Category: The Conversation – UK

Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Unwin, Reader in Palaeobiology, School of Heritage and Culture, University of Leicester

Georges Cuvier, the 19th-century French anatomist who first recognised pterodactyls as flying reptiles, wrote that “of all the beings whose ancient existence has been revealed to us, [they are] the most extraordinary”.

Now known as pterosaurs, this extraordinarily diverse, highly successful group lived alongside dinosaurs for more than 150 million years, occupying habitats around rivers, lakes, coasts and even the open ocean. While some species were quite small (no bigger than a pigeon), a few evolved into flying giants with wingspans exceeding ten metres.

Pterosaurs are unlike any other animal, living or extinct. Despite this, a surprisingly long list of fossils have been misidentified as pterosaurs – including a specimen of the earliest bird, Archaeopteryx, and an extinct aquatic reptile, Tanystropheus, which had extraordinarily long neck vertebrae like some pterosaurs.

One of the most renowned misidentifications occurred in 1939 when Ferdinand Broili, a Munich-based palaeontologist, described a new pterosaur, Belonochasma, based on what appeared to be the remains of jaws bearing hundreds of long, fine teeth.

Several decades later, Franz Mayr, founder of the Jura Museum in Eichstätt, Germany, recognised the true nature of these remains. The “teeth” were actually gill filaments. More complete fossils, including remains of the body, showed unequivocally that Belonochasma was actually a fish.

Back in the 1930s, it could be years before publications became widely known and decades before errors were corrected. The gentle pace of research meant misidentifications usually had little impact.

Contrast that with today’s digiverse. Now, most palaeontologists are aware of newly published research within days or even hours of publication – and can immediately start downloading datasets that include it.

This rapid dissemination and repurposing of data – in the case of palaeontology, relating to age, geographic location and bodily structure – mean that errors can also spread very quickly.

A highly unusual fossil

In November 2025, a team of Brazilian palaeontologists led by Rodrigo Pêgas, based in the Museum of Zoology at the University of São Paulo, described what they took to be a new pterosaur. Bakiribu waridza had been found in 110 million-year-old Early Cretaceous rock of Araripe in northeast Brazil.

This highly unusual fossil apparently comprised several small fish plus the remains of not one but two pterosaurs – each represented by what were claimed to be fragmentary remains of jaws, plus hundreds of fine teeth.

Pêgas and colleagues speculated that these specimens were contained in dinosaur vomit (known as regurgitalite) so large that it could only have been produced by a huge predator – perhaps a Spinosaurus-like theropod dinosaur. Enthusiastically promoted, the newly announced Bakiribu drew much attention, including numerous palaeoartists’ impressions and its own Wikipedia page.

However, a group of us who study pterosaurs – including David Martill and Roy Smith from the University of Portsmouth, and Sam Cooper from the Stuttgart State Museum of Natural History – soon spotted some problems.

Comparing our extensive collection of high-resolution digital photographs of pterosaur fossils with published images of Bakiribu, it appeared that its “teeth” did not extend along both sides of the jaw in symmetric fashion, as with all toothed pterosaurs. They also lacked a root, which is omnipresent in pterosaur teeth. Moreover, features such as dentine and dentine tubules, typical of pterosaur teeth, appeared to be absent.

We also noticed that bone fragments associated with the supposed jaws did not match any cranial element of pterosaurs, and their coarse external texture was unlike the smooth finish typical of pterosaur bone.

So, what was Bakiribu? Martill recalled the 1939 Belonochasma episode, which prompted me to examine the original fossil during a visit to Munich earlier this year. It was immediately clear that Belonochasma and Bakiribu were remarkably similar.

Comparing Bakiribu with the fossil remains of ancient bowfins discovered in the same rocks, and taking advantage of Cooper’s expertise in fossilised fish, we were able to identify the supposed teeth of Bakiribu as gill filaments, and the associated bony elements as branchials (structures that support the gills). Like Belonochasma, the Bakiribu fossil was in fact a collapsed gill arch of a large fish, preserved alongside two smaller fish.

A paper detailing our findings has just appeared in the Annals of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences. Pegas and colleagues, who disagree with our conclusions, were offered an opportunity to publish a response in the same issue of the journal, but did not take up this invitation.

Misidentifications matter more now

All palaeontologists – myself included – have misidentified at least one fossil during their careers. The fragmentary, incomplete nature of many fossil remains means erroneous identifications are as inevitable as death and taxes.

But in today’s world of rapid international communication, it is all the more important that they are highlighted as quickly as possible. Fortunately, the digiverse can also help do this.

Within five weeks of the first appearance of Bakiribu, our team flagged the possibility of a misidentification by posting a reinterpretation as a non-peer reviewed “preprint” article. And only five months later, our fully peer-reviewed account was published.

The speed of the digiverse means this alleged regurgitalite has rapidly been regurgitated. But doubtless many other misidentified fossils remain unsuspected, and more mistakes will be made in the future.

Once spotted, however, at least we have the tools to quickly verify such errors, in order to restrict their impact on the body palaeontologic.

David Unwin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How we worked out a fossilised ‘pterosaur’ was actually a fish – new research – https://theconversation.com/how-we-worked-out-a-fossilised-pterosaur-was-actually-a-fish-new-research-280848

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Liam Lachs, Postdoctoral Research Associate in Climate Change Ecology and Evolution, Newcastle University

As global warming accelerates, extreme heatwaves are causing widespread death of tropical reef corals. Most corals rely on tiny algae cells living within their tissues that photosynthesise and produce energy. Corals use this energy to build their skeletons that create the reef structure.

In our warming world, evolution of heatwave tolerance will be critical for coral populations to persist. Natural adaptation occurs over many generations and is probably already under way. But these adaptation rates could be outpaced by ocean warming.

Scientists and reef managers are now calling for “assisted evolution” to help accelerate adaptation. One promising approach is selective breeding to enhance heatwave tolerance.

Our new study explores how such interventions could help corals withstand future heatwaves.

By examining the genetic basis of heat tolerance and other important life history traits including growth, energy reserves and reproduction, we reveal both the potential, and limits, of evolutionary adaptation to extreme heat stress. This work focuses on a captive-bred coral population we reared over eight years in Palau, an archipelago in the west Pacific.

The field of quantitative genetics can shed light on complex traits such as growth and heat tolerance, which are typically influenced by hundreds to thousands of genes. These tools can help us maximise evolutionary responses to selection, and have long been used in agriculture and animal breeding – from the crops we eat to the dogs we have at home.

Two key concepts are central. “Genetic merit” describes the value of an individual for breeding, and “genetic correlations” describe how traits share their underlying genetic basis.

Estimating these requires measuring certain traits like heat tolerance, and collecting information about relatedness among individuals, such as full- or half-siblings. But this is difficult in wild corals, which disperse widely and are typically unrelated to neighbouring individuals on the reef.

Our captive population, containing both related and unrelated individuals, provides a rare opportunity to apply quantitative genetics to adult corals.

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Read more:
We’ve bred corals to better tolerate lethal heatwaves, but rapid climate action is still needed to save reefs

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Imagine a major heatwave has caused widespread coral mortality. Which corals should we select for propagation or breeding?

Choosing survivors seems intuitive, but survival alone does not guarantee a genetic predisposition for heat tolerance. A coral could survive by chance – perhaps it was shaded or had higher energy reserves, while all its relatives died. Selecting such individuals for breeding would fail to improve heatwave tolerance of future generations.

However, if entire families tend to survive or perish together, that indicates a genetic basis for heatwave tolerance. Using quantitative genetics in such cases can help make more informed choices.

But if no natural heatwave occurs, how can we proactively identify good corals for management? To do this, we need a proxy: an easy-to-measure trait that is genetically correlated with — and so predicts — an individual’s genetic merit for heatwave survival.

We tested coral heat tolerance under four different temperature exposures, ranging from a month-long exposure of 32.5°C to a rapid heatshock reaching 38.5°C.

These high experimental temperatures go beyond what happens in nature. As the simulated conditions grew hotter, we found ever weaker genetic correlations with marine heatwave survival. These tolerance traits exhibit somewhat distinct underlying biology, so careful trait choice is essential. Testing the wrong proxy traits to identify target corals will fail to deliver any heatwave survival enhancement.

But adaptation involves more than just heat tolerance. Individual growth, energy reserves and reproduction are all critical for healthy populations. If enhancing heat tolerance comes at the cost of traits like these, it would undermine population viability.

Encouragingly, we found no detectable negative genetic correlations among any of the traits we studied.

Matching future stress

To explore how assisted evolution could enhance heat tolerance over time, we developed a computer simulation.

This showed us it was possible to reach tolerance levels capable of withstanding future heatwaves, but only under certain conditions.

Selection needed to directly target long-term heatwave survival. This meant choosing only the top 5% most tolerant corals as parents for breeding, and it had to be repeated over multiple generations.

But such intense selection introduces other challenges, such as maintaining genetic diversity and scaling up selection efforts. If we need to breed from 50 corals to maintain genetic diversity and do only top-5% selection, then we need to test 1,000 corals. That becomes logistically very challenging.

Our modelling results show assisted evolution can deliver meaningful gains in coral heatwave tolerance. But success will depend on careful trait choice and strong, sustained selection.

Reducing greenhouse gas emissions remains essential to mitigate future warming. Alongside this, strategic management of local ecosystems — from conservation to assisted evolution — will be crucial to help key species adapt and persist in our rapidly warming world.

The authors would like to acknowledge contributions to this research from Alistair J. Wilson at the University of Exeter.

Adriana Humanes and James Guest do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How accelerating evolution could help corals survive future heatwaves – new study – https://theconversation.com/how-accelerating-evolution-could-help-corals-survive-future-heatwaves-new-study-280487

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stuart Mills, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Leeds

Rising prices are putting pressure on people to try and use less energy. But what are the most effective ways of cutting bills? We asked five experts for their practical advice.

1. Insulate your home

Upgrading loft insulation to current standards, typically 27–30cm thick for mineral wool, improves energy efficiency, comfort and long-term cost savings. It acts as a thermal barrier, as up to 25% of a home’s heat can escape through an uninsulated roof. Installing cavity wall insulation in older homes improves efficiency by reducing heat loss through walls by up to 35%.

Using draught excluders, keeping internal doors closed on cold days, and installing a smart energy controller also help retain warmth and optimise energy use. All these measures can help lower heating bills, maintain warmer indoor temperatures, reduce draughts, minimise condensation, and improve a home’s energy performance certificate rating.

The cheapest energy is the energy we do not use. That’s why the International Energy Agency describes energy efficiency as the “first fuel”. Buildings account for around 30% of global energy demand, so homes are a critical part of both affordability and energy security.

In the UK, 420,600 energy-efficiency measures were installed in 2024 through government support schemes. There is clearly strong demand for more measures like this.

Farooq Sher is a senior lecturer in sustainable energy engineering

2. Go fully electric

Almost everything in our house is now electric, including our heating, cooking and car. This makes environmental sense because electricity can easily be generated from low-emission sources, whereas gas, petrol and diesel can only really come from extracting and refining fossil fuels. In the UK, we generate electricity from a range of sources including solar, wind, tidal, and from burning gas.

Currently, close to 50% of the electricity on the national grid is from renewable sources. Providing heat from a heat pump has about 70% lower greenhouse gas emissions, compared with heat from a gas boiler.

As well as reducing emissions, electrification can reduce bills. Our heat pump replaced an old and relatively inefficient gas boiler, and our annual heating bill has fallen by about 10%. Though electricity is more expensive than gas, heat pumps can reduce bills because for every unit of electrical power they consume, they deliver between two and four times that in heat.

A well-designed and carefully installed system will improve performance. We upgraded our insulation at the same time, and in winter closed off the spare room completely. An added bonus of full electrification is that there’s no need to pay a gas standing charge, which can save about £128 per year.

Another thing to consider is using materials that reduce need for heating – for instance, double glazing. And try to minimise your demand for energy as much as possible, then install the smallest system which meets that demand. We’ve found that doing all of this leads to a warmer, nicer and cheaper home.

Stuart Walker is a research fellow in sustainabilty assessment

3. Increase your energy payments

The conflict in the Gulf is just the latest shock to the energy supply chain. And the tricky thing with supply chains is disruption takes time to be felt. Even if a peace deal sticks, consumers and businesses can still expect higher prices to ripple through the energy market for months.

As such, think about the behavioural economics of what’s known as “intertemporal choice” – your spending over time. People often excessively discount the future and focus on the present when choosing how to spend money. This is known as “present bias”.

Today, there are widespread expectations of higher energy prices, but (for now) they remain around pre-war prices. In the future – when the war is over – there will be widespread expectations of lower prices, but the current disruptions will still be rippling through the system. This mismatch between expectations and reality could leave people with a nasty surprise when their bill comes through.

So, pay it forward. Don’t fall into the trap of present bias. If you can, increase your energy bill payments today. Economists call this “smoothing out” your consumption. When higher bills bite, you’ll be (psychologically) better off for it.

Stuart Mills is a lecturer in economics

4. Sort out any draughts

In our home, we have removed the fireplace, blocked it completely and insulated inside it to cut out draughts. As it is now not so draughty, the heating isn’t required as much and we’re not losing heat through the chimney stack.

This has improved indoor air quality, partly because we no longer have to dispose of ashes and don’t have to do extra cleaning after fires. This is an indirect saving that some may not realise.

Another benefit is that we’re not exposing ourselves to particulate air pollution that results from open or stove-based fires. Home heating contributes significantly to urban air quality, and my motivation has been to improve both indoor and outdoor air quality.

I’m also not storing or buying and transporting fuel – another cost saving. I have bought a cargo ebike to commute to work, carrying my children and their belongings. It also has a bread basket on the front, which is fantastic for shopping and carrying bags. This has cut my short car trips.

We are fortunate to live in an area with good cycling infrastructure. I am aware these choices are not an option for everyone, especially those in rented or temporary accommodation.

Yvonne Ryan is an associate professor in environmental science

5. Crack on with home improvements

A good way to protect yourself against rising bills next winter is to crack on now with projects to make your home more energy efficient. One option is to stop the heat you have paid for escaping through your windows and doors.

The Energy Saving Trust estimates that upgrading your windows could save up to £140 a year. But research has shown that, while households frequently research the options and get quotes, they often stall at the final decision on a project and fail to go ahead.

One reason for this is over-reacting to “sludge” – the barriers that increase uncertainty and effort, such as difficulty finding information and contractors. This can overwhelm our understanding of the benefits of going ahead, leaving us stuck with the status quo.

But the good news is, it is perfectly possible to override these behavioural biases. Rising and volatile fuel bills may be the nudge we need to do that.

Jonquil Lowe is a visiting academic in economics

Stuart Walker receives funding from the Grantham Foundation for the Protection of the Environment. He is affiliated with Hope Valley Climate Action.

Farooq Sher, Jonquil Lowe, Stuart Mills, and Yvonne Ryan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Want to cut your energy bills? Here’s how five experts are doing it – https://theconversation.com/want-to-cut-your-energy-bills-heres-how-five-experts-are-doing-it-280182

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Marc Roscoe Loustau, Affiliated Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study, Central European University

Hungary’s long-serving leader, Viktor Orbán, was dismissed on April 12 by an electorate fed up with his authoritarian rule. Péter Magyar led his Tisza party to a landslide victory, securing a two-thirds majority in parliament. This is enough for Tisza to elect members of Hungary’s highest court and even amend the constitution.

Magyar has vowed to change the constitution as one of his first steps in office in a drive to restore democratic standards. Religious minority groups in Hungary, including several that have been treated harshly by Orbán, are likely to be among the main beneficiaries of this change.

Before Orbán came to power, the Hungarian constitution guaranteed the right to choose or change religion and the freedom to express such beliefs. However, Hungary’s religious landscape underwent significant change over Orbán’s 16 years in power.

In June 2011, not long after winning a landslide two-thirds majority in parliament, MPs from Orbán’s Fidesz party passed a law that reduced the number of recognised religious groups in Hungary from 44 to 14.

The main beneficiaries were a group of Christian churches: the Catholic Church, Reformed Church, Lutheran Church, Unitarian Church, Baptist Union and various Orthodox communities. These churches received special commendations as so-called “historical churches” that had played formative roles in Hungarian society.

The main losers from the new law included the Hungarian Evangelical Fellowship (MET), which is led by prominent anti-Orbán critic Gábor Iványi, as well as Buddhist groups and the Hungarian Islamic Community, the oldest Muslim group in the country.

The impetus for the 2011 law came from Orbán’s coalition partner, the Christian National Democratic Party, whose support largely came from the “historical churches” that benefited from the new law. The 14 groups singled out on the official recognition list received various tangible benefits. They were given access to public funding for social services, and people could donate a proportion of their income tax directly to these groups.

Hungary’s constitutional court rejected the new religion law in December 2011, primarily because the parliament approved the law through a highly irregular process. Parliament then drew up nearly identical legislation in response. After more back and forth, Orbán changed the constitution itself in 2013. This change gave parliament explicit and final authority to determine which religious groups to recognise.

Explicit political considerations were injected into the government’s procedure for recognising religious groups. Religious communities had to apply and show they would “cooperate with the state” by providing social services, such as running homeless shelters, schools and eldercare facilities.

These applications were assessed by the Hungarian parliament – and religious groups had to receive a two-thirds majority vote to receive official recognition.

The politicisation of religious life raised immediate objections. Several groups that had been “de-registered”, such as Iványi’s MET, complained of discrimination. They filed lawsuits that went all the way to the European Court of Human Rights.

In a 2014 decision, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Hungary’s religion law was in breach of multiple articles of the European Convention. This included Article 11, which protects the freedoms of religion and association. The judgment included an order to establish a new process for registering religious groups and a requirement to provide financial restitution to the complainants.

But in a statement released following the verdict, Hungary’s Ministry of Human Resources said the Hungarian government had no obligation to adhere to the court’s rulings. The court’s decision, the statement continued, was evidence of a conspiracy by unnamed “international interest groups”. The restrictive religious legal framework remained largely in place despite the ruling.

This confrontation was one of the first instances of the Orbán government coming into clear conflict with the EU. And the government’s antagonistic response set the tone for the next decade of rancour that has imposed serious damage on Hungary’s relationship with the EU.

Indeed, relations had sunk so low by 2026 that the Danish government called for the suspension of Hungary’s EU voting rights and EU legal experts began drawing up scenarios for recreating a new union without Hungary and Orbán.

Depoliticising religion

The damages for Hungarian religious groups affected by the law have been financial and spiritual. Some groups eventually received financial compensation. But others were forced to register with the government as secular “civil associations” in order to receive government funding. Some refused to change their registration for reasons of religious conscience and effectively ceased to operate entirely.

Now that Orbán’s reign is over, the focus should be on changing the constitution. First and foremost, the process for registering religious groups should be depoliticised. Parliament should have no role and instead the decisions should be turned over to an independent body of experts whose appointments are not dependent on parliament.

But action also needs to be taken by the leadership of Hungary’s Christian churches that enjoyed the privileges of official recognition throughout Orbán’s rule. In large part, these groups did not speak up on behalf of other religious groups as they suffered discrimination at the hands of an antagonistic state.

Magyar has promised to put a revised constitution up for a popular referendum. If the constitution does include substantial and clear provisions for the depoliticisation of religion governance, the church institutions that benefited from Orbán’s rule should use their public moral authority to encourage Hungarians to vote yes.

This would go a long way to demonstrating a commitment to equal treatment for all of Hungary’s religious groups.

Marc Roscoe Loustau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why many of Hungary’s religious groups will be celebrating Viktor Orbán’s election loss – https://theconversation.com/why-many-of-hungarys-religious-groups-will-be-celebrating-viktor-orbans-election-loss-280478

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Raawiyah Rifath, Lecturer in Law, University of Exeter

The Home Office is investigating after a BBC report found evidence of a “sham industry” of immigration advisers helping people fabricate asylum claims.

The advisers and lawyers allegedly promised quick routes to refugee status – sometimes for fees of thousands of pounds – by helping asylum seekers present themselves in ways they believed the Home Office would accept. These included false claims based on sexual orientation, atheism, political activism and domestic abuse allegations.

These revelations, while concerning, should not be treated as proof of a widespread problem with asylum seekers. Instead, they show how easily people in precarious legal situations can be exploited when access to trustworthy legal advice has been allowed to erode. While some may knowingly go along with such practices, many others may be exploited by unregulated advisers selling a “quick fix” to a complex system.

In England and Wales, immigration advisers are regulated by the Immigration Advice Authority. They must pass competence exams and can only advise at the level for which they are authorised. Government guidance establishes that they must be regulated and are restricted by their qualification levels. Many of the advisers and lawyers identified in the BBC report are unregulated or operating without a licence. In the UK, providing immigration services without proper authorisation is a criminal offence.
Registered immigration advisers found to prepare fraudulent cases can lose their credentials, while solicitors who act dishonestly can face disciplinary sanctions including strike off.

People seeking asylum navigate one of the most complex areas of law, often not in their first language. At the same time, they are living in temporary accommodation and dealing with uncertainty. It may be difficult for them to distinguish between reputable solicitors, informal community brokers, regulated advisers, overstretched charities and opportunists.

Like many others in England and Wales, asylum seekers have been affected by years of legal aid shortages. This has created gaps that are being filled by exploitative advisers. “Insider knowledge” presented as certainty and speed can be easily sold to people who are unable to access reliable advice.

Legal aid is a state-funded scheme providing legal advice and representation for people who do not have the means to pay for it themselves. This is often the only route to getting regulated legal help at all in asylum matters, but the system has been weakened over many years. Large parts of civil legal aid were cut back after the introduction of the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act in 2012, and what remains available is financially unviable for providers because fees have failed to keep pace with costs. As a result, there are fewer firms and longer waits for the lawyers who remain.

Between 2022-23, 63% of the population of England and Wales did not have access to an immigration and asylum legal aid provider in their area. And 51% of asylum applicants in England and Wales (37,450 people) were unable to find a legal aid lawyer.

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Read more:
The legal aid sector is collapsing and millions more may soon be without access to justice – new data

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Home Office policies house many asylum seekers in locations where legal aid provision is already absent. Access to regulated advisers is far from guaranteed.

The state has left too much room for under-resourced forms of assistance to become normal. As a result, third sector organisations have stepped in to fill gaps in legal support and basic welfare. This often involves the provision of legal support and information about the asylum process.

Most people seeking asylum do not understand what sort of detail the Home Office will expect, how interviews work, what documents they need to present or what counts as corroboration. They rely on legal representatives where they can find them. Considering the lack of affordable and competent advice, opportunistic actors find it easy to step in.

Why unregulated advice finds a market

These issues are worsened by the way asylum decision-making works. Research with asylum seekers about their experiences has found that immigration officials approach asylum interviews with suspicion. Decision-makers may have an idea of what makes someone’s story plausible and recognisable, which is not always reflective of people’s complex lives. For example, people seeking asylum because they are apostates – people who have left religion in a theocracy – have reported being asked to name humanist philosophers – something many would not be able to do regardless of their beliefs.

Home Office caseworkers make life-changing decisions in a system that has long been criticised for inconsistency and disbelief.

Concerns have been raised about the quality of asylum decisions made amid efforts to speed up the process and reduce the backlog of applications. Reports that caseworkers have been offered bonuses for faster decisions also cast doubt on the quality of decision-making. It is not hard to see why people may be drawn towards anyone claiming they know how to make a case “work”.

Long waits also make people more vulnerable to exploitation. Most of our research participants have spent years in limbo, waiting for application decisions. Many would be tempted by promises of a supposedly safer and faster route through the system.

The real concern is not just that some people may be coached on their story, but the fact that the system makes this coaching lucrative. This market of “insider knowledge” can only thrive in a context where regulated legal aid has collapsed, where the success of the asylum claim depends on knowing how to present oneself in a particular manner, and where delays, precarity and uncertainty are part of claimants’ everyday lives.

We welcome any well-investigated scrutiny of rogue advisers. But the legal aid crisis, the uneven geography of advice provision, the culture of disbelief among asylum officials and the assessment process itself are also worthy of examination.

An investigation that does not consider that wider context will only shift public attention to supposedly suspect claimants, instead of to the system that has left them vulnerable to exploitation in the first place.

Raawiyah Rifath has received funding from the Wellcome Centre for Cultures and Environments of Health.

Diego Garcia Rodriguez serves as a trustee of the LGBTIQ+ asylum charity Time To Be Out (https://www.timetobeout.org.uk).

Nicole Hoellerer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Legal aid for asylum seekers is hard to come by – it’s no wonder criminal advisers are taking advantage – https://theconversation.com/legal-aid-for-asylum-seekers-is-hard-to-come-by-its-no-wonder-criminal-advisers-are-taking-advantage-280839

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ciara Breathnach, Professor of Irish Gender History, University College Cork

One hundred years after it was conducted, the first full census of independent Ireland is being released for free online. These nearly 3 million records will be of great significance to Ireland’s population, and a global diaspora of some 80 million claiming Irish ancestry.

As well as providing insight into socioeconomic circumstances following the establishment of Saorstát Éireann (the Irish Free State) in 1922, the 1926 census holds several keys to unravelling Ireland’s complicated past.

For many, this public release will help reconcile the enormous loss caused by the destruction of the Public Record Office of Ireland at the outset of the Irish civil war. An explosion laid waste to over 700 years of Irish historical records, including some of the 19th-century censuses.

In Ireland, public access to historical census returns is legally restricted for 100 years. Almost 16 years since the online release of the 1901 and 1911 household census returns, the demand for more genealogical records is palpable.

So, please be patient with the system (and the wonderful people behind it) as it will be busy. Excitement about previous census releases has crashed websites.

What the census could reveal

The 1926 census has some novel aspects compared with those conducted under British administration from 1821 to 1911. Although the Irish language was part of a bilingual question since 1851, the 1926 census offered the first opportunity to complete the form as Gaeilge (in Irish).

This census emphasised the “family” as the unit of inquiry, as opposed to the “household”, which was more inclusive of non-relatives cohabiting. As with past censuses, the name, age, sex, marital status/orphanhood, birthplace, language, religion and occupation of each person was documented in terms of their relationship to an appointed head of household.

A census provides the statistical underpinning to plan for future population needs. In the 1920s, the world was reeling from excess young adult mortality – a combination of the first world war and the global influenza pandemic. Ireland was no exception.

Aggregate reports from the 1926 census convey concerns about the declining population, delayed age at marriage and marital fertility.

Perhaps reflecting the remit of the responsible Department of Industry and Commerce (Statistics Branch), the 1926 census sought more precise information than previous censuses about employment and employers. The reports show that of 1,223,014 “gainfully employed” people over the age of 12, 53% were engaged in agriculture.

But regional variations were marked. In Dublin City, heartland of the pejoratively termed “beer and biscuits” economy, that figure was as low as 0.9%. In counties like Galway, agricultural dependency was as high as 75%.

Only 6% of the population was categorised as “unemployed”, most of which was temporary. Some jobs had residential components and, of those, the 14,145 “professed clergymen and nuns” outnumbered the 13,869 non-commissioned members of the recently reduced Óglaigh na hÉireann (Irish army).

The records released on April 18 tell us even more about the men, women and children behind these statistics, what their domestic lives were like, and the parts they played in Saorstát Eireann.

Mysteries of history

Like many, I approach the release with questions about my own family, such as where my grandparents were at the time.

My first search will be for deceased loved ones like my darling uncle Eamon. He will be among the infants recorded in 1926, who went on to contribute to the Bailiúchán na Scol or Schools’ Collection – a compilation of folklore compiled by Irish schoolchildren in the 1930s. Something was definitely in my eye when I found him in there a few years ago.

There are also several wider socioeconomic, cultural and political aspects to this census that I will explore.

I am interested in teasing out the relationship between the populace and the newly-formed An Gárda Síochána, the unarmed police force established in 1926 who acted as census takers. For example, did they encourage participation, or instil a reticence to engage, among those who opposed the Irish Free State government?

Related to this is whether Dublin’s sex work district, Monto, endured the moral panic that swept across Europe following the Great War. My work with Rachel Murphy on the 1911 census found several young women as sole occupants of tenement rooms, which would normally be inhabited by entire families. Will similar patterns emerge when we examine the streets of Monto in 1926?

It will be possible to investigate the ages of older cohorts alongside court records. This may challenge the well-worn jokes about those who allegedly aged more than ten years between the 1901 and 1911 censuses, in order to qualify for the old-age pension.

For scholars of migration, birthplace will be a critical data point, to trace Northern Irish Catholics seeking refuge from sectarian conflict.

Sadly, the equivalent 1926 Northern Irish returns were lost through suspected improper housing and archival neglect. This inhibits future research on the 106,456 decrease in the Protestant population from the 1911 census. Some of this reflected the departure of British Crown forces, but the majority were those fleeing the Irish Free State for political and safety reasons.

Tips for your census search

Household census returns are an excellent source of information about past family and kinship networks. But it is best to manage expectations and think creatively around naming conventions, derivatives and spelling variations. Ditto for place names – but there is a useful historical mapping tool that could help. Bear in mind also that several streets were renamed after 1922.

As a general rule, the upper echelons of Irish society are easier to find in official records than lower socioeconomic groups. My work shows how census returns are often the only official record of ordinary lives.

To protect the privacy of residents in hospitals, asylums, prisons, county homes (erstwhile workhouses) and other carceral institutions on census night, only their initials were recorded. This makes patients and inmates tricky to find, but a rough idea of age and location will prove helpful.

For the more well-documented Irish, the 1926 census offers a conduit to the delights of other freely available online collections, like the civil registration of births deaths and marriages on irishgenealogy.ie.

Ciara Breathnach receives funding from Research Ireland.

– ref. 80 million people globally claim Irish ancestry – why the release of 1926 Irish census records is so momentous – https://theconversation.com/80-million-people-globally-claim-irish-ancestry-why-the-release-of-1926-irish-census-records-is-so-momentous-280746

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ciara Breathnach, Professor of Irish Gender History, University College Cork

One hundred years after it was conducted, the first full census of independent Ireland is being released for free online. These nearly 3 million records will be of great significance to Ireland’s population, and a global diaspora of some 80 million claiming Irish ancestry.

As well as providing insight into socioeconomic circumstances following the establishment of Saorstát Éireann (the Irish Free State) in 1922, the 1926 census holds several keys to unravelling Ireland’s complicated past.

For many, this public release will help reconcile the enormous loss caused by the destruction of the Public Record Office of Ireland at the outset of the Irish civil war. An explosion laid waste to over 700 years of Irish historical records, including some of the 19th-century censuses.

In Ireland, public access to historical census returns is legally restricted for 100 years. Almost 16 years since the online release of the 1901 and 1911 household census returns, the demand for more genealogical records is palpable.

So, please be patient with the system (and the wonderful people behind it) as it will be busy. Excitement about previous census releases has crashed websites.

What the census could reveal

The 1926 census has some novel aspects compared with those conducted under British administration from 1821 to 1911. Although the Irish language was part of a bilingual question since 1851, the 1926 census offered the first opportunity to complete the form as Gaeilge (in Irish).

This census emphasised the “family” as the unit of inquiry, as opposed to the “household”, which was more inclusive of non-relatives cohabiting. As with past censuses, the name, age, sex, marital status/orphanhood, birthplace, language, religion and occupation of each person was documented in terms of their relationship to an appointed head of household.

A census provides the statistical underpinning to plan for future population needs. In the 1920s, the world was reeling from excess young adult mortality – a combination of the first world war and the global influenza pandemic. Ireland was no exception.

Aggregate reports from the 1926 census convey concerns about the declining population, delayed age at marriage and marital fertility.

Perhaps reflecting the remit of the responsible Department of Industry and Commerce (Statistics Branch), the 1926 census sought more precise information than previous censuses about employment and employers. The reports show that of 1,223,014 “gainfully employed” people over the age of 12, 53% were engaged in agriculture.

But regional variations were marked. In Dublin City, heartland of the pejoratively termed “beer and biscuits” economy, that figure was as low as 0.9%. In counties like Galway, agricultural dependency was as high as 75%.

Only 6% of the population was categorised as “unemployed”, most of which was temporary. Some jobs had residential components and, of those, the 14,145 “professed clergymen and nuns” outnumbered the 13,869 non-commissioned members of the recently reduced Óglaigh na hÉireann (Irish army).

The records released on April 18 tell us even more about the men, women and children behind these statistics, what their domestic lives were like, and the parts they played in Saorstát Eireann.

Mysteries of history

Like many, I approach the release with questions about my own family, such as where my grandparents were at the time.

My first search will be for deceased loved ones like my darling uncle Eamon. He will be among the infants recorded in 1926, who went on to contribute to the Bailiúchán na Scol or Schools’ Collection – a compilation of folklore compiled by Irish schoolchildren in the 1930s. Something was definitely in my eye when I found him in there a few years ago.

There are also several wider socioeconomic, cultural and political aspects to this census that I will explore.

I am interested in teasing out the relationship between the populace and the newly-formed An Gárda Síochána, the unarmed police force established in 1926 who acted as census takers. For example, did they encourage participation, or instil a reticence to engage, among those who opposed the Irish Free State government?

Related to this is whether Dublin’s sex work district, Monto, endured the moral panic that swept across Europe following the Great War. My work with Rachel Murphy on the 1911 census found several young women as sole occupants of tenement rooms, which would normally be inhabited by entire families. Will similar patterns emerge when we examine the streets of Monto in 1926?

It will be possible to investigate the ages of older cohorts alongside court records. This may challenge the well-worn jokes about those who allegedly aged more than ten years between the 1901 and 1911 censuses, in order to qualify for the old-age pension.

For scholars of migration, birthplace will be a critical data point, to trace Northern Irish Catholics seeking refuge from sectarian conflict.

Sadly, the equivalent 1926 Northern Irish returns were lost through suspected improper housing and archival neglect. This inhibits future research on the 106,456 decrease in the Protestant population from the 1911 census. Some of this reflected the departure of British Crown forces, but the majority were those fleeing the Irish Free State for political and safety reasons.

Tips for your census search

Household census returns are an excellent source of information about past family and kinship networks. But it is best to manage expectations and think creatively around naming conventions, derivatives and spelling variations. Ditto for place names – but there is a useful historical mapping tool that could help. Bear in mind also that several streets were renamed after 1922.

As a general rule, the upper echelons of Irish society are easier to find in official records than lower socioeconomic groups. My work shows how census returns are often the only official record of ordinary lives.

To protect the privacy of residents in hospitals, asylums, prisons, county homes (erstwhile workhouses) and other carceral institutions on census night, only their initials were recorded. This makes patients and inmates tricky to find, but a rough idea of age and location will prove helpful.

For the more well-documented Irish, the 1926 census offers a conduit to the delights of other freely available online collections, like the civil registration of births deaths and marriages on irishgenealogy.ie.

Ciara Breathnach receives funding from Research Ireland.

– ref. 80 million people globally claim Irish ancestry – why the release of 1926 Irish census records is so momentus – https://theconversation.com/80-million-people-globally-claim-irish-ancestry-why-the-release-of-1926-irish-census-records-is-so-momentus-280746

Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Rietzke, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Lancaster University

When my dog Buddy ate a tub of chewing gum – around 60 pieces – we rushed him to the vet, where he stayed overnight. Thankfully he was fine. The same could not be said for our wallets.

Two aspects of the experience with the vets stood out to my inner economist. First, the bill was far higher than the initial quote. Second, we were encouraged to approve further tests, but the vet seemed uncomfortable recommending them and quickly accepted our decision not to proceed.

Experiences like this seem to be increasingly common. Prices for veterinary services have risen sharply in recent years, and many pet owners say they find it difficult to understand or predict what they will be charged.

Higher prices don’t necessarily mean that the market isn’t working as it should. But there are features in the veterinary market that limit how effectively competition works – and changes in the UK have compounded these issues. This prompted an investigation by the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), which issued its final report in March.

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High vet bills have eroded pet-owners’ trust – but vets aren’t getting rich from their fees

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There’s a reason the word “trust” appears 90 times in the CMA’s report. Healthcare is not like buying groceries or new shoes – it’s what economists call a “credence good”. Similar to car repairs, this is where experts know far more than their clients, and it’s difficult to verify afterwards whether the right course of action was taken.

For this to work, pet owners need to trust that their vet is acting in the best interests of the animal. Most vets probably do, but trust is not left to goodwill alone. In the UK, the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons (RCVS) is the regulator of this profession, setting ethical standards that vets must follow.

Since reforms in the late 1990s allowed non-vets to own practices, the sector has become increasingly consolidated. Today, roughly 60% of practices are owned by six large corporate groups.

But unlike individual vets, these corporations are not regulated by the RCVS. Its powers apply to individual practitioners rather than the companies that own vet practices.

Vets under pressure

Many of these groups are also operating clinics, referral centres, diagnostic laboratories and pharmacies – what’s known as being “vertically integrated”.

These features create a potential conflict of interest. Corporate owners have financial incentives to encourage more treatment, while vets are bound by professional obligations to act in their patients’ best interests.

This isn’t just a theoretical concern. The CMA found that some processes, including financial targets and internal performance systems, place pressure on vets when it comes to recommending tests or treatments.

This doesn’t mean that inappropriate care is widespread. But it highlights a tension between financial incentives and clinical judgment. Even where firms act responsibly, the perception of a conflict may undermine trust.

There are, of course, reasonable explanations for rising fees. Pet ownership in the UK ballooned at the height of the COVID pandemic. Increased pet ownership means there is increased demand for veterinary care, which means higher prices. Advances in treatment have improved the quality of care while also raising costs.

Nevertheless, the CMA found that the profitability of large veterinary groups is far higher than would be expected in a well-functioning market.

Lack of competition

The issue isn’t a lack of choice but a lack of effective competition. One problem is limited transparency.

Many practices don’t publish clear price lists, making it difficult for pet owners to compare providers. And even when they try, they may not realise that different clinics are owned by the same company.

There are also practical barriers. Decisions about care are often made under pressure, when a pet is unwell. Few owners are willing to call multiple clinics or compare detailed quotes in such moments. In addition, it takes time for pet owners to establish trust in their vet. Once established, people are reluctant to switch providers.

These features give rise to what economists call high search and switching costs. When comparing options and switching providers take both time and effort, firms face less pressure to compete aggressively on price. Even in markets with many providers, prices can remain high.

The CMA has proposed a range of remedies aimed at improving how the market works. A central theme is transparency. Practices will be required to publish price lists, provide itemised bills, and clearly disclose their ownership. The aim is to make it easier for pet owners to compare providers and encourage more effective competition.

The CMA has also introduced measures to make it easier for consumers to buy medicines elsewhere, including caps on prescription fees. However, the effect on overall bills is less clear. In the absence of price caps on other services, practices could simply offset lower prescription fees with higher charges elsewhere.

Looking ahead, the CMA has also recommended a shift to bring corporate owners of veterinary practices within the scope of regulation.

It is not clear what this might look like in practice, but the aim would be to ensure corporate owners are subject to greater oversight, more in line with the obligations placed on individual vets. This could pave the way for more substantial reforms in the future.

David Rietzke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The problem with vet bills – a dog-owning economist explains – https://theconversation.com/the-problem-with-vet-bills-a-dog-owning-economist-explains-280847

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Peter Howson, Assistant Professor in International Development, Northumbria University, Newcastle

Bitcoin has long been promised to function as money. In practice, it rarely does.

While 99% of transactions are still speculative trading, for as long as bitcoin has been a thing it has been used to skirt governments’ economic controls. Cryptocurrencies are particularly attractive for countries facing sanctions.

The Iranian government is considering charging oil tankers for safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz in cryptocurrency. The reports have excited the bitcoin community with crypto markets jumping slightly in response. “Once the email arrives and Iran completes its assessment, vessels are given a few seconds to pay in bitcoin, ensuring they can’t be traced or confiscated due to sanctions”, an Iranian government spokesperson told the Financial Times.

$2 million per ship – in crypto

According to blockchain intelligence firm TRM Labs, Iran’s armed forces, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), has accepted payments from ship operators since March, charging up to US$2 million per vessel to transit the strait. Payment can be made not only in bitcoin but also in Chinese yuan or the dollar-pegged “stablecoin” tether.

For shipping companies, the details remain unclear. But many ships are unlikely to set sail without assurances of safe passage from the IRGC.

The US has taken a hard line. President Donald Trump has accused Iran of extortion and stated that the US would hunt down and intercept any ships in international waters that paid the Iranian tolls.

The stalemate is likely to tighten an already narrow choke point. The war has reduced the passage of tankers to a trickle.

Practical problems

Our research has examined how individuals and governments facing sanctions use cryptocurrencies as a way to buy and sell oil, raise hard currency and sidestep economic embargoes. Iran is no stranger to crypto shenanigans. Around 4.5% of all bitcoin mining takes place there, allowing the country to purchase imports and bypass US sanctions.

Yet implementing a bitcoin-based toll system without US approval is not straightforward. Shipping companies will struggle to buy enough cryptocurrency from exchanges without alerting US regulators.

As the US has defined the IRGC a terrorist organisation, any exchanges doing business with Iran risk being added to sanctions lists. Two UK-registered crypto exchanges have found themselves in such a predicament this year.

Even if shipping companies had ready access to millions of dollars-worth of crypto, bitcoin is not truly anonymous. All transactions are logged in a transparent ledger, known as a blockchain, and can be traced with ease in real time.

The transit fee has been reported as the equivalent of US$1 per barrel of oil. US enforcement agencies need only check how much oil a ship is carrying and the time the vessel sailed the strait to guess whether or not a toll was paid.

Who wins from crypto crises

Iran’s plan is seemingly a challenge to the dominance of the US dollar in global oil markets. Accepting payment in yuan, in particular, could subvert the so-called “petrodollar” system. One strategist at Deutsche Bank says the conflict could see “the beginnings of the ‘petroyuan’”.

But China and Iran aren’t the only potential beneficiaries. Some of the biggest commercial proponents of bitcoin are US oil firms, like Exxon and ConocoPhillips. Both have been recognised by the World Bank for their “innovations”: using residual gas from oil wells to power their bitcoin mining machines. Both benefit enormously from a high global oil price and spiking crypto markets. By spurring demand for bitcoin, the crypto industry – centred in the US – will also win big.

In times of war, stocks in weapons companies have always been a safe investment. It looks like cryptocurrencies could be joining them. In a forthcoming book I have written with colleagues, Crypto Crises: how digital currencies accelerate global instability, we explain how cryptocurrencies are reproducing and intensifying geopolitical crises, transforming them into new opportunities for states and corporations to extract profits.

Donald Trump and his family seem to recognise this, and have gone all in on crypto. As well as launching their own cryptocurrencies “meme-coins” and crypto businesses, the president recently bet US$1 billion chasing the bitcoin boom from his own pro-crypto reform policies.

Trump himself initially suggested that the US and Iran might levy the Hormuz toll fees as a “joint venture”, declaring that US involvement would be “a beautiful thing”.

Together, these moves point to a broader shift. Bitcoin remains difficult to use on the high street, while its transparent ledger makes it a terrible choice for criminals. Instead, its real use lies elsewhere.

Crypto use is often a symptom of desperation, not innovation. It is being touted during economic blockades or other moments of geopolitical tension, when conventional financial systems are restricted or have broken down. In these circumstances, it can become a makeshift opportunity for survival, or a tool for making quick profits from instability.

Peter Howson has received funding from the British Academy.

– ref. Crypto tolls in the Strait of Hormuz shows why bitcoin thrives in times of crisis – https://theconversation.com/crypto-tolls-in-the-strait-of-hormuz-shows-why-bitcoin-thrives-in-times-of-crisis-280676

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Cunnington, Research associate, University of Sheffield

The media exposes a scandal – a network of rich, powerful men are abusing teenage girls. Outrage spreads fast and the public demands that authorities reveal the evidence and bring the perpetrators to justice. Yet the system shields many of those involved, and few face serious consequences. This isn’t about Jeffrey Epstein – it’s a scandal that unfolded in Victorian London.

Our research focuses on the women and girls at the centre of those events. In July 1885, a series of newspaper articles ran in the Pall Mall Gazette with the headline The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon. They exposed systematic abuse and trafficking of young girls. From the day the articles were published, there was uproar. Parliament was inundated with petitions and there was a huge demonstration in Hyde Park.

MPs were forced to respond, passing legislation which raised the age at which girls could consent to sexual intercourse from 13 to 16. Records of those events are held in the Women’s Library at London School of Economics, and some are displayed in its current exhibition, The Women’s Library at 100.

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Victims have told us the worst of Epstein’s crimes for decades – and they are still being ignored

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The Maiden Tribute was the final step in years of campaigning for a higher age of consent. Before then, legislation which aimed to raise it had languished in parliament. According to rumours among campaigners and politicians, this was because some MPs were guilty themselves of abusing young girls. Indeed, opponents openly argued that such legislation would expose their own sons to the risk of prosecution.

Frustrated activists had turned to W.T. Stead, the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette. Feminist campaigner Josephine Butler, leading Salvation Army members and Stead undertook an investigation of child sexual exploitation, visiting everywhere from brothels to rescue homes. Stead even “purchased” a 13-year-old girl named Eliza Armstrong and sent her to France (in the Salvation Army’s care) to prove that such procuring and trafficking was possible.

Butler noted in a letter to a friend: “O! What horrors we have seen!”

The London scandal

The resulting articles took the reader through the process of recruiting and abusing young women. They portrayed a whole industry devoted to the exploitation of the girls: procurers and brothel-keepers, doctors who “certified” virginity and midwives who ministered to their wounds afterwards.

The series was swiftly syndicated around the world as “the London scandal” and people speculated on the identities of the men described. In New York, it was rumoured that many prominent American men visited the notorious brothel madam Mrs Jeffries’ houses. Some of her clients were named in the campaigning newspaper The Sentinel as MPs, Lords and Dukes, the Prince of Wales and King Leopold II of Belgium.

Popular outrage forced MPs to pass the Criminal Law Amendment Act by August. As well as raising the age of consent for girls, the legislation rushed to introduce new offences of procurement and brothel keeping.

Some of these offences further criminalised women rather than those exploiting them. For example, if two or more sex workers operated in shared premises for safety, they could become liable for brothel-keeping – that is still the law today. A late amendment introduced by Henry Labouchere MP also outlawed all consensual sexual activity between men; the new offence was used to convict the writer Oscar Wilde a decade later.

Ironically, only Stead and several of his colleagues were convicted as a result of these events. They were imprisoned for the kidnapping of Eliza Armstrong. Meanwhile, the men accused by campaigners of exploiting underage girls were unprosecuted and unpunished.

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Lessons for today

There is much to be learned from this history. First, some very influential people do not want child sexual exploitation eradicated, making effective reform difficult to achieve. It was only through public pressure that new laws were finally passed in 1885. However, a combination of haste, conservatism and deference to elite male interests meant that the law was deeply flawed and moralistic.

Second, the victims and survivors of abuse are too easily blamed, ignored or politically exploited. Reporting of the Maiden Tribute scandal furthered specific ends. In France and America, it was used as proof of aristocratic degeneracy. Meanwhile, the exploited girls were dismissed by respectable society as “fallen”. As the MP Charles Hopwood said in the House of Commons, working-class “girls who went upon the streets … had a familiarity with these things from an early age and were quite able to take care of themselves”.

Victim-blaming drew attention away from procurers, such as Mrs Jeffries, who offered girls a route out of extreme poverty or lured them with false promises of legitimate jobs. The trafficking described in the 1880s used similar recruitment techniques and enforcement methods to today. Even those girls who benefited financially from their exploitation suffered greatly in their mental and physical health.

Third, the establishment tries very hard to cover up such abuse. In Victorian London, policemen were paid off and one who refused to be bought was constructively dismissed. Earlier in 1885, campaigners had brought a private prosecution against Mrs Jeffries because the police refused to take the case any further; the judge frequently reminded witnesses not to name clients; and Mrs Jeffries pleaded guilty mid-trial, before her VIP clientele was exposed. She escaped with a fine rather than imprisonment. In 1887, Mrs Jeffries would be prosecuted again under the new Act; her clients were not.

It is not easy to make the powerful face consequences. Of the leading figures exposed in the Maiden Tribute, the only person who ended up in jail was a woman: Mary Jeffries. The men faced no reckoning, except for gossip about their involvement.

The history, then, offers useful guidance for the present: put pressure on those in power to take effective and swift action, do not trust politicians exploiting abuse to gain power, rigorously uncover institutional corruption and ensure that money and influence do not protect abusers from rightful consequences. Most importantly, believe and centre the voices of victims and survivors.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Victorian sex abuse scandal that shocked Britain and changed the law – long before Epstein – https://theconversation.com/the-victorian-sex-abuse-scandal-that-shocked-britain-and-changed-the-law-long-before-epstein-278822