing can travel faster than the speed of light. At a constant speed of 92% of the speed of light, it would take the Hail Mary 12.9 years to reach Tau Ceti. However, one of the essential principles of relativity is that the speed of light is an absolute constant for all observers.

To keep the speed of light constant for all observers, Einstein realised that our intuitive expectations about time and space would have to be modified at relativistic speeds. To put it another way, some very weird stuff happens when travelling close to the speed of light.

If we assume that the Hail Mary is 40 metres long, an observer watching the ship fly by at 92% of the speed of light would observe the ship to be less than 16 metres in length. If we assume that Ryland Grace is the same height as his onscreen counterpart Ryan Gosling, he would appear to an external observer to be only 72 cm tall.

However, one of Einstein’s key insights from relativity is that anyone moving at a perfectly constant speed can consider themselves at rest, and everything else in the universe as moving towards them. If Grace is flying towards the distant star with a constant speed of 92% the speed of light, we can equally say that the Hail Mary is at rest, and that Tau Ceti is approaching the ship at close to light speed.

This can play with our perceptions. From the perspective of an external observer, at 92% the speed of light, the Hail Mary would appear to be length contracted by a factor of 2.55, but from the perspective of the Hail Mary, the ship is still its original length, and all other distances in the same direction appear to be contracted by this same amount.

Whereas the “rest-frame” distance to Tau Ceti remains 11.9 light-years, from the perspective of the Hail Mary, the distance is less than 4.7 light-years. At a constant speed of 92% the speed of light, the Hail Mary would arrive in about five years. This doesn’t mean that Tau Ceti is physically closer – only that from Grace’s point of view the distance is contracted. An observer tracking the mission back on Earth would still find that the journey took 12.9 years. While everyone would agree on the speed of the Hail Mary, the time and distance involved depend on the point of view of the observer.

By embracing the genuine principles of relativity, the filmmakers have crafted a science fiction masterpiece with a foundation in authentic physics. Far from detracting from the story, Weir’s masterful skill of weaving real science together with a riveting plot helps to underscore the emotional stakes of the narrative.

Science fiction is one of the few avenues through which concepts from relativity and astrophysics enter the mainstream public discourse. By brilliantly engaging with these concepts as part of such a compelling story, Project Hail Mary may just inspire a whole new generation to study these subjects, and perhaps even make new discoveries of their own.

The Conversation

Ed Macaulay does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Einstein’s theories fuel the drama in Project Hail Mary – https://theconversation.com/einsteins-theories-fuel-the-drama-in-project-hail-mary-278470

Testing newborns for spinal muscular atrophy – screening programme begins in Scotland

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lyndsay Murray, Senior Lecturer, Anatomy, University of Edinburgh

Juan Carlos Alonso Lopez/Shutterstock.com

Scotland has become the first UK nation to screen all newborn babies for spinal muscular atrophy. Here is what you need to know.

What is spinal muscular atrophy and how does it affect babies?

Spinal muscular atrophy is a motor neurone disease that starts during infancy. There are different types of SMA, which vary in how severely they affect the child. The most severe type of SMA is, sadly, the most common. Untreated, babies with the most severe types of SMA would not be expected to live to their second birthday.

The disease happens because the body can’t make enough of a protein needed to keep the nerves that control muscles alive. As these nerve cells are lost, muscles become weak, making it hard for babies or children to move, swallow or breathe.

How common is SMA in the UK, and why is it considered a serious condition?

SMA is classed as a “rare” condition. However, for a rare condition, it is quite common. It affects around one in 14,000 births in the UK each year. Each month, around four babies with SMA are born in the UK. It is considered serious as, untreated, babies and children would die or experience serious lifelong disability.

What is the heel prick test?

The heel prick test (also called a “blood spot test”) is already routinely performed on babies born in the UK. During this test, a small sample of blood is taken and it is used to screen for a variety of genetic diseases.

If SMA is caught at birth, can it be cured?

There is no cure for SMA, but there are treatments that aim to fix the underlying genetic problem. The treatments for SMA are much more effective when given as early as possible. When treatment is delayed, it can still be beneficial. However, children may still have difficulty standing or walking, and experience lifelong difficulties with basic functions such as breathing and eating. However, with early treatment, any remaining difficulties are likely to be milder.

Little Mix singer Jesy Nelson campaigned for the introduction of the test.
Little Mix singer Jesy Nelson campaigned for the introduction of the test.
Featureflash Photo Agency/Shutterstock.com

How could adding SMA to routine newborn screening change children’s lives?

The ability to detect SMA in newborns means diagnosis can happen before symptoms appear. Without screening, it may take months to reach a diagnosis.

With screening, SMA can be identified within the first week of life, allowing treatment to begin soon after. If therapy is started early enough, some children may never develop obvious symptoms and can reach milestones such as sitting, crawling and walking at the same pace as their peers.

The early window matters because motor neurons – the nerve cells that control muscle movement – are rapidly lost in SMA and cannot be replaced. Starting treatment as soon as possible helps preserve these cells, slowing or even halting disease progression. The more motor neurons that remain, the better the outcome for the child.

Have other countries implemented SMA screening?

Yes. For instance, the first state in the US started screening for SMA in 2017. All 50 states in the US were screening for SMA by 2024, as were most European countries. There is a huge body of evidence that earlier treatment leads to better outcomes.

How has medical progress changed life expectancy and quality of life for children with SMA?

Medical progress has revolutionised life for people with SMA and their families. In the past, a diagnosis of SMA usually meant a very short life expectancy, or lifelong profound disability, with a high reliance on caregivers for even the most basic bodily functions.

Treatments for SMA have given huge hope to the SMA community. The treatments have the capacity to stop the progression of the disease, allowing many children who would previously not have survived to live longer, and preventing further decline in muscle strength for those living with the disease.

Could this lead to screening for more rare genetic conditions in newborns?

SMA has been added to newborn screening because effective treatments are now available. The technology behind these treatments could also be adapted to tackle other genetic conditions in the future. There is a great deal to learn from progress in SMA, from how these therapies were developed to how screening programmes were successfully introduced.

The Conversation

Lyndsay Murray receives funding from Cure SMA, the SMA Foundation, Muscular Dystrophy UK, Motor Neuron Disease Scotland and the Anatomical Society.

ref. Testing newborns for spinal muscular atrophy – screening programme begins in Scotland – https://theconversation.com/testing-newborns-for-spinal-muscular-atrophy-screening-programme-begins-in-scotland-279005

Your voice, your typing, your sleep – what workplace wellbeing apps are really analysing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mohammad Hossein Amirhosseini, Associate Professor, Computer Science and Digital Technologies, University of East London

dotshock/Shutterstock.com

A workplace wellbeing app might seem like a simple and helpful tool – a mood check-in, some stress management advice, or a chatbot asking how your week has gone. But behind that supportive language, some systems are also quietly analysing your voice, writing style and digital behaviour for signs of psychological distress.

These tools are already on the market – aimed at workplaces, universities and healthcare. They are framed as early-intervention systems that promise to cut costs and identify problems before they become serious. Unfortunately, companies are under no obligation to report using them, so data about how widespread they are is lacking.

The basic idea behind these tools is that behaviour leaves patterns. Artificial intelligence (AI) systems trained on large datasets learn to recognise signals associated with particular mental health conditions, and when similar signals appear in new data, the system produces a probability estimate.

For many people, the surprising part is how much ordinary behaviour can reveal. Voice recordings can pick up changes in rhythm, pitch and hesitation. Language models can analyse word choice and emotional tone. Smartphone data has also been explored as a way of tracking changes in sleep, movement and social interaction – all without the person doing anything out of the ordinary.

But detecting a statistical signal is very different from identifying a genuine problem. Human behaviour is deeply contextual. Someone may speak slowly because they are tired, nervous or communicating in a second language. Reduced online activity might simply reflect a busy week.

Even well-designed systems will make mistakes. A person who is genuinely struggling may not show the behavioural patterns the system was trained to recognise, while someone else may be incorrectly flagged as being in distress.

The pressure to develop these tools is real. The World Health Organization estimates that depression and anxiety cost the global economy US$1 trillion (£800 million) a year in lost productivity. Universities report rising demand for counselling, and employers are dealing with burnout and stress-related absence. Automated early-warning systems can seem like an attractive answer.

A tired employee sleeping at his desk.
Employers are dealing with burnout.
PeopleImages/Shutterstock.com

When wellbeing becomes surveillance

But this technology can change something fundamental about how mental health is understood. Traditionally, mental health is assessed through conversations between a person and a therapist, where context matters enormously. These systems work differently, inferring psychological states from behavioural traces that were never intended to communicate emotional information.

Once those inferences are made, they can influence decisions well beyond healthcare. Assessments of someone’s emotional state could shape workplace programmes, student support systems or insurance models, affecting how institutions judge a person’s reliability or suitability for a role. In effect, psychological states become a new kind of data.

There are particular risks for some groups. Neurodivergent people often communicate in ways that differ from the norms assumed by many datasets. Someone speaking in a second language may pause more frequently, producing speech patterns an algorithm could misinterpret. A person going through grief or illness may display signals that resemble those associated with mental health conditions – without actually having one.

Used carefully by healthcare professionals, these tools could have genuine value – helping therapists spot early warning signs of deteriorating mental health. But the same capability looks very different when deployed across a workplace or university without people’s knowledge.

At a minimum, people should know when these tools are being used, what data is being analysed and whether the system has been independently tested. A claim that software can detect distress is not, on its own, enough.

The Conversation

Mohammad Hossein Amirhosseini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Your voice, your typing, your sleep – what workplace wellbeing apps are really analysing – https://theconversation.com/your-voice-your-typing-your-sleep-what-workplace-wellbeing-apps-are-really-analysing-277692

Will ending short prison sentences fix prison overcrowding? What an expert thinks

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jake Phillips, Associate professor, University of Cambridge

AnnaStills/Shutterstock

The UK’s latest law on sentencing came into force on March 22. Among other changes, the new law means that, in England and Wales, people who would previously have been sent to prison for short sentences will instead serve those sentences in the community.

This means they will need to attend appointments with probation, do certain rehabilitative activities and may also be restricted from doing certain things or going to certain areas. They might also be required to do a set number of hours of community service.

The new law requires courts to avoid imposing custodial sentences of less than 12 months, except in exceptional circumstances. It also extends the maximum sentence that can be suspended from two years to three. This gives judges discretion to suspend sentences for more serious offences that would previously have required immediate custody.

Possession with intent to supply class A drugs (where a guilty plea can reduce a starting-point sentence to three years); street robbery; the most serious forms of controlling and coercive behaviour; and a third conviction for domestic burglary could now all, in theory, be suspended.

At the end of 2025, there were around 3,500 people serving a prison sentence of less than 12 months in England and Wales. Around 44% of all prison sentences are shorter than 12 months. They tend to be imposed for offences such as shoplifting, common assault or breaches of restraining orders.

People given short sentences have the highest reoffending rates when compared to other sentences. Evidence from Scotland, where a similar legal approach has been in place since 2019, has found that people released from a short sentence are reconvicted nearly twice as often as those sentenced to serve a community sentence.

Short sentences mean that people lose access to families, employment and housing, but they do not allow prisons enough time to provide the support that people need prior to release. As such, they account for more than half of all recalls to prison following release, and have contributed to increases in the prison population in recent years.

People serving short sentences typically have acute and unaddressed needs, such as housing instability, substance misuse and mental health concerns. And evidence shows that people sentenced for similar offences are more likely to offend after a short prison sentence than if they had been given a community sanction.

The changes are intended to alleviate pressure on the prison estate by reducing the number of people given immediate custody. Prisons in England and Wales have been working at capacity for years.

These new powers should also prevent the need for emergency early release schemes, which have failed in the past. Both Conservative and Labour governments have introduced emergency early release schemes in recent years. Under a scheme run by the previous Conservative government from 2023-24, 42% of people released were recalled to custody. This was partly due to an inability to plan for their release, and a shortage of support services such as accommodation.

We do not yet have recall data for the scheme introduced by the Labour government in 2024, which allows people to be released 40% of the way through their sentence. But overall recall rates have remained high.

With the new law in force, we should see a relatively quick decline in the number of people sentenced to custody. A steady reduction in the prison population should follow.

It is also worth highlighting that expanding the use of community sanctions can backfire, resulting instead in unintended net-widening: more people drawn into the penal system overall, rather than just reducing the number of people in prison. This could happen if judges begin to give more suspended sentences to those who would otherwise have been given a fine or community order. They may also sentence people to longer in prison to avoid the requirement to suspend the sentence – what criminologists call up-tariffing.




Read more:
How a doubling of sentence lengths helped pack England’s prisons to the rafters


Although broadly positive, these changes are not necessarily a silver bullet for the well-documented prisons crisis. For one thing, the reforms will result in more work for the probation service, which is already under pressure. In recent inspection reports, the probation inspectorate has described the service as having “too few staff, with too little experience and training, managing too many cases”.

Introducing more people with higher risk profiles into probation narrows the margin for error considerably. The service has been planning for these changes – by reducing the extent to which people at the end of their sentences are supervised – but how well it copes with these increased numbers remains to be seen.

If probation fails to cope, we may see more people breaching their orders. When this happens, their custodial sanction is activated, and they are swiftly put in custody to serve their sentence.

The effect on crime

There is also the question of whether the act will affect crime levels, which have been decreasing in recent decades. Criminological evidence has repeatedly shown that changing the seriousness of a punishment does not deter people from offending. What is much more important is the perception of whether one is likely to be caught, and the speed with which one might be punished.

In reality, most people who are about to commit an offence – especially those for which shorter custodial sentences are imposed – are not thinking about what sentence they may or may not receive at some undetermined point in the future.

Sentencing severity is a blunt tool for dealing with crime, especially given the complex reasons behind why people offend. The impact on crime will depend on other parts of the criminal justice system. Police performance, court backlogs and the nature of high-volume offending such as shoplifting and online fraud will all have much more immediate effects on crime levels than tinkering around the edges of sentencing.

Short sentences achieve very little beyond disrupting peoples’ lives and relationships and making it more difficult to find housing and employment, both of which are strongly correlated with re-offending rates. If probation copes with the additional workload, if recall rates do not skyrocket, and judges and magistrates stick to the ask, then the reforms could result in a more sustainable prison system that causes less harm than it currently does – that should be better for everyone.

The Conversation

Jake Phillips does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Will ending short prison sentences fix prison overcrowding? What an expert thinks – https://theconversation.com/will-ending-short-prison-sentences-fix-prison-overcrowding-what-an-expert-thinks-278927