Faut-il supprimer les zones à faibles émissions au nom de la justice sociale ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Alexis Poulhès, Enseignant-chercheur, Laboratoire Ville Mobilité Transport, École Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées (ENPC)

Les zones à faibles émission (ZFE), déjà en place à Paris, Grenoble, Lyon ou Strasbourg, excluent progressivement les automobiles les plus polluantes des centres urbains. Pourtant, mardi 17 juin, une majorité de députés (essentiellement MoDem, LR et RN) a adopté un projet de loi mettant fin à l’extension des ZFE. Les députés LFI avaient déjà voté pour leur suppression en mai au nom de la justice sociale. Mais les ZFE sont-elles vraiment injustes socialement ? Plusieurs études en région parisienne évaluent leur impact sur les différentes catégories de populations – avec des résultats inattendus.


Malgré une amélioration constante de la qualité de l’air en France depuis plusieurs décennies, les seuils de dangerosité pour la santé de concentration des polluants réglementaires ne sont toujours pas respectés. Politiques territoriales très diffusées en Europe, les zones à faibles émissions (ZFE) devaient être la clé de voute d’une politique française de lutte contre la pollution atmosphérique dans les grandes villes. En janvier 2025, la loi Climat et Résilience impose de déployer les ZFE dans de nouvelles agglomérations et de renforcer celles de Paris et Lyon, villes toujours trop polluées. Un certain nombre de partis politiques se sont alors érigés en défenseur des travailleurs et artisans qui seraient contraints dans leur déplacement par les ZFE. Ainsi, le 28 mai 2025, l’Assemblée nationale a voté pour la suppression des ZFE en France avec comme principale critique qu’elles n’étaient pas juste socialement. Mais est-ce vraiment justifié ?

Des gains sur la qualité de l’air et sur la santé des plus précaires

Les études scientifiques montrent unanimement que, quelles que soient les restrictions et le périmètre, les bénéfices sur la qualité de l’air sont là. Les concentrations de particules fines et de dioxyde d’azote, les 2 polluants atmosphériques visés par les ZFE, diminuent de quelques pour cent indépendamment du renouvellement naturel du parc automobile. Les retards dans les restrictions et l’absence de contrôle limitent leur efficacité. Le nombre de maladies cardiovasculaires et de cas d’asthmes seraient aussi moins nombreux grâce aux ZFE. Les populations défavorisées sont plus vulnérables aux problèmes environnementaux comme la pollution de l’air. Elles sont en effet fragilisées par leurs contraintes sur leur mode de vie comme leur emploi plus physique ou leur alimentation moins diversifiée et ainsi à la multiplication des expositions environnementales néfastes pour leur santé. En France, une seule étude montre sur la région parisienne que les bénéfices de santé publique des ZFE seraient également répartis socialement, résultat qu’il faudra consolider avec d’autres études.

Peut-on parler pour autant d’une mesure inégalitaire ?

Les politiques ont tendance à attendre que le renouvellement naturel du parc automobile limite la part des voitures polluantes avant de mettre en place les ZFE. Des premières études montrent que ce sont alors les plus défavorisés qui sont impactés dans leurs déplacements. Les autres ménages ont pu acheter une voiture plus récente ou adapter leur déplacement. Finalement ces retards dans le calendrier n’ont que peu d’impacts sur la nécessité d’accompagner les ménages défavorisés contraints mais limitent les bénéfices sur les concentrations de polluants. Le sentiment d’injustice est renforcé par les très nombreux SUV récents et chers qui sont toujours autorisés à circuler. S’ils peuvent émettre moins de polluants que des véhicules anciens, ils n’en sont pas moins des nuisances environnementales et urbaines.

Certains partis politiques se veulent clairement les défenseurs des habitants d’une « France périphérique » qui n’auraient plus accès aux centres des métropoles et seraient alors rejetés.

Pourtant, une exploitation de l’Enquête Global Transport de la région datant de 2020 sur les pratiques de mobilité des résidents montre que la ZFE ne concernait que 2 % des déplacements quotidiens en Île-de-France. De plus, dans une étude récente, nous avons montré que les déplacements des 20 % les plus pauvres ne contribuent qu’à hauteur de 9 % de la pollution automobile. Si l’on considère les conducteurs du périurbain qui se déplacent dans le centre, les proportions sont quasiment identiques : 20 % des plus pauvres ne contribuent qu’à hauteur de 7 % de la pollution automobile. On peut expliquer ces résultats par le fait que les populations défavorisées sont moins nombreuses à utiliser leurs voitures quotidiennement dans le centre ou la périphérie.

Ce résultat montre que les ZFE ne concernent qu’une très faible part des pollutions émises par les véhicules particuliers dans les centres. La plus grande part n’est pas produite par les populations précaires. Ce résultat confirme que l’étalement des emplois peu qualifiés en périphérie et la réalité des prix immobiliers rendent les centres inaccessibles à certaines populations défavorisées. La faible part des déplacements des plus pauvres vers le centre soulèvent donc plutôt des enjeux d’aménagement du territoire et de conditions de logement dans les centres.

Qu’est-il possible de faire maintenant ?

La non-régulation de l’étalement urbain et les politiques de logement successives favorisant la maison individuelle ont participé au développement des territoires périurbains dépendants de la voiture.

N’oublions pas que la périurbanisation et l’obligation dans de très nombreux territoires d’utiliser la voiture est le fruit de politiques. Le détricotage actuel de la politique de zéro artificialisation nette (ZAN) par les mêmes partis politiques critiquant la ZFE participe de cette fuite en avant vers toujours plus de dépendance à la voiture et donc de vulnérabilités).

En ciblant les véhicules les plus anciens, les ZFE sont effectivement inégalitaires, pour autant, elles servent de cadre et d’argument pour construire des politiques volontaristes et faire face à cette vulnérabilité. Pour créer des alternatives efficaces à la voiture dans les grandes métropoles, les politiques de développement de nouvelles offres comme les réseaux cyclables et de tramway doivent être accompagnés de mesures restrictives de la circulation routière comme les zones à trafics limités (ZTL), la végétalisation des chaussées ou l’agrandissement des trottoirs. Ce type de mesures qui restreint tous les véhicules est non inégalitaire socialement et protège la santé et la sécurité des urbains.

Pour rappel, en France en 2023, 660 piétons et cyclistes ont été tués, la plupart en ville, et par des véhicules motorisés. Les communes ou les départements qui gèrent le réseau de voirie manquent de coordinations politiques pour proposer des politiques cohérentes et ambitieuses. L’intérêt des ZFE est aussi d’être à l’échelle des métropoles, un échelon territorial souvent plus pertinent pour prendre des décisions sur la mobilité. Elles pourraient ainsi être la première étape vers une redéfinition des compétences.

Les ZFE mettent en exergue ces inégalités et ces contraintes territoriales fortes qui dessinent des trajectoires de mobilité opposées entre centres, qui restreignent la voiture, et périphéries qui la défendent. Enterrer encore une fois les questions d’inégalités plutôt que d’améliorer le système de mobilité autour des ZFE ne fera que renforcer le ressentiment des Français. Ce débat autour de la restriction de la circulation des populations précaires n’est pas le signe d’un abandon total de la remise en cause des autres inégalités ?

La voiture serait le dernier lien avant le déclassement total. Reconstruire les autres liens et prendre à bras le corps les nombreuses autres inégalités réduiraient la tension autour de ce symbole qui, comme l’avion pour les plus riches, devra par anticipation ou par contrainte naturelle, être réduit aux usages les plus essentiels.

The Conversation

Alexis Poulhès ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Faut-il supprimer les zones à faibles émissions au nom de la justice sociale ? – https://theconversation.com/faut-il-supprimer-les-zones-a-faibles-emissions-au-nom-de-la-justice-sociale-259516

Sans diplôme, quelle carrière en entreprise ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Hédia Zannad, Associate professor, Neoma Business School

Pour les salariés sans diplôme ou les réfugiés sans qualification reconnue en France, l’intégration professionnelle peut être un chemin semé d’embûches. Une étude montre la possibilité de contourner l’absence de réseaux ou de titres académiques en misant sur son capital psychologique.


Si la centralité du diplôme dans le processus de recrutement est une affaire de bon sens, seules les compétences et les performances devraient être prises en compte par la suite. Or, c’est rarement le cas. Bienvenue en France, où prévaut la « tyrannie du diplôme initial ».

Notre article « Quand tout est à (re)construire : la dynamique des ressources de carrière en contexte préjudiciable » est le fruit hybride du croisement entre deux recherches menées et publiées indépendamment l’une de l’autre. La première s’intéresse à la carrière des salariés peu qualifiés d’une grande entreprise française de télécoms – que nous appellerons T par souci d’anonymisation. La seconde s’interroge sur le devenir professionnel des réfugiés en France en provenance de zones de conflit telles que la Syrie ou l’Afghanistan.

Ces deux populations ont en commun de souffrir d’un capital sociologique – ressources économiques, sociales et culturelles – déficient au regard de leur environnement professionnel. Les premiers sont désavantagés par l’insuffisance de titres dans un environnement qui valorise les diplômes d’excellence, les seconds par la disqualification de leur bagage culturel et la disparition de leurs réseaux sociaux dans l’exil.

Alors, comment comprendre que certains réussissent sur le plan professionnel malgré l’absence ou le manque de qualifications ?

Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons fait appel au concept de « ressources de carrière ». Cette notion est composée des ressources psychologiques et sociales – les réseaux de proches –, des ressources en capital humain – éducation, formation, expérience – et des ressources identitaires – conscience de son identité professionnelle – qu’un individu peut mobiliser au service de sa carrière. À la lueur de ce concept, nous nous sommes appuyées sur l’analyse de 42 entretiens menés auprès de 24 salariés et de 18 réfugiés, suivant la méthodologie des récits de vie. L’enjeu : comprendre comment ces individus parviennent à développer des ressources de carrière au service de leur réussite professionnelle, à partir d’un capital sociologique faible.

PsyCap ou capital psychologique

Nos résultats montrent que près de la moitié des personnes interrogées, peu diplômées – ou aux qualifications non reconnues en France –, sont parvenues à s’inscrire dans des trajectoires professionnelles plus ascendantes que ce qu’une analyse sociologique aurait pu laisser prévoir.

Comment ? En étant capables de transformer leurs ressources personnelles – capital psychologique et valeurs personnelles – en ressources pour faire carrière.

Ce que révèle notre étude, c’est la puissance du capital psychologique – également nommé « PsyCap » – pour initier ou relancer une carrière… même en l’absence de capitaux sociologiques traditionnels. Le PsyCap est défini dans le cadre de la psychologie positive comme l’ensemble des forces et capacités psychologiques qui peuvent être développées pour améliorer la performance professionnelle. Il est constitué de quatre dimensions selon le professeur de gestion Fred Luthans : la confiance, l’optimisme, l’espoir et la résilience.

  • La confiance se rapporte à la foi qu’a une personne en sa capacité à transformer ses efforts en succès pour relever un défi.

  • L’optimisme renvoie à une attribution positive à propos du succès présent ou à venir.

  • L’espoir signe l’orientation résolue en direction des objectifs fixés par l’individu et, si nécessaire, son aptitude à faire bifurquer les chemins qui y conduisent pour remplacer ceux qui ont été contrariés.

  • La résilience se réfère à l’aptitude à rebondir, et même au-delà, lorsque l’individu rencontre de l’infortune.

Qualités interpersonnelles

L’analyse des récits de salariés et de réfugiés interviewés révèle trois processus distincts pour faire carrière sans diplôme ou réseaux sociaux en France : la construction, l’activation et l’obstruction.


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La construction concerne des personnes sans diplôme qui s’appuient sur leurs ressources psychologiques – résilience, détermination, optimisme, confiance en soi – ainsi que sur leurs qualités éthiques – altruisme, gratitude, humilité – pour bâtir leur parcours. L’ensemble de ces ressources psychologiques et éthiques agissent comme autant de leviers pour se créer des opportunités et transformer des obstacles en tremplins professionnels. Samuel, entré chez T sans qualification, gravit les échelons grâce à des formations, une validation des acquis (VAE) et l’appui de son management, jusqu’à un poste de direction :

« Une de mes qualités, c’est d’être assez fiable et quelqu’un à qui on peut confier des choses. Des managers ont cru en moi au-delà de ce que j’avais montré. Ils m’ont ouvert des champs possibles. »

La trajectoire des personnes interviewées montre que leur engagement attire le soutien de leur entourage professionnel. Il leur permet de trouver un emploi stable, d’acquérir des compétences par l’expérience et de construire petit à petit un projet professionnel.

Travail de deuil

Le deuxième groupe de répondants, qui représente un tiers de notre échantillon, suit une autre forme de parcours. S’ils détiennent un bon capital initial – diplôme, expérience –, ils s’appuient sur leurs ressources psychologiques pour faire carrière, selon un processus que nous avons appelé « activation ». Par exemple, Sami, réfugié et ex-journaliste iranien, mobilise ses acquis et reprend des études après une période d’adaptation difficile en France :

« Je travaillais dans le journal le plus prestigieux d’Iran, au poste le plus prestigieux… J’étais reconnu dans mon domaine… Je suis arrivé ici et je n’ai été transféré vers personne, j’ai dû repartir de zéro. Je suis devenu professeur particulier pour deux enfants parce qu’on me rendait un service ! Après cinq-six mois, j’ai trouvé un emploi de journaliste… Après dix-neuf mois, ils m’ont proposé un CDI. »

Ce processus d’activation concerne notamment les réfugiés dotés d’un capital humain initial solide – maîtrise de la langue française, études supérieures dans le pays d’origine. Leur réussite professionnelle est fondée sur leurs ressources psychologiques qui les aident à alimenter des efforts soutenus dans le sens de leur intégration. Elles semblent faciliter le travail de deuil, préalable nécessaire pour redémarrer leur vie dans un nouveau contexte.

Focalisation sur les obstacles

Un quart de nos répondants éprouve un sentiment d’échec professionnel, alors qu’ils étaient pourtant dotés en capital sociologique.

Ils sont freinés par un état d’esprit négatif ou par un sentiment d’injustice, selon un mécanisme que nous avons appelé « obstruction ». Ils se focalisent sur les obstacles et refusent certaines opportunités. Certains réfugiés qui détenaient des positions privilégiées dans leur pays d’origine ne se résolvent pas à accepter un travail jugé trop sous-dimensionné par rapport à eux. On peut citer l’exemple de Néda, ingénieure, docteure et titulaire d’un MBA qui, malgré tous ses diplômes, perçoit sa carrière chez T de manière pessimiste, dénonçant des discriminations et rejetant le fonctionnement des réseaux internes :

« Ce ne sont pas les performances seulement : le réseau, la manière de se vendre, être au bon moment au bon endroit en discutant avec la bonne personne. À chaque fois que j’ai répondu à un poste ouvert sur Internet, il y avait toujours quelqu’un qui l’obtenait, cela me fait dire que tout le monde n’est pas égal. »

Pour le sociologue Pierre Bourdieu, l’institution scolaire contribue « à légitimer les trajectoires et les positions sociales » et à déterminer la place dans la division sociale du travail.
Wikimedia commons

Peut-on conclure de cette recherche que la théorie du capital sociologique de Bourdieu pêche par excès de pessimisme ?

Sa théorie de l’espace social souligne l’importance des facteurs culturels et symboliques dans la reproduction des hiérarchies sociales. Si on s’en tient à cette lecture, la réussite est essentiellement liée à la détention de capitaux culturels (compétences, titres, diplômes) et symboliques, c’est-à-dire toute forme de capital culturel, social ou économique ayant une reconnaissance particulière au sein de la société. Cette vision réduit les chances de ceux qui en sont démunis.

Notre étude montre que si les inégalités de départ pèsent lourd, elles ne sont pas une fatalité. À condition de disposer ou d’acquérir de ressources psychologiques telles que la confiance en soi, l’optimisme, l’espoir, la résilience, il est possible de contourner l’absence de réseaux ou de diplômes en misant sur sa capacité à rebondir, à apprendre, à espérer. Et, parfois, à réussir là où rien ne le laissait présager.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Sans diplôme, quelle carrière en entreprise ? – https://theconversation.com/sans-diplome-quelle-carriere-en-entreprise-258854

There’s gold trapped in your iPhone – and chemists have found a safe new way to extract it

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Justin M. Chalker, Professor of Chemistry, Flinders University

A sample of refined gold recovered from mining and e-waste recycling trials. Justin Chalker

In 2022, humans produced an estimated 62 million tonnes of electronic waste – enough to fill more than 1.5 million garbage trucks. This was up 82% from 2010 and is expected to rise to 82 million tonnes in 2030.

This e-waste includes old laptops and phones, which contain precious materials such as gold. Less than one quarter of it is properly collected and recycled. But a new technique colleagues and I have developed to safely and sustainably extract gold from e-waste could help change that.

Our new gold-extraction technique, which we describe in a new paper published today in Nature Sustainability, could also make small-scale gold mining less poisonous for people – and the planet.

Soaring global demand

Gold has long played a crucial role in human life. It has been a form of currency and a medium for art and fashion for centuries. Gold is also essential in modern industries including the electronics, chemical manufacture and aerospace sectors.

But while global demand for this precious metal is soaring, mining it is harmful to the environment.

Deforestation and use of toxic chemicals are two such problems. In formal, large-scale mining, highly toxic cyanide is widely used to extract gold from ore. While cyanide can be degraded, its use can cause harm to wildlife, and tailings dams which store the toxic byproducts of mining operations pose a risk to the wider environment.

In small-scale and artisanal mining, mercury is used extensively to extract gold. In this practice, the gold reacts with mercury to form a dense amalgam that can be easily isolated. The gold is then recovered by heating the amalgam to vaporise the mercury.

Small-scale and artisanal mining is the largest source of mercury pollution on Earth, and the mercury emissions are dangerous to the miners and pollute the environment. New methods are required to reduce the impacts of gold mining.

A bucket full of telephone circuit board parts.
In 2022, humans produced an estimated 62 million tonnes of electronic waste.
DAMRONG RATTANAPONG/Shutterstock

A safer alternative

Our interdisciplinary team of scientists and engineers has developed a new technique to extract gold from ore and e-waste. The aim was to provide a safer alternative to mercury and cyanide and reduce the health and environmental impacts of gold mining.

Many techniques have previously been reported for extracting gold from ore or e-waste, including mercury- and cyanide-free methods. However, many of these methods are limited in rate, yield, scale and cost. Often these methods also consider only one step in the entire gold recovery process, and recycling and waste management is often neglected.

In contrast, our approach considered sustainability throughout the whole process of gold extraction, recovery and refining. Our new leaching technology uses a chemical commonly used in water sanitation and pool chlorination: trichloroisocyanuric acid.

When this widely available and low-cost chemical is activated with salt water, it can react with gold and convert it into a water-soluble form.

To recover the gold from the solution, we invented a sulphur-rich polymer sorbent. Polymer sorbents isolate a certain substance from a liquid or gas, and ours is made by joining a key building block (a monomer) together through a chain reaction.

Our polymer sorbent is interesting because it is derived from elemental sulphur: a low-cost and highly abundant feedstock. The petroleum sector generates more sulphur than it can use or sell, so our polymer synthesis is a new use for this underused resource.

Our polymer could selectively bind and remove gold from the solution, even when many other types of metals were present in the mixture.

The simple leaching and recovery methods were demonstrated on ore, circuit boards from obsolete computers and scientific waste. Importantly, we also developed methods to regenerate and recycle both the leaching chemical and the polymer sorbent. We also established methods to purify and recycle the water used in the process.

In developing the recyclable polymer sorbent, we invented some exciting new chemistry to make the polymer using light, and then “un-make” the sorbent after it bound gold. This recycling method converted the polymer back to its original monomer building block and separated it from the gold.

The recovered monomer could then be re-made into the gold-binding polymer: an important demonstration of how the process is aligned with a circular economy.

A long and complex road ahead

In future work, we plan to collaborate with industry, government and not-for-profit groups to test our method in small-scale mining operations. Our long-term aim is to provide a robust and safe method for extracting gold, eliminating the need for highly toxic chemicals such as cyanide and mercury.

There will be many challenges to overcome including scaling up the production of the polymer sorbent and the chemical recycling processes. For uptake, we also need to ensure that the rate, yield and cost are competitive with more traditional methods of gold mining. Our preliminary results are encouraging. But there is still a long and complex road ahead before our new techniques replace cyanide and mercury.

Our broader motivation is to support the livelihood of the millions of artisanal and small-scale miners that rely on mercury to recover gold.

They typically operate in remote and rural regions with few other economic opportunities. Our goal is to support these miners economically while offering safer alternatives to mercury. Likewise, the rise of “urban mining” and e-waste recycling would benefit from safer and operationally simple methods for precious metal recovery.

Success in recovering gold from e-waste will also reduce the need for primary mining and therefore lessen its environmental impact.

The Conversation

Justin M. Chalker is an inventor on patents associated with the gold leaching and recovery technology. Both patents are wholly owned by Flinders University. This research was supported financially by the Australian Research Council and Flinders University. He has an ongoing collaboration with Mercury Free Mining and Adelaide Control Engineering: organisations that supported the developments and trials reported in this study.

ref. There’s gold trapped in your iPhone – and chemists have found a safe new way to extract it – https://theconversation.com/theres-gold-trapped-in-your-iphone-and-chemists-have-found-a-safe-new-way-to-extract-it-259817

How old are you really? Are the latest ‘biological age’ tests all they’re cracked up to be?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University

We all like to imagine we’re ageing well. Now a simple blood or saliva test promises to tell us by measuring our “biological age”. And then, as many have done, we can share how “young” we really are on social media, along with our secrets to success.

While chronological age is how long you have been alive, measures of biological age aim to indicate how old your body actually is, purporting to measure “wear and tear” at a molecular level.

The appeal of these tests is undeniable. Health-conscious consumers may see their results as reinforcing their anti-ageing efforts, or a way to show their journey to better health is paying off.

But how good are these tests? Do they actually offer useful insights? Or are they just clever marketing dressed up to look like science?

How do these tests work?

Over time, the chemical processes that allow our body to function, known as our “metabolic activity”, lead to damage and a decline in the activity of our cells, tissues and organs.

Biological age tests aim to capture some of these changes, offering a snapshot of how well, or how poorly, we are ageing on a cellular level.

Our DNA is also affected by the ageing process. In particular, chemical tags (methyl groups) attach to our DNA and affect gene expression. These changes occur in predictable ways with age and environmental exposures, in a process called methylation.

Research studies have used “epigenetic clocks”, which measure the methylation of our genes, to estimate biological age. By analysing methylation levels at specific sites in the genome from participant samples, researchers apply predictive models to estimate the cumulative wear and tear on the body.

What does the research say about their use?

Although the science is rapidly evolving, the evidence underpinning the use of epigenetic clocks to measure biological ageing in research studies is strong.

Studies have shown epigenetic biological age estimation is a better predictor of the risk of death and ageing-related diseases than chronological age.

Epigenetic clocks also have been found to correlate strongly with lifestyle and environmental exposures, such as smoking status and diet quality.

In addition, they have been found to be able to predict the risk of conditions such as cardiovascular disease, which can lead to heart attacks and strokes.

Taken together, a growing body of research indicates that at a population level, epigenetic clocks are robust measures of biological ageing and are strongly linked to the risk of disease and death

But how good are these tests for individuals?

While these tests are valuable when studying populations in research settings, using epigenetic clocks to measure the biological age of individuals is a different matter and requires scrutiny.

For testing at an individual level, perhaps the most important consideration is the “signal to noise ratio” (or precision) of these tests. This is the question of whether a single sample from an individual may yield widely differing results.

A study from 2022 found samples deviated by up to nine years. So an identical sample from a 40-year-old may indicate a biological age of as low as 35 years (a cause for celebration) or as high as 44 years (a cause of anxiety).

While there have been significant improvements in these tests over the years, there is considerable variability in the precision of these tests between commercial providers. So depending on who you send your sample to, your estimated biological age may vary considerably.

Another limitation is there is currently no standardisation of methods for this testing. Commercial providers perform these tests in different ways and have different algorithms for estimating biological age from the data.

As you would expect for commercial operators, providers don’t disclose their methods. So it’s difficult to compare companies and determine who provides the most accurate results – and what you’re getting for your money.

A third limitation is that while epigenetic clocks correlate well with ageing, they are simply a “proxy” and are not a diagnostic tool.

In other words, they may provide a general indication of ageing at a cellular level. But they don’t offer any specific insights about what the issue may be if someone is found to be “ageing faster” than they would like, or what they’re doing right if they are “ageing well”.

So regardless of the result of your test, all you’re likely to get from the commercial provider of an epigenetic test is generic advice about what the science says is healthy behaviour.

Are they worth it? Or what should I do instead?

While companies offering these tests may have good intentions, remember their ultimate goal is to sell you these tests and make a profit. And at a cost of around A$500, they’re not cheap.

While the idea of using these tests as a personalised health tool has potential, it is clear that we are not there yet.

For this to become a reality, tests will need to become more reproducible, standardised across providers, and validated through long-term studies that link changes in biological age to specific behaviours.

So while one-off tests of biological age make for impressive social media posts, for most people they represent a significant cost and offer limited real value.

The good news is we already know what we need to do to increase our chances of living longer and healthier lives. These include:

  • improving our diet
  • increasing physical activity
  • getting enough sleep
  • quitting smoking
  • reducing stress
  • prioritising social connection.

We don’t need to know our biological age in order to implement changes in our lives right now to improve our health.

The Conversation

Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How old are you really? Are the latest ‘biological age’ tests all they’re cracked up to be? – https://theconversation.com/how-old-are-you-really-are-the-latest-biological-age-tests-all-theyre-cracked-up-to-be-257710

Bats get fat to survive hard times. But climate change is threatening their survival strategy

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nicholas Wu, Lecturer in Wildlife Ecology, Murdoch University

Rudmer Zwerver/Shutterstock

Bats are often cast as the unseen night-time stewards of nature, flitting through the dark to control pest insects, pollinate plants and disperse seeds. But behind their silent contributions lies a remarkable and underappreciated survival strategy: seasonal fattening.

Much like bears and squirrels, bats around the world bulk up to get through hard times – even in places where you might not expect it.

In a paper published today in Ecology Letters, we analysed data from bat studies around the world to understand how bats use body fat to survive seasonal challenges, whether it’s a freezing winter or a dry spell.

The surprising conclusion? Seasonal fattening is a global phenomenon in bats, not just limited to those in cold climates.

Even bats in the tropics, where it’s warm all year, store fat in anticipation of dry seasons when food becomes scarce. That’s a survival strategy that’s been largely overlooked. But it may be faltering as the climate changes, putting entire food webs at risk.

Climate shapes fattening strategies

We found bats in colder regions predictably gain more weight before winter.

But in warmer regions with highly seasonal rainfall, such as tropical savannas or monsoonal forests, bats also fatten up. In tropical areas, it’s not cold that’s the enemy, but the dry season, when flowers wither, insects vanish and energy is hard to come by.

The extent of fattening is impressive. Some species increased their body weight by more than 50%, which is a huge burden for flying animals that already use a lot of energy to move around. This highlights the delicate balancing act bats perform between storing energy and staying nimble in the air.

Sex matters, especially in the cold

The results also support the “thrifty females, frisky males” hypothesis.

In colder climates, female bats used their fat reserves more sparingly than males – a likely adaptation to ensure they have enough energy left to raise young when spring returns. Since females typically emerge from hibernation to raise their young, conserving fat through winter can directly benefit their reproductive success.

Interestingly, this sex-based difference vanished in warmer climates, where fat use by males and females was more similar, likely because more food is available in warmer climates. It’s another clue that climate patterns intricately shape behaviour and physiology.

Climate change is shifting the rules

Beyond the biology, our study points to a more sobering trend. Bats in warm regions appear to be increasing their fat stores over time. This could be an early warning sign of how climate change is affecting their survival.

Climate change isn’t just about rising temperatures. It’s also making seasons more unpredictable.

Bats may be storing more energy in advance of dry seasons that are becoming longer or harder to predict. That’s risky, because it means more foraging, more exposure to predators and potentially greater mortality.

The implications can ripple outward. Bats help regulate insect populations, fertilise crops and maintain healthy ecosystems. If their survival strategies falter, entire food webs could feel the effects.

Fat bats, fragile futures

Our study changes how we think about bats. They are not just passive victims of environmental change but active strategists, finely tuned to seasonal rhythms. Yet their ability to adapt has limits, and those limits are being tested by a rapidly changing world.

By understanding how bats respond to climate, we gain insights into broader ecosystem resilience. We also gain a deeper appreciation for one of nature’s quiet heroes – fattening up, flying through the night and holding ecosystems together, one wingbeat at a time.

The Conversation

Nicholas Wu was the lead author of a funded Australian Research Council Linkage Grant awarded to Christopher Turbill at Western Sydney University.

ref. Bats get fat to survive hard times. But climate change is threatening their survival strategy – https://theconversation.com/bats-get-fat-to-survive-hard-times-but-climate-change-is-threatening-their-survival-strategy-259560

What’s the difference between an eating disorder and disordered eating?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Gemma Sharp, Researcher in Body Image, Eating and Weight Disorders, Monash University

PIKSEL/Getty

Following a particular diet or exercising a great deal are common and even encouraged in our health and image-conscious culture. With increased awareness of food allergies and other dietary requirements, it’s also not uncommon for someone to restrict or eliminate certain foods.

But these behaviours may also be the sign of an unhealthy relationship with food. You can have a problematic pattern of eating without being diagnosed with an eating disorder.

So, where’s the line? What is disordered eating, and what is an eating disorder?

What is disordered eating?

Disordered eating describes negative attitudes and behaviours towards food and eating that can lead to a disturbed eating pattern.

It can involve:

  • dieting

  • skipping meals

  • avoiding certain food groups

  • binge eating

  • misusing laxatives and weight-loss medications

  • inducing vomiting (sometimes known as purging)

  • exercising compulsively.

Disordered eating is the term used when these behaviours are not frequent and/or severe enough to meet an eating disorder diagnosis.

Not everyone who engages in these behaviours will develop an eating disorder. But disordered eating – particularly dieting – usually precedes an eating disorder.

What is an eating disorder?

Eating disorders are complex psychiatric illnesses that can negatively affect a person’s body, mind and social life. They’re characterised by persistent disturbances in how someone thinks, feels and behaves around eating and their bodies.

To make a diagnosis, a qualified health professional will use a combination of standardised questionnaires, as well as more general questioning. These will determine how frequent and severe the behaviours are, and how they affect day-to-day functioning.

Examples of clinical diagnoses include anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge eating disorder and avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder.

How common are eating disorders and disordered eating?

The answer can vary quite radically depending on the study and how it defines disordered behaviours and attitudes.

An estimated 8.4% of women and 2.2% of men will develop an eating disorder at some point in their lives. This is most common during adolescence.

Disordered eating is also particularly common in young people with 30% of girls and 17% of boys aged 6–18 years reporting engaging in these behaviours.

Although the research is still emerging, it appears disordered eating and eating disorders are even more common in gender diverse people.

Can we prevent eating disorders?

There is some evidence eating disorder prevention programs that target risk factors – such as dieting and concerns about shape and weight – can be effective to some extent in the short term.

The issue is most of these studies last only a few months. So we can’t determine whether the people involved went on to develop an eating disorder in the longer term.

In addition, most studies have involved girls or women in late high school and university. By this age, eating disorders have usually already emerged. So, this research cannot tell us as much about eating disorder prevention and it also neglects the wide range of people at risk of eating disorders.

Is orthorexia an eating disorder?

In defining the line between eating disorders and disordered eating, orthorexia nervosa is a contentious issue.

The name literally means “proper appetite” and involves a pathological obsession with proper nutrition, characterised by a restrictive diet and rigidly avoiding foods believed to be “unhealthy” or “impure”.

These disordered eating behaviours need to be taken seriously as they can lead to malnourishment, loss of relationships, and overall poor quality of life.

However, orthorexia nervosa is not an official eating disorder in any diagnostic manual.

Additionally, with the popularity of special diets (such as keto or paleo), time-restricted eating, and dietary requirements (for example, gluten-free) it can sometimes be hard to decipher when concerns about diet have become disordered, or may even be an eating disorder.

For example, around 6% of people have a food allergy. Emerging evidence suggests they are also more likely to have restrictive types of eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa and avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder.

However, following a special diet such as veganism, or having a food allergy, does not automatically lead to disordered eating or an eating disorder.

It is important to recognise people’s different motivations for eating or avoiding certain foods. For example, a vegan may restrict certain food groups due to animal rights concerns, rather than disordered eating symptoms.

What to look out for

If you’re concerned about your own relationship with food or that of a loved one, here are some signs to look out for:

  • preoccupation with food and food preparation

  • cutting out food groups or skipping meals entirely

  • obsession with body weight or shape

  • large fluctuations in weight

  • compulsive exercise

  • mood changes and social withdrawal.

It’s always best to seek help early. But it is never too late to seek help.


In Australia, if you are experiencing difficulties in your relationships with food and your body, you can contact the Butterfly Foundation’s national helpline on 1800 33 4673 (or via their online chat).

For parents concerned their child might be developing concerning relationships with food, weight and body image, Feed Your Instinct highlights common warning signs, provides useful information about help seeking and can generate a personalised report to take to a health professional.

The Conversation

Gemma Sharp receives funding from an NHMRC Investigator Grant. She is a Professor and the Founding Director and Member of the Consortium for Research in Eating Disorders, a registered charity.

ref. What’s the difference between an eating disorder and disordered eating? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-an-eating-disorder-and-disordered-eating-256787

‘Do not eat’: what’s in those little desiccant sachets and how do they work?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kamil Zuber, Senior Industry Research Fellow, Future Industries Institute, University of South Australia

towfiqu ahamed/Getty Images

When you buy a new electronic appliance, shoes, medicines or even some food items, you often find a small paper sachet with the warning: “silica gel, do not eat”.

What exactly is it, is it toxic, and can you use it for anything?

The importance of desiccants

That little sachet is a desiccant – a type of material that removes excess moisture from the air.

It’s important during the transport and storage of a wide range of products because we can’t always control the environment. Humid conditions can cause damage through corrosion, decay, the growth of mould and microorganisms.

This is why manufacturers include sachets with desiccants to make sure you receive the goods in pristine condition.

The most common desiccant is silica gel. The small, hard and translucent beads are made of silicon dioxide (like most sands or quartz) – a hydrophilic or water-loving material. Importantly, the beads are porous on the nano-scale, with pore sizes only 15 times larger than the radius of their atoms.

Silica gel looks somewhat like a sponge when viewed with scanning electron microscopy.
Trabelsi et al. (2009), CC BY-NC-ND

These pores have a capillary effect, meaning they condense and draw moisture into the bead similar to how trees transport water through the channelled structures in wood.

In addition, sponge-like porosity makes their surface area very large. A single gram of silica gel can have an area of up to 700 square metres – almost four tennis courts – making them exceptionally efficient at capturing and storing water.

Is silica gel toxic?

The “do not eat” warning is easily the most prominent text on silica gel sachets.

According to health professionals, most silica beads found in these sachets are non-toxic and don’t present the same risk as silica dust, for example. They mainly pose a choking hazard, which is good enough reason to keep them away from children and pets.

However, if silica gel is accidentally ingested, it’s still recommended to contact health professionals to determine the best course of action.

Some variants of silica gel contain a moisture-sensitive dye. One particular variant, based on cobalt chloride, is blue when the desiccant is dry and turns pink when saturated with moisture. While the dye is toxic, in desiccant pellets it is present only in a small amount – approximately 1% of the total weight.

Two plastic containers, one with blue translucent beads, one with pink.
Indicating silica gel with cobalt chloride – ‘fresh’ on the left, ‘used’ on the right.
Reza Rio/Shutterstock

Desiccants come in other forms, too

Apart from silica gel, a number of other materials are used as moisture absorbers and desiccants. These are zeolites, activated alumina and activated carbon – materials engineered to be highly porous.

Another desiccant type you’ll often see in moisture absorbers for larger areas like pantries or wardrobes is calcium chloride. It typically comes in a box filled with powder or crystals found in most hardware stores, and is a type of salt.

Kitchen salt – sodium chloride – attracts water and easily becomes lumpy. Calcium chloride works in the same way, but has an even stronger hygroscopic effect and “traps” the water through a hydration reaction. Once the salt is saturated, you’ll see liquid separating in the container.

A shelf in a wardrobe with a purple box with white powder inside in the corner.
Closet and pantry dehumidifiers like this one typically contain calcium chloride which binds water.
Healthy Happy/Shutterstock

I found something that doesn’t seem to be silica gel – what is it?

Some food items such as tortilla wraps, noodles, beef jerky, and some medicines and vitamins contain slightly different sachets, labelled “oxygen absorbers”.

These small packets don’t contain desiccants. Instead, they have chemical compounds that “scavenge” or bond oxygen.

Their purpose is similar to desiccants – they extend the shelf life of food products and sensitive chemicals such as medicines. But they do so by directly preventing oxidation. When some foods are exposed to oxygen, their chemical composition changes and can lead to decay (apples turning brown when cut is an example of oxidation).

There is a whole range of compounds used as oxygen absorbers. These chemicals have a stronger affinity to oxygen than the protected substance. They range from simple compounds such as iron which “rusts” by using up oxygen, to more complex such as plastic films that work when exposed to light.

A pile of various sachets and sheets found inside products.
Some of the sachets in your products are oxygen absorbers, not desiccants – but they may look similar.
Sergio Yoneda/Shutterstock

Can I reuse a desiccant?

Although desiccants and dehumidifiers are considered disposable, you can relatively easily reuse them.

To “recharge” or dehydrate silica gel, you can place it in an oven at approximately 115–125°C for 2–3 hours, although you shouldn’t do this if it’s in a plastic sachet that could melt in the heat.

Interestingly, due to how they bind water, some desiccants require temperatures well above the boiling point of water to dehydrate (for example, calcium chloride hydrates completely dehydrate at 200°C).

After dehydration, silica gel sachets may be useful for drying small electronic items (like your phone after you accidentally dropped it into water), keeping your camera dry, or preventing your family photos and old films from sticking to each other.

This is a good alternative to the questionable method of using uncooked rice, as silica gel doesn’t decompose and won’t leave starch residues on your things.

The Conversation

Kamil Zuber does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Do not eat’: what’s in those little desiccant sachets and how do they work? – https://theconversation.com/do-not-eat-whats-in-those-little-desiccant-sachets-and-how-do-they-work-258398

US labels QRIS a trade barrier – what’s next for Indonesia’s digital payment system?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Farhan Mutaqin, PhD Researcher, University of Edinburgh

The United States has recently called out Indonesia’s national digital payment system QRIS (Quick Response Code Indonesian Standard) for being unfair. The Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) assessed QRIS as a trade barrier in its the National Trade Estimate Report 2025. The report – which includes broader trade concerns – underpins the Trump administration’s plan to impose 32% tariff duty for Indonesian products as of July 2025.

QRIS synchronises Indonesia’s electronic money payments, digital wallets, and mobile banking into one national standard system. By scanning a QR code, payment takes only a matter of seconds, allowing a swift cashless transaction compared to using cards.

USTR report criticises how QRIS implementation limits access for international stakeholders — particularly US companies — and creates an imbalance in Indonesia’s digital payments market.

The report also cites Indonesia’s National Payment Gateway (GPN) as less transparent and limits foreign ownership. The card, which is for domestic use only, eases administrative financial burdens, encourages cashless payment and facilitate social disbursement of social assistance.

Putting the trade assessment aside, QRIS helps small businesses and low-income groups in Indonesia to access modern payment facilities, closing the gap that Visa and Mastercard cannot provide. Throughout 2024, more than 30 million small businesses and merchants across Indonesia have made transactions via QRIS.

Here are what readers need to know about QRIS and what may come for Indonesia after its labelling as a trade barrier.

How significant is QRIS?

QRIS transaction value and popularity have skyrocketed since the central bank, Bank Indonesia, introduced it to the market in August 2019, months away before COVID-19 entered Indonesia. Throughout 2024 QRIS has recorded 2.2 billion transactions with a total value of Rp 242 trillion (around US$14.9 billion). This figure increased by 188% compared to the previous year.

In the first quarter of 2025, Bank Indonesia’s latest report noted that QRIS transactions surged to 2.6 billion with a transaction value reaching Rp 262 trillion (US$16 billion).

So, why does QRIS have such a huge reputation?

Massive digital adoption and user convenience factors triggered its growth, contributing to financial inclusion and supporting the growth and productivity of the Indonesian economy.

According to 2024 survey, the main reasons Indonesians use QRIS are its simplicity (49%) and transaction speed (42%). Promotion factors (33%) and the habit of not carrying cash (28%) also add to its appeal.

Wide outlet coverage (23%) and perceived security (22%) are also factors causing QRIS to be increasingly in demand. This practicality and growing digital habits in Indonesia are the main drivers of QRIS adoption.

From the merchant’s perspective, QRIS has advantages over card payments. The card system requires expensive EDC machines that cost Rp 3–5 million (US$180-310) per device.

Meanwhile, the merchant can receive payments via QRIS with just a single printed QR code, without needing extra equipment. QRIS transaction fees are also much lower at around 0.3% of transactions (even 0% for micro merchants), compared to 2–3% on cards.

QRIS is also compatible with all Indonesian and most of ASEAN countries e-wallets.

According to the Indonesian Payment System Association QRIS has become “the king of digital payment” channels for local transactions. Meanwhile, Visa–Mastercard’s position remains dominant for cross-border payments.

Risk of QRIS blocking

The USTR claims developed without input from international stakeholders may serve as an empty accusation.

Bank Indonesia designed QRIS to meet domestic needs while aligning with international standards like EMVCo standards carried by Europay, Mastercard, and Visa (EMV). The three global payment giants are also members of Indonesian Payment System Association and were involved in QRIS drafting process, accompanying the government and the central bank. Given how strictly regulated digital payment systems are, it’s hard to believe the US lacks information about QRIS.

However, the label of “trade barriers” has already been attached by the US and could ruin Indonesia’s negotiation process with other countries.

First, this issue could potentially hamper QRIS adoption in other countries. While Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand have already facilitated QRIS into their national payment systems, further expansion into India and South Korea could be hampered by concerns about creating friction with Washington.

Second, the classification of QRIS as a trade barrier could also hinder the expansion of Indonesian small businesses into overseas markets. In fact, this standard was designed so that micro and small business actors can speed up the transaction process, including cross-border transactions with foreign buyers.

Advantage or disadvantage?

Both. It brings opportunities and challenges. The impact of USTR claim for Indonesia will depend largely on its negotiating strategy in the coming terms.

For now, the 32%-tariff sanction – affecting products from shoes, textiles, to nickel components – has been suspended until early July 2025. The two countries are continuing negotiations, including technical discussions on QRIS access since the US complaint aired.

But Indonesia can turn the US protest into an opportunity. The threat of tariffs forced the two countries into a two-month negotiation window.

Indonesia could trade off small adjustments to QRIS rules for larger rewards —such as lower tariffs on nickel products or new investment commitments from the US, especially in the fields of technology or the latest financial systems.

At least, Bank Indonesia has stated that “If America is ready, we are ready,” – a nod for possibility to prepare clearer guidelines for both countries. Arranging such documents will benefit all parties, including foreign and local business.

At last, Indonesia needs to share the success story of QRIS more widely. Currently, QRIS has served 56 million users, supports payments at more than 33 million outlets, and is seamlessly connected to several countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. This shows that the payment system is open, beneficial, and contributes to financial integration across countries and regions.

QRIS’s rapid growth, along with how the US feels threatened by it, shows huge potential for Indonesia’s digital finance. This can actually contribute to its bargaining position in the international arena in this digital era.


This article was originally published in Indonesian, translated into English with the help of machine translator and further edited by human editors.

The Conversation

Para penulis tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi di luar afiliasi akademis yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. US labels QRIS a trade barrier – what’s next for Indonesia’s digital payment system? – https://theconversation.com/us-labels-qris-a-trade-barrier-whats-next-for-indonesias-digital-payment-system-257616

Journal indexation: The misconception of guaranteed quality

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Ilham Akhsanu Ridlo, Assistant professor, Universitas Airlangga

Higher education institutions and research institutes are no strangers to commercial scientific journal indexers such as Scopus and Web of Science (WoS). These platforms serve as primary benchmarks for academic success and research performance evaluation. Within the scientific community, indexers function as a credibility currency for research’s perceived prestige and reliability.

This requirement has led to the misconception that indexation equates to research quality — while it does not necessarily guarantee high-quality research.

The indexation process merely demonstrates compliance with administrative requirements set by indexers. These include a peer review system, transparent editorial policies, and properly structured metadata or supporting data.

In other words, journal indexation alone cannot serve as the sole metric for research performance. Instead, evaluation systems should prioritise impact-driven indicators.

Journal indexation vs research quality

There are many factors that contribute to research quality, including the compatibility between the research question and the chosen methodology, the integrity and transparency of the research process, and the accessibility of data or supplementary research materials (such as datasets, methods of analysis, and research logs). Peer review processes typically evaluate these aspects.

Take Nature journal, for example. This prestigious publication retracted an article titled A Specific Amyloid-ß Protein Assembly in the Brain Impairs Memory in 2024 after it was proven that the lead researcher had manipulated images. Unfortunately, before the retraction, the article had already been cited 2,375 times and accessed by more than 74,000 readers.

According to the indexer Web of Science, Nature has an impact factor of 50.5 and is classified in journal quartile Q1 (18.51) in the ScimagoJR indexer (Scopus) under the multidisciplinary category.

Despite being widely regarded as a reputable reference, bibliometric indicators — statistical analyses of published books and articles — have inherent limitations.

For instance, the impact factor only measures the average number of citations per article in a journal over the past two years. However, citation distribution is often uneven — while some articles receive many citations, others may receive none. As a result, the impact factor does not necessarily reflect the overall quality of all published articles in a given journal.

The misconception impacts

This misconception about journal quality has negatively affected the academic climate, particularly in developing countries like Indonesia. Many policies prioritise the quantity of publications and citation rates over research quality.

As a result, policymakers in higher education and research direct academics to focus on topics with global appeal to increase their chances of publication in indexed journals recognised by international indexing institutions.

Regrettably, this trend often leads to the neglect of local social and humanities issues, such as environmental sustainability and community-based problems, which are considered less appealing to an international audience.

The pressure to publish in indexed journals also increases the risk of unethical academic practices. Misconduct such as plagiarism, data fabrication, and ‘salami slicing’ — the practice of splitting a single study into multiple smaller papers to inflate publication counts — has become more prevalent. In fact, paper mills—cartels of publishing companies that sell fabricated scientific articles — are a documented issue.

These practices not only damage researchers’ credibility but also undermine the integrity of the academic community as a whole. As publicly funded institutions, universities and research institutes must prioritise disseminating inclusive and impactful knowledge to society.

What are the alternatives?

Research quality appraisal requires a more inclusive and holistic paradigm to counter the negative effects of indexation-based performance evaluation. Several global science initiatives advocate for such changes, including the Declaration on Research Assessment (DORA), launched in 2012, the Leiden Manifesto in 2021, and the Coalition for Advancing Research Assessment (COARA) in 2023.

Reforming academic policies at both institutional and national levels is crucial to fostering a thriving research ecosystem. Relevant ministries must promote evaluation systems that prioritise research impact, while bibliometric indicators should serve as complementary rather than primary assessment tools.

Governments and academic institutions can also offer incentives for research that addresses strategic national issues rather than focusing solely on indexation standards.

Additionally, academic institutions should enhance capacity-building programmes for journal editors and researchers, including training in academic writing and editorial management. This approach can help local journals meet international standards while retaining their unique identity.

Transparency is equally vital. One concrete step is facilitating researchers’ storage of raw data and related materials in the National Scientific Repository (RIN), ensuring public accessibility.

Scientific articles undergoing peer review can also be shared as pre-prints, allowing the public to read and provide feedback. For publicly funded research, adhering to transparency principles demonstrates the researcher’s accountability to the society that finances their work.

While journal indexation improves the accessibility of scientific articles, it should not be the sole performance metric — let alone a measure of research quality. Relying on bibliometric indicators as a ‘shortcut’ for performance appraisal could ultimately reduce the research’s relevance and societal impact in Indonesia.


Kezia Kevina Harmoko contributes in this translation process

The Conversation

Ilham Akhsanu Ridlo tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. Journal indexation: The misconception of guaranteed quality – https://theconversation.com/journal-indexation-the-misconception-of-guaranteed-quality-250829

The story behind the ‘Moko’ drums, sacred musical instruments from the Alor-Pantar archipelago

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Francesco Perono Cacciafoco, Associate Professor in Linguistics, Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University

The day was still alive when a group of Abui people danced in a circle around the ‘maasang’ – the central altar of their village – alternating coordinated movements with rhythmic pauses. The drums were played, marking each step with their sounds, believed to connect the world of the gods with the world of humans.

They were performing the ‘lego-lego’ dance, an integral part of ancestral rituals. The dance was directed by the cadenced rhythm produced by the ‘Moko’ drums, distinctive musical instruments that are also prestigious heirlooms and sacred tools, mostly found in the Alor-Pantar archipelago, in East Nusa Tenggara.

Recently, with Shiyue Wu, my Research Assistant at Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University (Suzhou, Jiangsu, China), I developed and published research about the names of the ‘Moko’ drums and bronze gongs from Alor in three representative Papuan languages spoken in the island: Abui (Central Alor), Sawila (Eastern Alor), and Kula (Eastern Alor).

This research aims to increase our knowledge on the ‘Moko’ drums and their significance and sanctity for the cultural identity and heritage of the peoples living in the Alor-Pantar archipelago.




Baca juga:
Finding ‘Kape’: How Language Documentation helps us preserve an endangered language


Unclear historical references

Among the many ancestral traditions and ritual objects attested in Southeastern Indonesia, the ‘Moko’ drums represent a unique blend of symbolic and religious values and practical functions in the social life of the local Papuan communities. Technically, they are bronze kettle-drums, specifically membranophones, instruments that produce their sounds by being hit on their vibrating skins, or membranes.

Despite their widespread use and cultural significance among indigenous communities in Alor, Pantar and beyond — like in Timor and among the Austronesian and Papuan groups of Flores —, the history and origins of these musical instruments are still relatively obscure and seem to fade into the mists of time.

The ‘bronze gongs’ from the Alor-Pantar archipelago vary in size and are typically round, flat metal discs played with a mallet. They are equivalent to the ‘Moko’ drums, at the level of musical and social functions.

The indigenous peoples believe that the drums and gongs have no local origins from the islands, but their possible place of production is unknown. We recently confirmed this through fieldwork conversations with our Abui local consultant.

‘Moko’ drums’ unique attributes

Each ‘Moko’ drum (and bronze gong) is characterised by physical (size, shape, and the produced sounds) and aesthetic (iconography and decorations) features, which make it unique. The uniqueness of the drums and gongs is strengthened by the fact that each type of these membranophones has an ‘individual’ name, which indicates a specific category, with its dedicated musical and iconographic attributes.

For example, there are ‘fiyaai futal’ (in Abui), the “candlenut-flower” drum, and ‘bileeqwea / bileeq-wea‘ (in Abui), the “lizard-blood” drum.

All the ethnic groups in Alor, Pantar and surrounding areas use their own local variants for the names of the different drums. This nomenclature reflects specific ritual and trading features of each musical instrument.

Despite this, the native speakers cannot explain the name ‘Moko’ in itself, with its etymological and semantic origins. They agree upon the likely foreign origin of the instruments, but no one can pinpoint a possible location for their production (some say Java, Makassar, India, Vietnam, or even China, but without any conclusive evidence) or the trade routes across which they were likely imported to the islands.

Some local myths and origin stories tell about the unexpected discovery, by local people, of ‘Moko’ drums buried in the ground, adding a veil of mystery to their enigmatic roots. Being treasured items, the drums were actually buried under the ground by locals, to avoid the risk to fall into the hands of colonisers or to be taken away by outsiders.

The term ‘Moko’ is universally attested and used in everyday conversations by the Alor-Pantar speakers, independently of their languages and villages. However, nobody, among the locals, can explain the roots of the name or propose an interpretation for its possible meaning. The ‘Moko’ drums are, therefore, an unsolved puzzle in the context of the material culture and linguistic landscape of the Alor-Pantar archipelago.

It is possible that the name ‘Moko’ was coined ‘internally’, in Alor and Pantar, perhaps in the ‘Alor Malay’ language, which is commonly spoken in the archipelago since the 14th century. The denomination would have, then, spread towards external areas.

However, this hypothesis cannot be proven with incontrovertible evidence, and the direction of the naming process could have also been the opposite, from outside into Alor and Pantar.

Our paper presents systematic lists of the names of drums and gongs, with the original denominations in the three different above-mentioned languages, the related translations, name-by-name, synthetic notes on the possible origins of their nomenclature, a catalogue of the instruments by categories (based on fieldwork and direct observation), and a set of pictures reproducing a small selection of drums according to their cultural significance.

Beyond musical functions

The ‘Moko‘ drums are relatively ancient ritual objects commonly used, in the past, in generally pre-Christian worship ceremonies performed by the indigenous communities. The traditions survived until today, through local folklore and public celebrations.

The drums, as well as the related bronze gongs, still play an important role as a valuable local ‘currency’. Highly regarded as prestigious family possessions, they are used for trade and social practices embedded into traditional customs, like bride-price negotiations.

The path towards a full understanding of the historical dynamics of the production and spread of the ‘Moko’ drums and gongs — as well as their provenance and the etymologies of their names — might still be long. However, this does not diminish their cultural and material significance among the Alor-Pantar peoples.

Despite their obscure origins, ‘Moko’ drums and bronze gongs are meticulously catalogued, described and rated by the local communities in the islands. Periodically, a multi-ethnic council gathers to assess, update and validate the different values and levels of social prestige and rarity of every single instrument.

This safeguarding effort, combined with the collection and systematisation of ‘first hand’ data, which we are currently developing, may considerably help in shedding light on the nature and origins of these enigmatic instruments.

The Conversation

Francesco Perono Cacciafoco received funding from Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University (XJTLU): Research Development Fund (RDF) Grant, “Place Names and Cultural Identity: Toponyms and Their Diachronic Evolution among the Kula People from Alor Island”, Grant Number: RDF-23-01-014, School of Humanities and Social Sciences (HSS), Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University (XJTLU), Suzhou (Jiangsu), China, 2024-2025.

ref. The story behind the ‘Moko’ drums, sacred musical instruments from the Alor-Pantar archipelago – https://theconversation.com/the-story-behind-the-moko-drums-sacred-musical-instruments-from-the-alor-pantar-archipelago-253225