L’intelligence en essaim, de la nature aux algorithmes

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Antoine Dutot, Maître de conférence en informatique, Université Le Havre Normandie

Fourmis, étourneaux, lucioles… sans centre de décision unique, ces collectifs accomplissent des tâches complexes à partir d’informations strictement locales. Ils convergent vers de bons trajets, se synchronisent, se déplacent en nuées denses sans collision. Pour cela, il suffit en fait de règles simples, combinées à des rétroactions, où l’action de chaque individu modifie légèrement l’environnement ou l’état du groupe et où cette modification influence en retour les actions suivantes. Cette logique inspire aujourd’hui des algorithmes pour piloter des systèmes distribués, des robots aux réseaux de capteurs, par exemple.


On associe spontanément l’intelligence à un organe central, un cerveau, une tour de contrôle, un « grand modèle » qui verrait tout et déciderait pour tous. Pourtant, une bonne partie du vivant fait exactement l’inverse. Il n’y a pas de contrôle centralisé et, malgré tout, on observe des comportements collectifs remarquables.

Un murmure d’étourneaux au crépuscule forme des nuages mouvants, fluides, sans collisions apparentes. Une colonne de fourmis en quête de nourriture trouve des chemins efficaces sans vision globale. Certaines espèces de lucioles finissent par clignoter ensemble, comme si un métronome invisible donnait le tempo.

Dans ces exemples, la nature coordonne sans commander. Le point commun n’est pas l’absence de hiérarchie au sens social (une fourmilière a des rôles), mais l’absence de calcul et de prise de décision centralisés. La coordination émerge de règles locales, de signaux partagés, d’interactions et de rétroactions. C’est l’intuition au cœur de l’intelligence en essaim (swarm intelligence), obtenir un comportement global cohérent à partir de règles locales simples. Un algorithme en essaim en est la traduction informatique : une population d’agents simples explore collectivement une solution sans contrôleur central, à partir d’informations locales et de boucles de rétroaction.

Pour comprendre ce qui se passe, un bon réflexe en science est de chercher si un même schéma se dégage : une règle locale donne un effet global, qui peut être traduit au sein d’une algorithmique… et déboucher sur un usage concret.

Passons en revue trois cas significatifs : trois mécanismes simples observés dans la nature, qui ont donné trois familles d’algorithmes.

La trace des fourmis et des termites, ou la « stigmergie »

Règle locale. Un individu modifie son environnement en laissant une trace chimique, une structure, un marquage.

Effet global. Les actions futures sont orientées par ces traces ainsi certaines pistes se renforcent, d’autres disparaissent. C’est une communication indirecte, via l’environnement, qui a été appelée stigmergie pour expliquer la coordination chez les termites.

Traduction algorithmique. Cette idée a été reprise en informatique, notamment pour les algorithmes de type « colonie de fourmis ».

Usage concret. Optimiser des trajets, répartir des flux, résoudre des problèmes combinatoires. Pour cela, on explore plusieurs solutions, puis on renforce progressivement les meilleures (un peu comme si les bonnes pistes « sentaient plus fort » au fil des itérations).

Nuance utile : la reine n’est pas un « chef calculateur ». Elle a un rôle biologique central, la reproduction, mais la décision (au sens algorithmique) reste distribuée : aucune entité ne détient le plan d’ensemble.

Le mouvement des oiseaux et des poissons, ou le « flocking » (ou agrégation)

Règle locale. Je m’aligne avec mes voisins, je garde une distance de sécurité, je reste dans le groupe.

Effet global. Des formations fluides, adaptatives, robustes aux perturbations.

Traduction algorithmique. En informatique, le modèle « Boids » a popularisé l’idée qu’un mouvement collectif réaliste peut émerger de quelques règles de voisinage simples.

Ce que la recherche a affiné. Pour les étourneaux, une idée clé est que l’interaction semble surtout topologique, c’est-à-dire que chaque oiseau « suit » un nombre à peu près constant de voisins (plutôt qu’une distance fixe), ce qui aide à garder la cohésion quand la densité varie brutalement (attaque d’un prédateur, par exemple).

Usage concret. Modéliser des foules, coordonner des robots, concevoir des contrôleurs distribués qui restent stables quand l’environnement bouge vite ou encore faire voler des essaims de drones autonomes en formation serrée sans GPS centralisé, comme l’ont démontré des équipes de recherche récentes.

Battre à l’unisson, ou la synchronisation collective des lucioles

Règle locale. J’ai une horloge interne. Si je vois mon voisin clignoter, je l’ajuste légèrement.

Effet global. Petit à petit, les ajustements se propagent et le groupe se synchronise.

Traduction algorithmique. C’est la logique des oscillateurs couplés : un cadre mathématique classique (famille des oscillateurs de « Kuramoto ») pour expliquer comment un ensemble d’unités faiblement couplées peut finir par battre à l’unisson.

Synchronisation d’un essaim de lucioles. Source : Faironnerie ABC.

Ancrage biologique. Des travaux de synthèse sur la synchronisation des lucioles décrivent les mécanismes, les hypothèses et les limites de ce phénomène dans le vivant.

Usage concret. Ce principe est utile chaque fois qu’un grand nombre d’objets doivent agir ensemble au bon moment, sans chef d’orchestre. Par exemple, dans un réseau de capteurs dispersés dans une forêt pour détecter un départ de feu, il faut que les appareils se réveillent, mesurent et transmettent leurs données de façon coordonnée afin d’économiser leur batterie et de ne pas saturer les communications. Le même mécanisme peut aussi servir à faire travailler ensemble une flotte de petits robots ou de drones qui doivent avancer au même rythme malgré des échanges imparfaits. L’idée générale est simple : obtenir un comportement collectif synchronisé même lorsque chaque unité ne dispose que d’une information locale et de signaux parfois bruités.

Rendre visible l’émergence : mettre le collectif en scène

Les modèles d’essaim se présentent souvent sous forme d’équations et de simulations, comme dans la vidéo ci-dessus. Mais on les comprend parfois mieux… en les voyant « vivre ». Dans les projets de médiation LED it be et Arduiciole, des collaborations entre fab Lab et laboratoire de recherche où nous utilisons des matrices de LED, d’objets lumineux ou des ballons gonflés à l’hélium, chaque lumière suit une règle locale simple : clignoter, attendre, se caler sur ses voisins, ou réagir à une « trace » dans son environnement. Ce ne sont pas de simples ampoules, mais des pixels qui s’éveillent à la vie artificielle. Le dispositif rend visible l’invisible : il simule des automates cellulaires ou des modèles de synchronisation inspirés des lucioles.

Arduicioles, récit d’un rêve synchronisé. Source : Faironnerie ABC.

Ce que le public observe alors n’est pas un code, mais une dynamique : propagation d’un motif, stabilisation, bascule, synchronisation. La démonstration est double : le modèle n’est pas le réel, mais un outil pour isoler un mécanisme ; la complexité collective est une propriété liée aux interactions, et non à chaque individu pris séparément.

Des essaims dans nos technologies… et deux écueils à éviter

Ces principes de coordination distribuée intéressent les ingénieurs et les scientifiques pour une raison simple, ils offrent souvent trois avantages simultanés : robustesse, passage à l’échelle, adaptabilité. C’est exactement la promesse de la robotique en essaim, qui s’inspire explicitement de l’auto-organisation du vivant, mais aussi des algorithmes en essaim.

On retrouve ces principes dans une grande variété de systèmes. Ils sont particulièrement utiles lorsqu’il faut identifier de bonnes configurations dans un ensemble de possibilités immense, comme en logistique, en calibration ou en réglage de paramètres, car ils permettent de faire émerger progressivement des solutions efficaces sans pilotage central.

Ils servent aussi à organiser l’exploration collective, qu’il s’agisse de répartir des robots, des drones ou des entités logicielles pour couvrir une zone, cartographier un environnement, détecter des signaux ou parcourir un espace de recherche.

Enfin, ils offrent un cadre robuste pour maintenir la cohérence d’un système distribué en synchronisant les comportements, en assurant une coordination locale et en préservant le fonctionnement global malgré la perte ou la défaillance de certaines unités.

Ces systèmes ne sont pourtant ni spontanément stables ni naturellement sûrs. Hors des environnements idéalisés, les perceptions sont imparfaites, les échanges sont retardés et la communication entre agents reste souvent partielle. Dans ces conditions, une règle locale élégante en simulation peut devenir fragile en situation réelle. De plus, dès lors que la coordination dépend de signaux partagés, qu’il s’agisse d’une trace, d’un rythme commun ou d’une information sur un meilleur état collectif, la fiabilité de ces signaux devient un enjeu central. Un signal erroné, perturbé ou manipulé peut suffire à désorganiser l’ensemble. La décentralisation n’élimine donc pas le risque ; elle impose de penser autrement la robustesse, en la ramenant au niveau des interactions.

L’intelligence en essaim invite à l’humilité. Elle montre que la force d’un collectif ne vient pas toujours d’un chef, mais de la qualité des interactions entre ses membres. À partir de règles simples, un groupe peut faire émerger une organisation efficace, souple et robuste. La puissance réside alors dans la capacité à agir ensemble. Ce passage du « je » au « nous » offre un modèle de résilience fondé sur la coopération et l’adaptation.

The Conversation

Damien Olivier a reçu des financements de l’ANR et de la commission Européenne.

Yoann Pigné a reçu des financements de l’Agence Nationale de la Recherche.

Antoine Dutot et Jean-Luc Ponty ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur poste universitaire.

ref. L’intelligence en essaim, de la nature aux algorithmes – https://theconversation.com/lintelligence-en-essaim-de-la-nature-aux-algorithmes-275250

What caused the blood red skies in Western Australia? A weather expert explains

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Steve Turton, Adjunct Professor of Environmental Geography, CQUniversity Australia

The apocalyptic red skies in Western Australia have generated considerable international media attention. Crimson dust whipped up by the strong outer winds of Severe Tropical Cyclone Narelle created this unusual phenomenon.

Spectacular weather events like this are not common in northwest Australia. They occur under very specific environmental conditions. Most of the tropical cyclones hitting this arid region don’t cause red skies. Mega dust storms which do change the colour of the sky often take place during prolonged droughts. Perhaps the most memorable storm traversed over Melbourne on 8 February 1983, turning the sky red-brown and later pitch black.

A screen shot of a New York Times piece about the red dust storm.
The New York Times and other international media published stories about Australia’s blood red dust storm.
New York Times

So what caused Cyclone Narelle’s dust storm and why was the sky so vividly red? Four factors came together to create these conditions: a very dry and exposed landscape with red soils, a lack of preceding rain, very strong winds ahead of the rain bands from the cyclone, and a particular wind direction.

Why was the dust storm so spectacular?

Australia’s northwest is one of just a few places in the world where tropical cyclones affect an otherwise arid desert climate. Other locations include the Arabian Peninsula and semi-arid parts of India and Pakistan. These dry regions have very little natural vegetation to protect fragile soils from cyclonic winds. In the northwest of WA, the iron-rich soils which attract many big mining companies also give the region its exceptional red appearance.

According to the Bureau of Meteorology, in the six weeks prior to Cyclone Narelle, the greater northwest region had experienced 10-50 mm of rainfall and the barren landscape was very dry. This was a crucial factor behind the size and magnitude of the red-tinged dust storm.

In the Southern Hemisphere, tropical cyclones rotate in a clockwise direction due to the “Coriolis Force”, which applies movement on rotating objects. This explains how the dust storm developed. Strong winds to the south of the cyclone’s eye were coming from the northeast to southeast direction, and hence off the dry landscape.

After tracking in a southerly direction, close to the North West Cape of WA, Narelle eventually crossed the coast near Coral Bay and headed inland, where it weakened.

Narelle’s large area of gale-force winds extended 200-260 kilometres from the centre. These very strong winds in the southwest area of the cyclone blew across the dry Pilbara landscape, picking up fine red sediments ahead of the bands of rain and transporting them westwards. These blood-red dust storms hit coastal towns in the Gasgoyne and Pilbara regions.

The large, flat terrain of the Pilbara would also have created a long wind “fetch” (the distance the wind blows over open terrain). This would have picked up greater numbers of dust particles.

As the cyclone moved through, humidity increased rapidly, followed by dense cloud and finally heavy rain. This is why the apocalyptic dust was short lived – it was washed out of the atmosphere and back to earth.

An orange-coloured picture of a verandah and the sky.
The dust cloud as it approaches.
Good Morning Australia/Facebook

Why was the sky so red?

The Pilbara’s deep red soils are rich in iron oxides. These soils form the basis of the multi-billion dollar iron ore mining industry.

Understanding the physics of the atmosphere is important. Airborne dust particles scatter shorter wavelengths (blue and green light) more effectively. Longer wavelengths (red and orange light) pass through or dominate what reaches your eyes. The red soil particles made the light an even deeper shade of red. Hence, the sky appeared deep orange red, or even blood coloured.

Due to the right mix of environmental conditions, the Narelle dust storm involved a very high dust concentration, thick enough to significantly filter and tint all incoming sunlight. This created the Mars-like or “apocalyptic” appearance. Cyclone Narelle also approached the North West Cape in the early morning, when sunlight has to travel through more atmosphere. This meant more scattering occurred and made the red tones even stronger.

Mega dust storms are a regular feature during prolonged droughts in central, southern and eastern Australia. A striking example was the “Red Dawn” dust storm in Sydney on 23 September 2009. Residents woke to an eerie red dawn due to a huge dust cloud.

Huge dust storms like this are usually produced by strong cold fronts and severe thunderstorms that force fine sediment particles up into the atmosphere. These particles are typically moved towards the east, even making their way into the upper levels of the troposphere. Occasionally the dust is deposited as far away as the Southern Alps of Aotearoa/New Zealand.

Spectacular weather events such as this stand out on the global stage. A rare combination of the Pilbara’s exceptionally red soils, cyclonic winds from the right direction and perfect pre-rain timing allowed atmospheric dust to build to very high concentrations. Certainly a feast for the eyes and record books.

The Conversation

Steve Turton has previously received funding from the Australian and Queensland Governments.

ref. What caused the blood red skies in Western Australia? A weather expert explains – https://theconversation.com/what-caused-the-blood-red-skies-in-western-australia-a-weather-expert-explains-279557

Why a second global shipping chokepoint could soon live up to its name as the ‘Gate of Tears’

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Flavio Macau, Associate Dean – School of Business and Law, Edith Cowan University

Luke Dray/Stringer/Getty

If you’d never heard of the Strait of Hormuz before, you probably have by now. Iran’s effective closure of the waterway, which usually carries about 20% of the world’s oil and gas, has put severe pressure on the global economy.

Now, some analysts are warning a new flashpoint could emerge: the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

That’s because on March 28, the Houthis, a military group that controls large parts of northern Yemen and is aligned with Iran, entered the war, launching missiles towards Israel for the first time since the war with Iran began.

Yemen is situated on one side of the strait, and the Houthis have previously attacked shipping in the Red Sea, causing major disruption in late 2023 and 2024.

Bloomberg now reports Iran has approached the Houthis to prepare for a similar campaign.

Here’s why all eyes will be back on the Houthis, Bab el-Mandeb and the Red Sea, and what disruption of a second major chokepoint could mean for the world economy.

What is the Bab el-Mandeb Strait?

The Bab el-Mandeb Strait is about 30 kilometres wide at its narrowest point. It is situated between Yemen on the Arabian Peninsula to the northeast and Eritrea and Djibouti in Africa on the west.

Its name literally means “Gate of Tears” in Arabic, after its famously treacherous sailing conditions.

It has become so important because, along with the Suez Canal in Egypt, it allows ships to transit directly between the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean by passing through the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

Before the Suez Canal’s opening in the 19th century, ships had to travel all the way around the southern tip of Africa to join these two points.

An oil tanker leaving Saudi Arabia to go to the Netherlands, for example, only has to travel 12,000 kilometres if it goes via the Red Sea, compared with more than 20,000 kilometres going south around Africa.

As you’d expect, that’s much faster too. According to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), a trip between the Arabian Sea and the Netherlands that takes 34 days the long way around is shortened to just 19 days.

What passes through it?

In normal times, as much as 14% of global maritime trade goes through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

Detailed data on what passes through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait is somewhat limited. But fossil fuels are a major component.

The International Energy Agency (IEA) estimates that in 2025 about 4.2 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum liquids crossed the Bab al-Mandeb Strait per day. That’s about 5% of global production.

Given most ships use the Suez Canal as well, official data from the Suez Canal Authority allow us to paint a detailed picture of Red Sea shipping.

In the final quarter of 2025, about 40% of the 3,426 ships passing through the Suez Canal transported fossil fuels: (1,330 oil tankers, 88 liquefied natural gas (LNG) ships).

Bulk and general cargo made up another 40% (1,339 ships), typically transporting agricultural commodities such as corn, wheat and soybeans, and also coal and iron ore. Container ships made about 13% of the traffic (459 ships).

Notably, total traffic through the Red Sea has declined considerably since Houthi attacks on shipping in late 2023 and 2024, even though these attacks have largely stopped.

Can the strait be closed?

The Bab el-Mandeb Strait can’t be “closed” entirely. Its narrowest point is still a considerably wide waterway. And unlike the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait is not a “cul-de-sac”, where the passage is closed at one end with only one way out. Ships can still exit to the Mediterranean via the Suez Canal.

That’s little comfort for those bound for Asia, which would then have to round Africa to do so, adding weeks to the journey.

Notably, Saudi Arabia had already built a “Plan B” to avoid the Strait of Hormuz, called the East-West pipeline. This pipeline connects Abqaiq in the north with Yanbu on the Red Sea, and had already begun pumping oil at almost full capacity in response to the conflict.

But oil bound for Asia from this new exit point still has to pass through Bab el-Mandeb to avoid the long way around, meaning it could be disrupted.

We’ve been here before

To get a sense of how the Houthis could disrupt shipping again, we can look to the most recent Red Sea crisis.

According to the International Maritime Organization (IMO), 67 incidents were recorded between November 2023 and September 2024. Some ships only suffered minor equipment damage. But others faced severe fires, flooding and structural damage after being hit by missiles or drones.

However, there have been relatively few attacks since 2024. And the strait was never totally “closed” per se: some ships continued to pass through throughout the crisis.




Read more:
Today’s global economy runs on standardized shipping containers, as the Ever Given fiasco illustrates


The mere threat of attacks

These same tactics would probably apply today. But for shipping companies, the mere threat of attacks may be enough to slow or restrict shipping. There are significant risks to civilian crew, who face a threat to life.

Adding to this, insurance costs could become prohibitive enough to close the route in practical terms. Back in 2024, insurance costs were about 0.6% of the value of the cargo on a ship. After the Red Sea crisis, this rose as high as 2%.

The effective closure of both the Strait of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb at the same time would be severely disruptive to global supply chains and the global economy.

The Conversation

Flavio Macau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why a second global shipping chokepoint could soon live up to its name as the ‘Gate of Tears’ – https://theconversation.com/why-a-second-global-shipping-chokepoint-could-soon-live-up-to-its-name-as-the-gate-of-tears-279548

New Israeli law could mean death penalty by default for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, this week passed legislation that would vastly expand capital punishment in Israel and in the occupied Palestinian territories.

The changes, made via an amendment to Israel’s penal law, allow for executions without proper appeal, pardons or meaningful judicial discretion.

According to media reports, 62 of 120 Knesset members voted in favour of the bill on Monday, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and 48 voted against. The remainder absented themselves from the vote or abstained.

UN experts and Amnesty International have warned these new death sentencing rules would apply almost exclusively to Palestinians.

It would, they argue, entrench discrimination already identified by the International Court of Justice as amounting to apartheid. UN experts said of the bill:

Since Israeli military trials of civilians typically do not meet fair trial standards under international human rights law and humanitarian law, any resulting death sentence would further violate the right to life […] Denial of a fair trial is also a war crime.

This development is a significant change for Israel, which has not executed anyone for more than 60 years. It reverses decades of global movement towards abolition, while normalising executions in an occupied territory.

Death penalty as the default

These changes were made via legislation brought by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and his far-right Otzma Yehudit party.

The Penal Bill (Amendment ― Death Penalty for Terrorists) amends both Israeli civil law (applicable to Israeli settlers) and Israeli military law (applicable to Palestinians) in the occupied West Bank.

The law states, according to a Deutsche Welle media report:

Palestinians in the occupied West Bank convicted of terrorism in military courts will face a mandatory death sentence or, in the wording of the bill “his sentence shall be death, and this penalty only.” Only if the court determines that there are “special reasons” can it then commute the death sentence to life in prison.

Under this change:

  • prosecutors do not need to request the death penalty
  • the defence minister may submit an opinion to the judicial panel of three military officials who only need a simple majority to impose the death penalty
  • judges need to record exceptional reasons for imposing a life sentence over the death penalty
  • avenues for appeal would be tightly restricted
  • there would be no possibility of a pardon
  • people sentenced to death would be detained in isolated facilities that would have restricted visitor access, with legal counsel only by video link
  • executions (by hanging) would take place within 90 days of the final judgement.

Another yet-to-be-passed bill that may still be brought before the Knesset – the Prosecution of Participants in the October 7 Massacre Events Bill – would also see more death sentences handed down.

It establishes ad hoc military tribunals with retrospective jurisdiction to prosecute those accused of participating in the October 7 2023 Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel.

These tribunals would:

  • consist of a retired district court judge and two officers qualified to serve as judges
  • be authorised to depart from ordinary rules around evidence and procedure
  • be able to impose the death penalty via a simple majority, without prosecutors requesting it.

Appeals and clemency mechanisms would again be extremely limited.

Taken together, the two amendments significantly expand the scope of capital punishment in Israel. They also remove many procedural safeguards.

Supporters argue capital punishment could deter future attacks and preclude hostage-taking for prisoner exchanges.

Yet, historically, Israel’s intelligence services have opposed death sentences. They have argued it may encourage armed groups to kidnap Israelis as bargaining chips to prevent executions.

International humanitarian law

Critics have argued the new changes place Israel in breach of international humanitarian law and international human rights law.

As critics point out, Israel’s new death penalty rules limit access to legal counsel. They also:

  • restrict appeals
  • allows trials before ad hoc military tribunals for new capital offences
  • mandate executions be carried out within 90 days.

This all runs counter to international humanitarian law.

Significant legal concerns are raised by Israel enforcing new capital offences in the occupied territory after the International Court of Justice concluded Israel’s occupation violates international law and must cease.

These concerns are compounded by longstanding criticisms of Israeli military courts in the occupied West Bank, where conviction rates for Palestinian defendants reportedly exceed 99%.

International human rights law

Under international human rights law people should be guaranteed equality before the law and protected from discrimination.

But the changes passed by the Knesset this week subject Palestinians to death sentences as the default, while Israeli citizens accused of killing Palestinians would appear before civil courts. Here, capital punishment would be discretionary and far more limited. This entrenches a discriminatory system.

Critics argue this amounts to collective punishment against Palestinians, which is prohibited under the Geneva Convention.

The European Union has warned that executions through hanging would also violate the absolute prohibition on cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.

Taken together, the two new amendments normalise state-sanctioned executions and violate Israel’s obligations under international law.

The Conversation

Shannon Bosch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New Israeli law could mean death penalty by default for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks – https://theconversation.com/new-israeli-law-could-mean-death-penalty-by-default-for-palestinians-convicted-of-deadly-attacks-279458

Underwater turbines are gaining government support – our research maps their global potential

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Danny Coles, Senior Research Associate, Department of Engineering Science, University of Oxford; University of Plymouth

Turbines like these can be deployed on the seabed to harness tidal energy. Nova Innovation

Recent disruptions to oil supply in the Middle East have sent energy prices soaring, reminding countries how vulnerable they remain to imported fossil fuels. At the same time, global electricity demand is expected to almost triple by 2050.

Wind turbines and solar panels will undoubtedly play the central role. But both depend on the weather: wind turbines stand still on calm days, while solar panels generate less in overcast conditions, and nothing at night. That variability is driving interest in more predictable sources of clean power.

One promising option lies beneath the ocean’s surface.

Tidal stream turbines work much like wind turbines, only under the sea. As tides flow in and out, predictably, twice a day in places like the UK, the moving water spins turbine blades to generate electricity. This power is then transmitted to shore via cables laid along the seabed. Unlike wind and solar, tides are governed by the gravitational pull of the moon and sun, making them highly predictable years in advance.

Governments are beginning to take notice. The UK and France are investing in tidal stream energy and plan to install at least 400 megawatts of capacity over the next decade; enough to power a city like Leeds or Amsterdam.

Other countries, including Canada, the US, China and Japan, are also exploring the technology, albeit with much smaller scale projects.

Infographic of HATTs
Horizontal axis tidal turbines are the dominant form of underwater tidal stream technology.
Gemini / The Conversation

Despite this growing interest, a basic question remains: how much electricity can tidal currents actually produce, and where is it located?

I’ve teamed up with experts from around the world to help answer those questions. In our new research, we identified more than 400 potential tidal energy sites across 19 countries in Europe, the Americas, Asia and Australasia. These are locations where water flows fast enough, and at suitable depths, for turbines to operate.

Scientists typically describe tidal energy in three stages. The theoretical resource is the total energy in tidal currents. The technical resource is the portion that current turbine technology could realistically capture for electricity production. Finally, the practical resource accounts for constraints such as shipping routes, fishing activity and marine conservation areas. In practice, only a small fraction – around 1% to 20% – of the theoretical energy can actually be used to generate electricity.

Even so, the potential is significant. Across 90 of the most-studied sites, we estimate that tidal turbines could generate around 110 terawatt-hours of electricity each year – roughly equivalent to the annual electricity demand of Portugal.

annotated world map
Sites around the world with the potential to generate tidal stream power.
Coles et al (2026) / Royal Society

Half the global resource in just six sites

Some countries stand out. The US, UK, New Zealand, Canada, China and Indonesia have the largest overall tidal energy resources. In places such as the UK, Indonesia and New Zealand, tidal energy could supply at least 10% of current national electricity demand. In larger countries like the US and China, the resource is still substantial but represents a smaller share of total electricity demand.

A striking finding is how concentrated this energy is, as more than half of the global tidal resource we identified is located in just six sites. These include the Pentland Firth between mainland Scotland and the Orkney Islands, the Alderney Race between the Channel Islands and France and the Minas Passage in a part of Canada known for the world’s highest tides. Two major sites in Alaska (Chatham Strait and Cook Inlet) are also among the most energetic in the world.

However, many of these locations are far from major population centres. Remoteness presents a significant challenge, as building the infrastructure needed to transmit electricity over long distances can be costly and complex. This is one of several factors that may reduce the amount of energy that can be practically harnessed.

Tidal power tends to be strongest in narrow areas between large islands or landmasses, where lots of water is “pushed through” the gap. But finding the most promising hotspots also depends on factors like seabed geography or localised ocean currents, which need specialised and detailed research.

This means there are gaps in the data. For many promising sites, particularly in countries such as Norway, South Korea and the Philippines, detailed measurements of tidal currents are still lacking. For this reason, global estimates of tidal energy potential could increase significantly as more data becomes available.

Our findings broadly support projections from the European Commission, which anticipates up to 8 gigawatts of tidal stream capacity in Europe. However, global projections of more than 100 gigawatts – roughly the electricity demand of the entire UK – remain uncertain without better data and more comprehensive site assessments.

With enough investment and data, plus careful site selection, tidal stream energy offers something rare in renewables: power you can predict years in advance. In an electricity system increasingly affected by the weather, that reliability could make it a disproportionately valuable part of the world’s transition to clean energy.

The Conversation

Danny Coles is a member of the Marine Energy Council. Danny consults to tidal energy developers. Danny Coles receives funding from UK Research and Innovation.

ref. Underwater turbines are gaining government support – our research maps their global potential – https://theconversation.com/underwater-turbines-are-gaining-government-support-our-research-maps-their-global-potential-279509

UK parents urged to curb fast-paced screen content for small children – neuroscientist who advised government explains why

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Wass, Professor of Early Years Neuroscience, University of East London

Fotoluminate LLC/Shutterstock

The UK Department for Education has just released guidance for parents on early years screen use, which I advised on as an expert. It includes recommended limits on the time children spend on screens. It also advises avoiding fast-paced content for younger children.

Recent research from the UK Department for Education suggests that over half of two-year-olds now spend over two hours a day watching screens. For the top 20%, that figure approaches five hours daily – more than a third of their waking life.

These changes have occurred rapidly, particularly since the introduction of smartphones. In 2009, children aged five to 15 spent around nine hours a week – about 1.3 hours a day – watching screens.

But the nature of what children watch has shifted just as dramatically as the amount of time they spend doing so.

Fifteen years ago, close to half of UK preschoolers tuned into CBeebies – BBC content aimed at children aged six and under – each week. Today, children’s engagement with content produced by TV companies is almost 75% lower.

Over the same period, short-form, on-demand video has expanded rapidly. Now, more than 90% of three- to five-year-olds use video-sharing platforms such as YouTube.

To illustrate what this means in practice, we can compare a 25-minute episode of the CBeebies show In the Night Garden from 2006 with a 25-minute slice of typical viewing from a four-year-old watching YouTube Kids (the latter taken from a recent US study).

The CBeebies episode followed a single narrative thread, with a stable cast of eight characters. The YouTube sample is made up of ten separate clips within the same timeframe, featuring 37 speaking characters. The editing tempo shifted from one cut every 16.7 seconds in the CBeebies episode to one cut every 1.5 seconds. There were sharp increases in visual stimulation (changes in light and colour) and auditory stimulation (shifts in pitch and volume).

Comprehension and attention

From a neuroscience perspective, we think this transformation has taken place because there are two ways in which content can hold a young child’s attention.

One route works through comprehension. Slow pacing, clear speech, exaggerated expressions and simple narrative structure allow children to follow what is happening. Comprehension drives attention.

The second route operates through attention capture. Rapid movement, abrupt edits and dynamic sound capture attention automatically. Even if we are trying not to pay attention to something, movement makes it hard to ignore. We think that we developed like this because, historically, motion signalled threat or opportunity. That reflex remains. Attention capture is immediate, involuntary and does not depend on comprehension.

Much contemporary digital content leans heavily on this second mechanism. It is instantaneous, and it works on everybody.

This shift to fast-paced content may, though, also have a role to play in the links between early screen use and later emotional and behavioural dysregulation: difficulties managing emotions and behaviour.

The reason is that young brains run at a slower tempo than adult brains. When environments are fast and unpredictable, the nervous system shifts into a heightened alert state to enable rapid detection of change. Brainstem systems involved in arousal become more active. The sympathetic nervous system – the same system engaged during fight-or-flight responses – becomes involved. In the short term, this may help explain why many children appear irritable or dysregulated when screens are switched off.

Finding patterns

Over longer periods, repeated exposure to highly stimulating, unpredictable content may contribute to broader patterns of behavioural and emotional dysregulation linked to screen use. A growing body of correlational research links high levels of early screen exposure with later difficulties in regulation and increased rates of anxiety. Correlational research shows that two things often occur together or in the same person – such as screen time and anxiety – but don’t prove that one caused the other.

Both behavioural dysregulation in childhood and anxiety in adulthood are associated with heightened brainstem and sympathetic activity – systems that are engaged by fast-paced screen content.

Much of the evidence remains correlational, making it hard to infer causation. However, some animal studies have experimentally exposed animals to doses of simulated screen time, showing that screen exposure causally affects arousal in ways that are consistent with the correlational findings.

Together, the pieces of evidence fit together in a way that is increasingly difficult to ignore – particularly against the backdrop of rising mental health difficulties in young children.

The government guidance recognises this faster-paced content – which is why the advice is to avoid it for young children. But history suggests that advisory-only approaches rarely shift behaviour at scale. If aspects of the current digital environment are indeed contributing to regulatory and mental health challenges, policy attention may need to move further upstream.

That would mean reconsidering the responsibilities of content producers and platform designers, not only parents. How exactly to do this, though, is fraught with difficulty – particularly at a time when the science itself is struggling to keep up with the pace of change.

The Conversation

Sam Wass receives funding from Leverhulme Trust RPG-2025-114

ref. UK parents urged to curb fast-paced screen content for small children – neuroscientist who advised government explains why – https://theconversation.com/uk-parents-urged-to-curb-fast-paced-screen-content-for-small-children-neuroscientist-who-advised-government-explains-why-278732

A seat on the bench isn’t enough: what Fifa’s new women’s football rule gets right (and wrong)

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kerry Harris, Senior Lecturer in Sport Coaching, Cardiff Metropolitan University

Fifa’s latest decision to require every team in its women’s competitions to include at least one female head coach or assistant is, on the surface, a landmark moment.

The rule will apply across all women’s tournaments, from youth level to senior competition, beginning this year with the U17 and U20 World Cups and the Women’s Champions Cup.

In a sport where the technical area remains overwhelmingly male, the symbolism is powerful. But symbolism in sport is rarely neutral. It can signal progress while exposing how far the structures around it still have to travel.

Women’s football has grown rapidly in visibility and commercial value. Coaching, however, has not kept pace. At the 2023 Women’s World Cup, only 12 of 32 head coaches were women. Across some national associations, women make up as little as 5% of the coaching workforce. Against that backdrop, Fifa’s intervention is both unsurprising and, in many ways, overdue.

It is also an admission that organic change has failed. But there is a deeper issue. Research on coaching cultures consistently shows that underrepresentation is not the root problem but a symptom of more deeply embedded behaviour. Increasing numbers without addressing those issues risks leaving the foundations intact.

The timing, too, invites scrutiny. If the imbalance has been clear for years, why act now? And why only within the women’s game?

A problem contained within a single domain

The policy applies exclusively to women’s competitions. On one level, that makes practical sense. Structurally, however, it reinforces a familiar pattern. Gender inequality is treated as an issue to be solved within women’s sport, rather than across football as a whole.

The men’s game – where coaching pathways are more entrenched, better funded and more resistant to disruption – remains untouched. In effect, the responsibility for reform is placed on the side of the sport with the least power to drive it.

There is also a flawed assumption at play: that appointing more women will, in itself, transform coaching cultures. It may not. Women, like men, can reproduce the same patriarchal structures they have been socialised into. Representation alone does not guarantee change.

Policies like this walk a narrow line. Without intervention, inequality persists. But mandates risk introducing a parallel narrative: that women are present because they are required, not because they are qualified.

Fifa’s chief football officer, Jill Ellis, has framed the rule as an accelerant, designed to “create clearer pathways, expand opportunities, and increase visibility for women on our sidelines”. The logic is compelling.

Yet elite coaching is as much about perceived authority as it is about expertise. If female coaches are seen, however unfairly, as fulfilling a quota, the policy risks undermining its own aims.

There is another trap here too. The expectation that women will bring inherently different, more collaborative or empathetic approaches leans on gender stereotypes. It risks reinforcing the very assumptions that have historically limited women’s progression.

Visibility at the top does not necessarily mean readiness. Fifa has invested in coach development and nearly 800 women have received scholarship support since 2021. But the gap between training and elite international competition remains significant.

If exposure outpaces infrastructure, early difficulties may be interpreted as evidence that the policy itself is flawed. Sport is quick to remember failure and slow to acknowledge context. And if those stepping into these roles have been shaped by the same systems they are expected to change, criticism risks missing the point entirely.

Beyond visibility

None of this is an argument against increasing the number of women in coaching. Representation matters. It shapes expectations, broadens ambition and challenges long-standing assumptions about who leads.

But meaningful change is rarely immediate. It happens in coach education, in hiring practices, in mentoring networks and in grassroots environments where coaching identities first take shape. A mandate can open the door. It cannot, on its own, build the path.




Read more:
What makes a good football coach? The reality behind the myths


Without deeper structural change, such as in how coaching is taught, valued and practised, new appointments risk being placed into old systems.

Fifa’s decision is part of a broader effort to increase the presence of women in technical roles and align leadership with the rapid growth of the women’s game. It is not insignificant. It disrupts a long-standing status quo and will have visible effects, not least at the 2027 World Cup. But visibility alone will not transform a system.

If women on the touchline are to become unremarkable – as an expectation not an exception – the structures beneath elite coaching must change as well. Otherwise, mandates risk becoming what sport has seen before: gestures that are symbolically powerful, but structurally fragile. Real change will come not when women are required to be present, but when their presence no longer needs to be required.

The Conversation

Kerry Harris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A seat on the bench isn’t enough: what Fifa’s new women’s football rule gets right (and wrong) – https://theconversation.com/a-seat-on-the-bench-isnt-enough-what-fifas-new-womens-football-rule-gets-right-and-wrong-279194

Why AI health chatbots won’t make you better at diagnosing yourself – new research

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Payne, Clinical Senior Lecturer, Bangor University; University of Oxford

Millions of people are turning to artificial intelligence (AI) chatbots for advice on everything from cooking to tax returns. Increasingly, they are also asking chatbots about their health.

But as the UK’s chief medical officer recently warned, that may not be wise when it comes to medical decisions. In a recent study, colleagues and I tested how well large language model (LLM) chatbots help the public deal with common health problems. The results were striking.

The chatbots we tested were not ready to act as doctors. A common response to studies like this is that AI moves faster than academic publishing. By the time a paper appears, the models tested may already have been updated. But studies using newer versions of these systems for patient triage suggest the same problems remain.

We gave participants brief descriptions of common medical situations. They were randomly assigned either to use one of three widely available chatbots or to rely on whatever sources they would normally use at home. After interacting with the chatbot, we asked two questions: what condition might explain the symptoms? And where should they seek help?

People who used chatbots were less likely to identify the correct condition than those who didn’t. They were also no better at determining the right place to seek care than the control group. In other words, interacting with a chatbot did not help people make better health decisions.

Strong knowledge, weak outcomes

This does not mean the models lack medical knowledge because LLMs can pass medical licensing exams with ease. When we removed the human element and gave the same scenarios directly to the chatbots, their performance improved dramatically. Without human involvement, the models identified relevant conditions in the vast majority of cases and often suggested appropriate levels of care.

So why did the results deteriorate when people actually used the systems? When we looked at the conversations, the problems emerged. Chatbots frequently mentioned the relevant diagnosis somewhere in the conversation, yet participants did not always notice or remember it when summarising their final answer.

In other cases, users provided incomplete information or the chatbot misinterpreted key details. The issue was not simply a failure of medical knowledge – it was a failure of communication between human and machine.

The study shows that policymakers need information about real-world performance of technology before introducing it into high-stakes settings such as frontline healthcare. Our findings highlight an important limitation of many current evaluations of AI in medicine. Language models often perform extremely well on structured exam questions or simulated “model-to-model” interactions.

But real-world use is much messier. Patients describe symptoms in vague or incomplete way and can misunderstand explanations. They ask questions in unpredictable sequences. A system that performs impressively on benchmarks may behave very differently once real people begin interacting with it.

A doctor using artificial intelligence technology for medical support
AI may be better used as a medical secretary.
ST_Travel/Shutterstock

It also underscores a broader point about clinical care. As a GP, my job involves far more than recalling facts. Medicine is often described as an art rather than a science. A consultation isn’t simply about identifying the correct diagnosis. It involves interpreting a patient’s story, exploring uncertainty and negotiating decisions.

Medical educators have long recognised this complexity. For decades, future doctors were taught using the Calgary–Cambridge model. This meant building a rapport with the patient, gathering information through careful questioning, understanding the patient’s concerns and expectations, explaining findings clearly and agreeing a shared plan for management.

All these processes rely on human connection, tailored communication, clarification, gentle probing, judgement shaped by context and trust. These qualities cannot easily be reduced to pattern recognition.

A different role for AI

Yet the lesson from our study is not that AI has no place in healthcare. Far from it. The key is understanding what these systems are currently good at and where their limitations lie.

One useful way to think about today’s chatbots is that they function more like secretaries than physicians. They are remarkably effective at organising information, summarising text and structuring complex documents. These are the kinds of tasks where language models are already proving useful within healthcare systems, for example in drafting clinical notes, summarising patient records or generating referral letters.

The promise of AI in medicine remains real, but its role is likely to be more supportive than revolutionary in the near term. Chatbots should not be expected to act as the front door to healthcare. They are not ready to diagnose conditions or direct patients to the right level of care.

Artificial intelligence may be able to pass medical exams. But just as passing a theory test doesn’t make you a competent driver, practising medicine involves far more than answering questions correctly. It requires judgement, empathy and the ability to navigate the complexity that sits behind every clinical encounter. For now, at least, that requires people rather than bots.


AI has long been discussed as a threat to jobs and livelihoods. But what’s the reality? In this series, we explore the impact it is already having on different occupations – and how people really feel about their AI assistants.


The Conversation

Rebecca Payne works on the Health and Care Research Wales funded REMEDY project and also recieves funding from a University of Oxford Clarendon-Reuben Scholarship. She is a Fellow of the Royal College of General Practitioners and a Senior Fellow of the Faculty of Medical Leadership and Management.

ref. Why AI health chatbots won’t make you better at diagnosing yourself – new research – https://theconversation.com/why-ai-health-chatbots-wont-make-you-better-at-diagnosing-yourself-new-research-278049

How medieval chess created a space in which players – regardless of race – could engage as equals

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Krisztina Ilko, Junior Research Fellow, Queens’ College and Affiliated Lecturer at the Faculty of History, University of Cambridge

An illustration from the Libro de Axedrez showing two players immersed in a game. Libro de Axedrez

In the medieval European imagination, racial difference was often highly polarised. Black people were perceived either as exotic status symbols – including saints and wealthy rulers such as the Queen of Sheba – or as subjugated figures, considered inferior to white Christians.

Yet, as my research demonstrates, the game of chess offered an alternative lens, creating a space in which players – regardless of their skin colour – could engage as equals.

Evidence from the Libro de Axedrez, Dados e Tablas (Book of Chess, Dice and Tables), a gaming manual completed for King Alfonso the Wise in Seville in 1283, reinforced my idea. The manuscript contains 103 chess problems, each of which is accompanied by text revealing the winner and an image. These illustrations show a wide array of figures, ranging from Jewish men to Muslim women. They include Asian, white and Black players.

One of its most striking illustrations shows a Black and a pale-skinned player facing each other across a chessboard. The latter has a shaved head, showing that he is a learned cleric. Yet, despite this signifier of intelligence, the text reveals that the Black player will win. In the “game of logic”, the triumph will be achieved by demonstrating superior strategic skills. The player’s mental prowess matters above all. As the Libro de Axedrez reasons, chess is an embodiment of wisdom, and those who study it become able to conquer others.

Another image in the manuscript shows five Black people framing the chessboard. In western medieval visual culture, scenes with only Black figures are rare and typically have negative connotations. However, this particular image envisions them in a highly intellectualised setting and in a seemingly amicable atmosphere.

Several men of colour sit around a chess board in a medieval illustration

Libro de Axedrez

While chess did not eradicate the dominant social norms when it came to race, it did empower players to challenge them within its own ludic realm.

The representation of chess as an encounter between people of different skin colour was not limited to Europe. The Shahnama, an epic poem narrating the history of the Iranians from creation to the Islamic conquest, recounts the game’s introduction to Iran.

According to the Shahnama, an unnamed Indian king sent an embassy to the Sassanian king with a chessboard accompanied by a challenge: figure out the rules or pay tribute. Fortunately, the king’s advisor, Būzurjmihr, succeeded. A 14th-century copy of the epic places this scene in a late medieval Mongol setting. Here, the paler Būzurjmihr is contrasted by the Indian envoy’s darker skin colour.

It has been argued by scholars that the latter’s dark skin and “baggy clothes” were meant to underscore his defeat. However, I believe some clues suggest otherwise. His “baggy” tunic is sumptuously adorned with gilding, in contrast to the simple blue robe of Būzurjmihr, despite him being the highest-ranking diplomat of the court. His darker skin certainly reflects his foreign origins but hardly makes him a negative character. He is, in fact, a champion of the Indian rajah, who transmits the game of logic and is presented as a guardian of much-coveted Indian knowledge.

The chess pieces themselves

In addition to representations of chess contests, medieval perceptions of race can also be studied via chess through investigating the playing pieces.

A 9th century elephant chess figure from modern day Pakistan.
National Library of France, CC BY

Chess spread across Afro-Eurasia from sixth-century India to the rest of the known world. Chess is a game of war, and the figures are meant to represent soldiers. Yet, as the game travelled, the form of the figures kept changing, reflecting the societies that produced them.

For example, a long-haired chess king made in Mansura or Multan (modern-day Pakistan) in the ninth or tenth century reflects ideals of Indian kingship. The famous Lewis Chessmen meanwhile, discovered in Scotland’s Outer Hebrides but probably carved in Norway, are often perceived as the most emblematic representatives of a medieval chess set. Yet, in this light, they are only a relatively late and geographically peripheral testimony of a longstanding tradition.

Medieval chess was not as black and white as the modern game. Some chessboards were white and red, or blue and gold. Nonetheless, the chequered squares, and the figures themselves, were differentiated through contrasting colouring. This allowed people to project ideas of skin colour and racial perceptions onto the game.

A 13th-century poem describes how chess pieces “are the people of this world, who are drawn out of one bag, like a mother’s womb, and are positioned in various places of this world”. Therefore the pieces could become representations of the different peoples of the globe. But the outcome of their encounters on the board was still decided by the rules of logic, not their skin colour. In this way chess embodied a “just world”, in which intellect, instead of religion or race, mattered the most.

The Conversation

Krisztina Ilko has previously received funding from The British Academy.

ref. How medieval chess created a space in which players – regardless of race – could engage as equals – https://theconversation.com/how-medieval-chess-created-a-space-in-which-players-regardless-of-race-could-engage-as-equals-279132

It’s not just gen Z – older adults need help spotting online misinformation too

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Holly Barnett, PhD Candidate in Psychology, Lancaster University

PeopleImages/Shutterstock

Given the ongoing and often heated debate about banning social media for under-16s, it’s easy to assume that young people are the only group at risk of online harm. Misinformation research often focuses on younger people, and multiple studies do identify younger groups, such as generation Z, as vulnerable to online deception.

But evidence shows that older adults are just as, if not more, likely than younger generations to believe misinformation. Despite the spread of misinformation online, around 15% of adults rarely or never consider if news items are true. Indeed, adults aged 65 and older shared nearly seven times more fake news links during the 2016 US election, in comparison to younger users. Older adults may be more at risk of believing falsehoods due to changes such as memory loss and lower digital skills.

In 2024, nine in ten people in the UK reported seeing misinformation on social media. Yet only 3% of the population had taken a media literacy course. While there is working being done to ensure technology is accessible, users must have the skills and confidence to recognise if they are being deceived.

My new paper reviewed studies which delivered misinformation training to older adults aged 50 and over. My colleagues and I identified which approaches improved misinformation detection, but also noted that some had the opposite effect.

1. Game-based approaches

BadNews is a free online video game developed by researchers at the Cambridge Social Decision-Making Lab. Players take on the role of the scammer to learn the techniques used to deceive people. Playing BadNews improved misinformation detection across different age groups and cultures. The improvement lasted longer when feedback was provided immediately after playing.

Another game called Spot the Troll trained older adults 60-plus to identify “troll” accounts, which are online accounts often used to spread false information anonymously. This game provided what researchers call a cross-protection effect – learning to spot trolls also improved participants’ ability to identify false news.

2. Correcting misinformation

In a study from the Netherlands, users watched a video from trusted doctors and scientists, showing others getting vaccinated and debunking common misconceptions about vaccines. Afterwards, older adults were less likely to believe vaccine myths.

This study made use of corrective information – accurate information that helps people replace false beliefs formed after encountering misinformation. Through a process known as debunking, corrective information explains what was incorrect and provides the accurate facts instead.




Read more:
Why people believe misinformation even when they’re told the facts


Graphics from the World Health Organization have been found to support the perceived credibility and sharing of corrective information across age groups in the UK and Brazil.

Addressing health misinformation among older adults is particularly crucial due to increased risk of serious illness. By stating why misinformation is inaccurate, detailed corrections can provide more long-term benefits than brief retractions, which usually do nothing more than label a claim as false. However, this sustained belief change was less common among those aged 65-plus compared to those aged 50-64. Similarly, the benefits of corrections are reduced if misinformation is encountered again afterwards.

3. Developing literacy skills

Information and media literacy courses teach people the skills needed to judge information effectively. One study found that MediaWise for Seniors, a media literacy course in the US, improved older users’ ability to judge the truthfulness of headlines. Users also showed an increased likelihood of performing research about the headline.

In Spain, engagement with a similar course improved older users’ detection of true information. Although people felt more confident in their decisions, the researchers labelled this as overconfidence – their actual detection of false information did not improve as much. Still, the course did help people to recognise when a headline was politically biased.

What more needs to be done?

Concern about misinformation is high, with older adults particularly worried about threats to the legitimacy of health and medical information, plus UK politics and social issues.

Political misinformation contributes to unfair election outcomes when fake news sways voter opinion. Amid the 2016 US election, fake stories favouring Donald Trump were shared 30 million times on Facebook, with people aged 65-plus shared sharing more fake news during this period. Older adults have also been found to show higher partisan bias. This means that they are more likely to trust content which agrees with their political views.

Because voting is more common among older people, there is a risk of democracy being swayed by fake stories – especially those which feel believable because they align with what users already think, even when they’re inaccurate.

An older woman happily scrolls on a tablet
Misinformation about health and politics may be particularly harmful.
PeopleImages/Shutterstock

Finally, researchers of media and information literacy must develop a greater understanding of how the ageing process can affect misinformation detection. While some older adults may be more susceptible, we should not assume this applies to all people over a certain age.

Multiple studies we looked at reported high dropout rates, where participants had not completed the full training course or experiment. We should therefore identify why older users do not complete misinformation training which they initially chose to take part in.

People of all ages need to feel confident in identifying when they are being deceived. But, while detecting fake news is valuable, we must not forget the importance of being able to identify true news. True content often spreads at a slower rate and taking part in misinformation interventions can increase scepticism.

In other words, misinformation detection training can lead people to become more cautious of accurate information. Clearly, achieving the right balance is essential – people should feel confident identifying misinformation without being discouraged from engaging with true content.

The Conversation

Holly Barnett receives funding from the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC).

ref. It’s not just gen Z – older adults need help spotting online misinformation too – https://theconversation.com/its-not-just-gen-z-older-adults-need-help-spotting-online-misinformation-too-274148