Category: The Conversation – Africa

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Wafula Yenjela, Research associate, University of the Free State

At the dawn of Kenya’s colonial era in 1902, consumption of home-made alcohol was deeply embedded in society. For instance, among the Mijikenda of coastal Kenya, palm wine was integral (p.290) to traditional ceremonies, such as marriage and initiations, and in ritual offerings.

This partly explains why the colonial authorities did not consider prohibiting African home-made liquors.

As early as 1908, however, they did prohibit Africans from consuming or handling European liquors. The prohibition was ratified on the pretext of Europe’s commitment to preserving the presumed innocence of Africans. The ban on Africans’ consumption of European liquor fostered and sustained racial “social distance” between the colonised Africans and European colonisers.

The socio-political landscape began to change after the second world war. Neoliberal capitalism was becoming dominant in Africa. Multinational breweries took command of the market through advertisements, propaganda, and networking with government agencies to subdue home-made brews.

It was also a time of growing political awareness by a now sizeable educated African elite. A case in point is the mid-1940s boycott of traditional brews by African elites in Nairobi and in Dar es Salaam, agitating for access to bottled beer.

The prohibition of Africans’ consumption of bottled beer, wines and spirits in Kenya was lifted at the end of 1947. The end of the prohibition marked the beginning of condemnation, criminalisation and vicious attacks on the indigenous African alcohol industry.

Successive governments and religious groups opposed these brews directly. Multinational breweries also targeted them indirectly.

In the emerging propaganda narratives, bottled beer was presented as the consumers’ mark of civilisation, patriotism and respectability. Kenyan media, through popular advertisements, touted the notion of bottled beer as a mark of “good citizenship”.

Consumers of traditional home-made brew were identified as unrespectable, unpatriotic.

My recent research examined three novelistic portrayals of “respectable” alcohol consumption in Kenya. Meja Mwangi’s Going Down River Road (1976) and The Cockroach Dance (1979), and Charles Mangua’s Son of a Woman (1971), highlight urban class imaginaries that emerge from alcohol indulgences at the time.

Based on the analysis of the themes in these novels, I conclude that the Kenyan state’s war against traditional brews was a psychological war driven by a colonial mentality of African barbarism. State operatives’ attempts to wipe out traditional brews, their brewers and patrons sought to create the impression that Kenya was now a civilised country that consumed European liquors.

Novelistic portrayals of alcohol consumption

The novelistic representations of alcohol consumption are set in the 1970s. This was a time when Africans were emerging from a highly racialised atmosphere that was the Kenyan colony. The African elites at that time were attempting to adjust to the prevalent notions of respectability. They desired co-option in the colonial order, which they believed was the epitome of civilisation and modernity.

The consumption of bottled beer was one of the available illusory affirmations of European civilisation. Going Down River Road foregrounds clubs in the inner city: Karara Centre, The Capricorn, Small World, Eden Garden. Through these drinking centres, the novelist paints a picture of Nairobi’s 1970s economic disintegration mostly experienced by the city’s marginalised low-income population.

Patrons in Karara Centre admire bottled alcohol adverts on the centre’s walls. The owner sells African brews but displays adverts for Johnnie Walker, pilsner and Scotch whisky. Empty bottles of the European brands are displayed on the counter to reinforce the colonial hype of the superiority of European alcohols.

James, a civil servant, drifts to Karara Centre when broke. He reminds the regular patrons of the home-made alcohol that he is a patriot who builds the nation. That is, he regularly drinks bottled beer. Such sentiments reflect the power of adverts in the construction of a people’s identities.

On payday, Ocholla and Ben abandon Karara Centre for The Capricorn, a club that sells bottled beer. There, they imagine themselves to be in an advanced, modern joint, and among the respectable. But this lasts for only one day before they slip back to Karara Centre, their dependable base.

What we note here is that the colonial histories of bottled beer coupled with the advertisements contribute to a sense of inadequacy among the underdogs who aspire to be among the “civilised” through consumption of bottled beer in “modern, advanced” joints yet cannot afford it.

But in The Cockroach Dance, Meja Mwangi upsets the neoliberal capitalist posturings regarding bottled beer. While the adverts insist on bottled beer being a lubricant for lasting friendships and patriotism, events in the novel highlight the revolutionary savagery of alcohol.

Duzman Gonzaga and Toto, key characters in the novel, partake of bottled beer. Their experiences in various bottled beer joints reveal that the spaces are chaotic. After consuming the alcohol, patrons engage in violent rampages against their neighbours. Essentially, the novel demonstrates that bottled beer is not the hallmark of modernity and orderly development.

My analysis of the novels reveals that the claim that bottled beer was a mark of respectability was merely a marketing strategy. The strategy fed into the neoliberal capitalist interests of the multinational brewing and distillery giants, distributors and retailers. Consequently, traditional home-made alcohols’ criminalisation and condemnation features here as misplaced aggression.

Colonial doctrine against African brews

The sale of home-made brews in informal urban settings is sometimes treated as an act of terrorism against the state. Indeed, distilled home-made alcohol known as chang’aa has caused the deaths of an alarming number of its consumers in recent years. Laboratory tests reveal the brewers’ use of dangerous additives such as industrial methanol.

In February 2024, state operatives led by the country’s deputy president embarked on rounding up and destroying the alcohol and distillation equipment in various places. Despite crackdowns such as these, the sale and distribution continues.

The political elites’ war against the African indigenous brewery industry reveals their colonial anxiety – their own fears of regressing to barbarism.

Alcohol history in Kenya played a crucial role in the making of postmodern identities in the country. Colonial condemnation of African brews as emblematic of regression to African barbarism swayed the African psyche. The African elites who aspired to belong to a progressive postmodern world quickly learnt the colonial doctrine of condemning African brews.

The Kenyan state’s anxieties against home-made alcohol are mainly rooted in respectability politics.

Wafula Yenjela conducts research as a research fellow affiliated with the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa.

– ref. Kenya’s war on traditional alcohol: a colonial hangover about what it means to be ‘civilised’ – https://theconversation.com/kenyas-war-on-traditional-alcohol-a-colonial-hangover-about-what-it-means-to-be-civilised-281377

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By David Comas, Full Professor, Universitat Pompeu Fabra; Instituto de Biología Evolutiva (IBE – CSIC – UPF)

Sudan lies at the crossroads of Africa and the Middle East. It has played a key role in human demographic movements, reflected in the diversity of its cultures and languages. Although much of the country is arid, the Nile River has long acted as a corridor for trade, facilitating human migration through the region for thousands of years.

This makes Sudan a valuable place to study human genetic diversity and evolutionary history, which has important implications for understanding population-specific adaptation and health.

The Copts are a population that migrated from Egypt from the 7th century and mixed with populations in neighbouring regions, but also remained somewhat isolated. Copts are historically distinguished by their Christian faith and their language. In Sudan their numbers are estimated to be in the hundreds of thousands.

As a group of evolutionary biologists we conducted a genomic study to understand the complex demographic history and identify signals of adaptive selection among Sudanese people. Our research is the first whole-genome sequencing study carried out in Sudan. This is a method scientists use to read and analyse a person’s complete DNA, the full set of genetic instructions, to understand traits, ancestry and disease risk.

Our research covered a total of 125 individuals from five population groups, defined by their language and cultural identity, known as ethnicity.

We found that Sudanese Copts showed unusually high resistance to Plasmodium vivax, the most geographically widespread malaria-causing parasite. This protection comes from a genetic variant they acquired after mixing with local Nilo-Saharan people.

Similar examples of recent adaptation to malaria after population mixing have previously been reported in Madagascar, Cabo Verde and Pakistan. But this is the first time such a process has been documented within mainland Africa itself.

The selection signal observed in Sudanese Copts is among the strongest ever detected in humans.

These findings show that strong natural selection can reshape the human genome very rapidly and that recent demographic history is crucial for understanding present-day genetic patterns. These can help explain differences in disease susceptibility across populations, informing medical research and public health strategies.

Human migrations in the region

The expansion of Arabic-speaking people in north Africa started in 639 CE in Egypt and gradually moved southward. It intensified between the 10th and 11th centuries with the migration of Bedouin groups into north Africa and Nubia. By the 16th century, the spread of Arab culture and Islamic faith contributed to the collapse of the last Christian kingdoms in the region.

But some populations remained in more isolated areas and preserved their own languages and cultural traditions. These include Nilo-Saharan-speaking groups in Darfur, around the Jebel Marra mountains, and Kordofanian speakers from the Nuba Mountains.

These mountainous regions also acted as partial genetic barriers. They limited interactions with surrounding populations. Today these populations show little or no genetic influence from the Arab expansion.

Our study confirms this pattern reported in previous studies. With the use of whole-genome sequencing data, our findings further strengthen this insight.

Adaptive selection to malaria protection

Our study indicates that around 1,000-1,500 years ago, the ancestors of Sudanese Copts intermarried with local Nilo-Saharan groups. The geographical barrier is not applied for all Nilo-Saharan speaking groups, only for those from Darfur. Copts could have admixed with other groups with a Nilo-Saharan origin but living in a more accessible area. The individuals from Darfur are the group in our dataset that better represent these ancestors, but that does not mean they are their direct ancestors. Through this mixing, they acquired the Duffy-null allele. This is a genetic variant (one of the different versions of a gene) that is widespread in Africa south of the Sahara.

This allele is a classic example of natural selection in humans, showing strong geographic differentiation between African populations and the rest of the world. The Duffy-null allele prevents the expression of the ACKR1 receptor, a protein found on red blood cells, used by P. vivax to enter and infect these cells.

Individuals who have inherited the allele lack this receptor and are therefore protected against this form of malaria.

Because the Duffy-null allele is rare among north African and Middle Eastern groups, it would not be expected to be prevalent in Copts. However, our findings show that about 89% of Sudanese Copts carry it.

Our study shows that after admixture with local populations, the variant was introduced into the Coptic population. Natural selection meant it was passed down through generations and became more common.

Having the allele gave people a survival advantage in a malaria area. Sudan reported over half million cases of P. vivax malaria in 2017. There is little or no information on regional variation, but the presence of the adaptive variant in Darfur does not necessarily mean adaptation occurred there.

This provides a clear example of a genetic population adapting to disease, occurring within the past 1,500 years.

Fixing Africa’s under-representation

Our study also identified more than one million previously unknown genetic variants, over 1,500 of which may affect genes and their functions. This highlights a major gap in global genomic databases. These are still heavily biased towards people of European ancestry, although Africa harbours the greatest genetic diversity. North Africa, in particular, has often been overlooked.

It’s important to know more about the genetic heritage of different populations because, as the Coptic resistance to malaria shows, it can guide medical research and help understand human evolution better.

Although whole-genome sequencing has transformed the study of human health and disease, truly global representation remains essential. Africa, as the birthplace of modern humans, harbours the greatest genetic diversity on Earth and should therefore be a top priority for genomic research.

This study fills important gaps in our understanding of Sudan’s and Africa’s demographic histories and increases diversity in global genetic datasets. It also shows the importance of including recently mixed populations to obtain a fuller picture of human evolution.

Hisham Y. Hassan was a co-author on the article.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. In Sudan, a migrant community reveals a resistance to malaria: the genetic study helping shape medicine – https://theconversation.com/in-sudan-a-migrant-community-reveals-a-resistance-to-malaria-the-genetic-study-helping-shape-medicine-278806

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Pape Abdoulaye Seck, chercheur, Académie nationale des sciences et techniques du Sénégal (ANSTS)

Agriculture is the lifeblood of Africa. More than 60% of African households depend directly or indirectly on the land for their livelihoods. And the continent has nearly 60% of the world’s uncultivated arable land.

Farming is a fragile sector, however. It has to deal with climate change, market volatility, weak infrastructure and demographic pressure. Addressing these challenges requires political commitment and investment. It also requires science, innovation and high-quality research.

I have been involved in scientific research, particularly agricultural research, for more than four decades. My roles have included researcher, member of multiple science academies, director general of the Africa Rice Center/CGIAR, and Senegal’s minister in charge of agricultural research.

Throughout these years, one criticism has repeatedly surfaced: agricultural research is often perceived as expensive while delivering little for people. This perception is widely shared and frequently echoed in political and media debates.

Based on my experience, I believe the criticism rests on a questionable assumption: that the impact of science depends exclusively on those who produce it. When innovations fail to change the world, scientists themselves are often presented as the culprits.

The reality is far more complex. The history of agricultural transformation across the world shows that research alone never changes societies. Impact follows when an agricultural ecosystem effectively connects science to producers, markets, finance, institutions and public policy.

International institutions have highlighted the difficulties many developing countries face in turning scientific knowledge into development. The reasons include weak innovation ecosystems, too little infrastructure and limited institutional coordination.

An example of what success looks like is the Green Revolution in Asia. Scientific breakthroughs improved wheat and rice varieties which transformed agriculture. It was not simply because the science was strong. There were other factors too. They included governments investing in irrigation, extension services, rural infrastructure, credit systems and market organisation.

In India and Vietnam, for example, science operated within a coherent system linking researchers, farmers, institutions and markets.

Science generates knowledge, informs policies, stimulates innovation and opens new possibilities. But it does not change societies on its own.

The missing parts

Recent decades have brought advances on a number of fronts. In seeds, irrigation, soil fertility management, climate adaptation, biotechnology, digital agriculture, agroecology and sustainable food systems.

African researchers, universities and international agricultural research centres have contributed enormously to this progress.

Rwanda and Ethiopia provide useful examples of how coordinated ecosystems can speed up change. In both, stronger links between research, extension systems, public investment and farmer support mechanisms have made a difference. They have contributed to faster uptake of new technologies. And they have led to productivity gains in several strategic crops such as maize, rice, cassava, beans and soybeans.

Another example is rice. During my years at AfricaRice, I saw major scientific advances in rice research. This included the development of New Rice for Africa varieties.
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These resulted from years of scientific work combining the high productivity potential of Asian rice with the resilience of African rice, particularly its tolerance to drought, poor soils and local climatic stresses. It wasn’t easy, because the two rice species are genetically distant.

Farmers quickly took up the new varieties. Farmer incomes and food production improved in countries where governments, seed systems, extension services and development partners worked together. In Uganda, Guinea and several west African countries, coordinated programmes helped accelerate adoption among smallholder farmers.

These examples show that effective agricultural innovation will only be adopted and scaled if several conditions are met together. These include:

• access to inputs and technologies

• accessible financing

• efficient extension services

• functioning infrastructure

• organised markets

• coherent, predictable public policies.

Without these conditions, innovations often remain confined to research stations, pilot projects or scientific publications. Where seed systems, rural financing or market organisation are weak, good science makes little difference.

In several African countries, farmers aren’t using improved seed varieties because they can’t get certified seeds at scale. Likewise, promising innovations in irrigation, post-harvest technologies or digital agriculture have struggled because of weaknesses in infrastructure, rural credit or institutional coordination.

What’s needed

Debates on agricultural research in Africa must go beyond simplistic criticism. Agricultural research should not be viewed as a cost. Rather it is a strategic investment in food security, economic sovereignty, environmental sustainability, public health, social stability and human dignity.

Blaming science for lacking impact masks the weaknesses of broader development systems.

As Africa faces the defining challenge of the 21st century – feeding its population without destroying the planet – it would be a mistake to weaken scientific research. The continent must instead strengthen alliances between science, policy, finance, private sector actors, farmers, universities and civil society.

Across Africa, emerging innovation platforms show that when these actors work together, scientific advances can create tangible economic and social change. The challenge now is to broaden this beyond isolated successes.

In the end, the impact of science is a collective responsibility.

And science can only change the world when societies decide to give it the means to do so.

Pape Abdoulaye Seck served as director general of the Africa Rice Center/CGIAR and was Senegal’s minister in charge of agricultural research.

– ref. Agriculture in Africa: science and research can’t make an impact without investment and good policies – https://theconversation.com/agriculture-in-africa-science-and-research-cant-make-an-impact-without-investment-and-good-policies-282430

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Moses Ngware, Senior Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

Many countries across Africa have embraced universal basic education policies in recent decades. But recent data has revealed that more than 100 million children and adolescents remain out of school, out of a total potential population of 469 million. The latest statistics suggest that after some years of progress, the situation is deteriorating. Education and youth empowerment scholar Moses Ngware and his co-researchers recently carried out an analysis of trends going back 25 years. Their main findings are set out below.

What are the school attendance trends in Africa across all age groups?

In 2000, the number of out-of-school children in primary school, lower secondary and upper secondary was above 100 million. It was down to about 90 million in 2014, and then up again to 100 million by 2025.

Viewed against Africa’s high population growth of above 2.5%, these absolute numbers suggest that school participation is not keeping pace.

Nevertheless, between 2000 and 2024, the proportion of out-of-school children and adolescents declined at all education levels. It fell from 37% to 20% for primary schools; from 47% to 35% for lower secondary and from 56% to 47% for upper secondary school-age children. This is despite the absolute numbers of out-of-school children remaining high.

Countries that showed greatest improvement included Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guinea, Madagascar and Mozambique. Improvements were driven by at least two main factors. First, targeted policy responses that enabled them to achieve good coverage in a short time. Second, a strong political will combined with a multi-sectoral approach. The approaches included combining conditional cash transfers for households, food supplies, expanding access to schools and implementing universal education policies that reduce cost of schooling for households.

On the other hand, there are countries that made little or no progress. They include Angola, Cape Verde, Lesotho, South Sudan and Zimbabwe. The main drivers of the low progress are:

• political instability, as seen in South Sudan

• poor economic performance, as witnessed in Zimbabwe

• the high opportunity cost of schooling, as seen in Lesotho, where boys drop out due to poverty related coping mechanisms, including herding cattle, with only one in every five boys completing grade 12.

What are the notable changes in recent years?

In the past five years, we have seen a steady increase in absolute numbers of out-of-school children and adolescents from 95 million to 100 million, with an average of about 1 million children either not transitioning from primary to secondary school or leaving school or not joining school at all.

There are two main drivers of such a trend. First, finance – the fizzling effect of the universal basic education subsidies of the early 2000s. These subsidies made basic education affordable to many households. Of the 42 African countries with free education in their policies, only three were in a position to offer free schooling in 2025. Donor funding of education by multilateral organisations has also been reduced, with education aid in Africa declining by 7% in 2024. Second, the negative impact of COVID-19, with about 10 million who left school due to the lockdowns never to return, for various reasons, including forced marriages among girls and child labour for boys.

Across all the schooling levels, higher than before rates of out-of-school children and adolescents were observed in the Sahel region, in Central African Republic, Chad, Mauritania and northern Nigeria. These countries or regions are characterised by politically motivated violence, harsh climatic changes and a history of low school participation.

Why is school completion important for societies?

The main benefits to societies of school completion include transition to decent work, girls’ empowerment, and improved health outcomes. An additional year of schooling increases an individual’s lifetime earnings by about 10% on average, with a potential to increase an individual’s purchasing power. Such benefits can also trickle down to households through providing household financial stability and enhanced family support.

For girls, school completion is critical for participation in decision making at societal level. Research shows that a woman’s power to make decisions, such as education for her children or where to invest, increases with education attainment. This has a bearing on economic independence and gender equity within the society.

Furthermore, and related to these two benefits, children of mothers who have completed secondary education have a 45% lower under-3 mortality rate. This implies that such children have about half the risk of death before age 3 compared to those born to mothers with no education.

What are the gender dynamics?

By 2025, the proportion of males that were out of school, at 51%, was only slightly higher than that of females. However, the out-of-school female rate was on the rise – up by two percentage points in 10 years.

If this growth continues, then the proportion of out-of-school females will overtake that of males in the coming years. This will compound the vulnerabilities disadvantaged girls face in their schooling journey and transition to work.

In addition, the gains made in the last three decades in closing gender gaps in education will be eroded. Eroding the gains made in education has severe consequences, especially for girls. For instance, we are likely to see an increase in females getting married much earlier, and child bearing among adolescents may also increase.

What lessons can we learn from the better-placed countries?

There are a number of important lessons to be learnt from countries that have lowered the number of out-of-school children and adolescents.

First, Algeria, Ghana, Kenya and Rwanda have relied on a strong national policy framework backed by political good will, high-level central coordination and donor-partner support.

Second is the importance of targeted social support such as school feeding and conditional cash transfers. Close evaluations using hard data are needed.

Third is the elimination of significant direct fees or levies at basic education level, with timely financial disbursements and school supplies.

Fourth is the lesson that affirmative action for vulnerable populations is an invaluable investment. These populations include disadvantaged girls, children from remote rural areas, children with disabilities, and children from poor households.

Finally, there are other interventions that can add value depending on the context. These include reducing travel distance through expanding infrastructure, and flexible school entry, such as late entry to improve participation. Another is catch-up programmes, which means accelerating progression to recover lost time and learning.

Moses Ngware receives funding from.

African Population and Health Research Center (APHRC)

– ref. 100 million African children are not in school. What’s driving the trend and how to reverse it – https://theconversation.com/100-million-african-children-are-not-in-school-whats-driving-the-trend-and-how-to-reverse-it-280637

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Steve Lindsay, Emeritus professor, Durham University

Malaria, diarrhoea and pneumonia are preventable childhood diseases that are major causes of death in young children. They’re transmitted largely in and around the home, where children spend most of their time.

For example, around 80% of malaria transmission in Africa occurs when people are bitten by malarial mosquitoes indoors at night. Diarrhoea results usually from food and water that’s been contaminated by faeces. It can also be spread through poor hygiene. Pneumonia is spread through overcrowding and poor ventilation, and is exacerbated by indoor air pollution.

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Read more:
Africa needs 50 million new homes, but building is bad for the environment: how to finance ‘green’ solutions

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We are an international group of specialists from different fields including architecture, communications, global health, medical anthropology, public health entomology, engineering and statistics.

To see if it might be possible for a newly designed house to help prevent malaria, pneumonia and diarrhoea in children, one of us (Danish architect Jakob Knudsen) came up with a new design. We called it the Star home.

This house costs 24% less in materials than a conventional single-storey cement-block house. It also uses 73% less concrete, and generates 57% less embodied carbon (the amount of carbon emissions released from the time raw materials are turned into building materials for the house to the end of the home’s life). Our analysis revealed a fourfold return on investment over 50 years once health, water, cooling and energy savings are accounted for.

The features of the Star home are:

• Double-storey buildings. Bedrooms are positioned on the upper floor, away from mosquitoes, which are most abundant at ground level.

• Cross-ventilation, where air passes across the room. We increased ventilation inside the home by using walls made of shade net, instead of solid walls. These also cooled sleeping areas and deterred mosquitoes from entering the room.

• Mosquito screens on doors and windows. These screens keep malaria mosquitoes and flies out.

• Self-closing doors. These minimise the entry of mosquitoes and flies.

• Clean water harvesting, improved pit latrines and improved cooking stoves.

We put the Star home through a three year, peer-reviewed trial to see if it could reduce malaria, diarrhoea and pneumonia among children.

Our findings were startling: After three years, children living in the Star homes had 44% less clinical malaria, 30% less diarrhoea and 18% less pneumonia than those living in traditional houses.

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Read more:
Nigeria has Africa’s highest malaria death rate – progress is being made, but it’s not enough

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Because they were protected from three serious illnesses, their overall health improved and the children grew taller than children living in traditional houses.

Our study also demonstrated that the new, comfortable Star house has a lower carbon footprint than the cement-block houses that are currently built in sub-Saharan Africa. Put simply, we used less energy to build a Star home than is used in building a typical cement house constructed in a village.

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Read more:
Health risks at home: a study in six African countries shows how healthy housing saves children’s lives

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We also found that passive cooling in the Star home made the home more comfortable in hot weather even though it did not have air conditioning, which consumes energy.

Our study demonstrates that small improvements in design are likely to make a major health impact on the lives of children in Africa.

The ground work

We first set about understanding how the pathogens causing the three diseases spread in and around the home.

Malaria: How mosquitoes enter houses has been the subject of research for decades.
Research shows that they find people mainly by smell. From far away, they follow the carbon dioxide humans breathe out, and when they get closer, they are guided by smells produced by bacteria on human skin.

Diarrhoea: Houses with a regular supply of clean water, clean food preparation areas, fly-proof latrines and kitchens can help reduce the spread of this disease.

Pneumonia: This is spread through air-borne pathogens and is made worse by smoke-filled kitchens which damage the lungs.

We then developed the Star homes and tested whether they were healthier by carrying out a randomised controlled trial in southern Tanzania, an area with high levels of malaria.

In the trials, we recruited children under 13 years of age and randomly allocated them to 110 Star homes and 513 traditional mud and thatched-roof houses.

These children were followed weekly for signs of illness for three years and the data from the clinical trial were analysed.

Africa’s housing boom: a chance to build healthier homes

Africa’s population is the most rapidly expanding in the world, with the current population of 1.5 billion people expected to increase to 2.7-3.7 billion by 2070.

Hundreds of millions of new homes will need to be constructed soon.

There has never been a better time to build healthier homes on the continent. Improvements in rural housing are increasing at a fast pace.

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Read more:
Building Zambian homes with local materials delivers benefits that imports don’t: study

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Governments can take a number of steps to help. For example, they can facilitate the construction of better rural homes by assuring ownership rights (titles). These are essential for homeowners who want to apply for loans to carry out healthy home improvements. Governments could also reduce import taxes on fly screening, and provide advice and support for the construction of healthy homes.

We hope that this study will stimulate further innovation by people working in the built environment who could collaborate with local communities to construct healthier homes for rural people in low- and middle-income countries. Simple improvements in housing can have profound impacts on improving public health.

(About our team: Salum Mshamu, a Tanzanian scientist, carried out trials on the Star home as part of his PhD studies at Oxford University. Jakob Knudsen has been designing healthy and cooler homes in the tropics, particularly in Tanzania, for over 30 years. Lorenz von Seidlein is a paediatric clinician who has studied the epidemiology and control of childhood infections, principally malaria, in different parts of the tropics. Steve Lindsay has over 40 years of experience working on the control of mosquitoes and flies, including running clinical trials of housing interventions.)

Emeritus Professor Steve Lindsay receives funding from Hanako Foundation, Singapore, BBSRC GCRF Network Grant (BB/R00532X/1) and Sir Halley Stewart Trust.

The Royal Danish Academy / Jakob Brandtberg Knudsen receives funding from Hanako Foundation for the Star Homes Project

The Star Homes project has been funded by the Hanako Foundation, Singapore.

Salum Ahmed Mshamu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Better-designed homes could cut three major child diseases by up to 44% – Tanzania trial – https://theconversation.com/better-designed-homes-could-cut-three-major-child-diseases-by-up-to-44-tanzania-trial-281890

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Michele Ramsay, Director of the Sydney Brenner Institute for Molecular Bioscience, Professor in the Division of Human Genetics, University of the Witwatersrand

Throughout history, most of the world’s genomic research has relied on DNA data from people of European ancestry.

A genome is the full DNA code of about three billion (a thousand million) bases, including all the chromosomes. Each person has two genomes: one from their mother and the other from their father.

Well resourced environments favour European-based research generating hundreds of thousands of whole human genomes with associated health data. Yet modern humans, our species, evolved on the African continent. African populations therefore contain the deepest branches of human genetic history and the greatest genetic diversity on the planet. Yet the continent remains strikingly underrepresented in global genomic databases.

The African continent is populated by people from over 2,000 ethnolinguistic groups, yet genetic data exist for fewer than a hundred groups. This is akin to having a GPS map of a city with only 5% of the streets marked and the rest left blank.

This bias has profoundly shaped modern medicine, from disease prediction tools to ancestry testing. And it’s why researchers increasingly recognise that studying African genomes has the potential to reveal insights and health-related biological pathways never observed before.

As a team of researchers we were involved in identifying under-represented groups in nine African countries for human whole-genome sequencing. Our multidisciplinary team involved in the Assessing Genetic Diversity in Africa project (AGenDA) has worked out ethical ways to obtain, record and share genetic material and to add to global databases.

The AGenDA dataset alone is expected to uncover millions of previously unknown genetic variants and analyses are underway. These discoveries will inform research into diseases that affect populations in African and worldwide. They include diabetes, heart disease, cancer and neurological or mental health conditions.

This is only a first step. Capturing the full scope of African genomic diversity will require hundreds of thousands of genomes. The project aims to bridge some of the most obvious gaps rather than fully map the continent’s diversity.

But expanding African genomic data is not only important for Africa. It will strengthen global biomedical science.

What it takes

Modern genomic science relies on large databases of DNA sequences to understand disease risk, ancestry and human evolution. These databases underpin a wide range of scientific and medical tools. They are used in medical research, disease prediction, drug development, ancestry testing and increasingly in artificial intelligence models that analyse health data.

When a population is absent from a reference database, a library of whole genome sequences, science simply cannot detect it. Genetic algorithms work by comparing individuals to reference populations. In the absence of a specific reference population, the algorithms will assign the closest available match.

This problem becomes particularly visible in ancestry testing. This is a form of genetic testing often used to learn more about biological heritage. Because African reference data remain incomplete, people with African ancestry may receive vague or misleading results about their origins.

Without more African genomic data the assignment of specific ancestry may be incorrect. In addition, disease risk predictions would be misleading. For example it has been shown that standard doses for medications like warfarin (a blood thinner) or efavirenz (an HIV medication) could be ineffective or toxic for people who harbour specific variants that are more common in African populations.

Prior knowledge of the distribution of such variants in a population could be key to deciding the suitability of a drug for patients from that population.

Filling some of the gaps

The AGenDA project was designed to begin addressing some of the gaps in genome data and African representation. This project involved large multi-country scientific collaborations across the continent. It also required co-ordinating research across multiple ethics committees, regulatory frameworks and institutions. Scientists collaborated with research partners in Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Libya, Mauritius, Rwanda, Tunisia and Zimbabwe.

The aim was not simply to increase the number of African genomes in global databases. Instead, the team carefully selected populations to address major geographic and ethnolinguistic gaps in genomic data.

But generating large genomic databases requires careful community engagement and consent from participants to share their data. Biological samples for DNA extraction must be collected and the sequencing performed one base at a time.

We therefore built community engagement and culturally appropriate consent processes into the project from the beginning.

More than 1,000 whole genomes were sequenced from communities that had rarely been included in previous genetic studies. These included:

• hunter-gatherer populations

• Nilo-Saharan-speaking communities

• Afro-Asiatic speakers

• understudied Bantu-speaking populations

• communities from north Africa and the Indian Ocean islands.

Selecting samples required careful consideration of what African diversity actually represents.

Genetic diversity does not map neatly onto modern national borders. Instead, researchers considered a range of additional factors. These included:

• poorly represented geographic regions in genomic databases

• major ancestral population histories

• languages spoken and self-identified ethnic groups

• recent patterns of migration.

In some cases, neighbouring communities may appear close due to geographic proximity but have distinct genetic histories that reflect population separations thousands of years ago.

Why studying African genomes benefits science everywhere

African genomes contain more genetic variation than populations on any other continent. This diversity provides a powerful resource for scientific discovery. When researchers study more diverse populations they are better able to achieve a number of things.

Firstly, they can identify new genetic variants.

Secondl,y they can investigate evolutionary forces, like natural selection, that have shaped the genomes of people in different parts of the world.

And thirdly, they can pinpoint variants that influence health and disease.

More inclusive genomic datasets are also essential as genomics becomes integrated with artificial intelligence systems that analyse medical data and predict health outcomes. Future medical technologies could be biased to work best for whoever is represented in the data.

Ultimately, expanding African genomic representation will help ensure that the benefits of genomic medicine are shared more equitably. At the same time, it will improve the accuracy and depth of understanding in global genetic science.

Michele Ramsay is the South African Research Chair in Genomics and Bioinformatics of African populations. Funding for this work was from the National Institutes of Health (USA) and it was done in partnership with Illumina.

Ananyo Choudhury receives funding from the National Institutes of Health, USA, the South African Medical Research Council, and the Science for Africa Foundation

– ref. Africa has the world’s greatest genetic diversity, yet it’s missing from research: we’re filling the gap – https://theconversation.com/africa-has-the-worlds-greatest-genetic-diversity-yet-its-missing-from-research-were-filling-the-gap-278809

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Janet Appiah Osei, Research Fellow, African Research Universities Alliance (ARUA), University of Ghana

Every morning in Accra, Ghana’s capital, thousands of commuters sit in traffic while minibuses and taxis compete for limited road space.

More than 70% of Ghanaians rely on informal public transport, predominantly minibuses (trotros) and taxis, for their daily mobility. About 84% of passenger trips in Accra are made using these modes (a 2017 estimate). Precise counts of vehicles are not available due to the informal nature of the sector, but thousands of taxis and trotros are active on Accra’s roads each day.

Despite the constant movement, the traffic’s progress is slow. Ghana’s cities are moving, but not efficiently.

Taxi and minibus services are essential. They provide flexible, relatively affordable mobility and reach areas that formal systems do not. For millions of people, they are the backbone of daily travel.

Yet surprisingly little is known about their diversity and characteristics.

I research how urban transport systems can be made more efficient and climate-friendly, particularly in rapidly growing cities where there are mobility challenges.

In my recent study of commercial vehicle models in Ghana’s urban transport system, I identified 52 different types of taxis and trotros currently in operation. This diversity reflects a system shaped more by market demand than by coordinated, large-scale planning.

My findings show a highly diverse fleet structure, with differences in vehicle capacity and service patterns across the fleet. There’s a strong reliance on conventional fuels and older vehicles. These patterns suggest a fleet that has developed gradually over time, rather than through deliberate and structured modernisation. The result is traffic congestion, higher fuel consumption and increased emissions.

I argue that a more structured approach to urban transport could allow cities to move more people with fewer vehicles, reduce overlapping low-occupancy trips, and improve fleet regulation and planning.

Why efficiency is a growing problem

Most taxis, which are typically sedan cars, carry only a few passengers per trip and operate over short distances. Trotros seating about 10-20 people carry more passengers and travel longer routes. But they still fall short of the capacity offered by larger buses used for mass transit, which can carry 50 or more passengers per trip.

This means more vehicles are required to move the same number of passengers.

In Accra alone, roughly one million passenger trips are made daily using these modes. As demand increases, the system responds by adding more vehicles, not by increasing capacity per vehicle.

This pattern is evident in the the city’s rapid motorisation: vehicle ownership rose from about 40 per 1,000 people in 1990 to 260 per 1,000 in 2015. This highlights how growing mobility demand has largely been met through more vehicles on the road, rather than through more efficient, higher-capacity transport.

The result is growing congestion, longer travel times and increasing pressure on already limited road infrastructure.

For commuters, this means more time spent in traffic. For cities, it means declining transport efficiency.

Environmental costs of low-capacity transport

The dominance of low-occupancy vehicles also affects the environment.

Vehicles that carry fewer passengers generally consume more fuel and generate higher emissions per passenger-kilometre compared to higher-capacity modes of transport. For example, one study on urban transport found that transit buses can reduce emissions by 82%-94% relative to sedan cars.

The cumulative effect of a large fleet of low-occupancy vehicles in Accra contributes to higher overall fuel consumption and increased urban emissions.

Expanding and strengthening high-capacity public transport systems is not only a transport issue, but also an environmental one.

Economic implications for cities and commuters

Inefficiency in transport systems has direct economic consequences.

Higher fuel consumption increases operating costs for drivers, which can eventually translate into higher fares. Congestion slows down the movement of people and goods, reducing productivity and increasing the cost of doing business in urban areas.

Efficient transport systems support economic growth by improving reliability and reducing delays. As Ghana’s cities expand, these efficiencies become even more critical.

Why the current system persists

Despite these challenges, taxis and trotros continue to dominate for good reason.

They are flexible, adaptable and responsive to demand. Routes can change quickly, and services can reach areas that formal systems often overlook. The relatively low cost of entry also allows many individuals to participate in the sector.

This flexibility has made the system resilient. But it has also limited large-scale coordination.

The case for high-occupancy transport

Improving urban mobility is not just about increasing the number of vehicles, it is about moving more people with fewer vehicles.

High-occupancy transport systems, particularly Bus Rapid Transit (BRT), a system that uses larger buses operating along dedicated corridors, carry more passengers per trip. A single high-capacity bus can replace multiple taxis or minibuses.

This does not mean eliminating existing transport modes. Taxis and trotros can play a complementary role as feeder services, connecting passengers to main transit routes. This integrated approach combines flexibility with efficiency.

Ghana has already made attempts to introduce BRT systems. But partial implementation has limited their impact. For such systems to succeed, they require dedicated lanes, consistent policy support, and long-term investment.

A critical moment for Ghana’s cities

Urbanisation in Ghana is accelerating. As more people move into cities, demand for transport will continue to rise.

If current trends continue, the number of low-capacity vehicles will increase further, worsening congestion and environmental pressures. Over time, this could reduce the overall effectiveness of urban transport systems.

Ghana now faces a choice: continue expanding a vehicle-intensive system, or move towards higher-capacity models that prioritise efficiency and sustainability.

What needs to change

Addressing these challenges requires coordinated policy action.

Transport planning must move beyond reactive, market-driven growth, towards long-term system design. This includes integrating informal transport operators into structured frameworks while investing in infrastructure that supports high-capacity movement.

In my view, priorities should include:

• full implementation of Bus Rapid Transit systems with dedicated lanes

• investment in high-capacity buses and supporting infrastructure

• integration of informal operators into formal planning systems

• gradual reduction of low-occupancy vehicles along major corridors

• stronger institutional coordination and long-term planning.

These steps can help create a more flexible and efficient, balanced system.

The future of Ghana’s cities will depend on a simple shift where more people, not more vehicles, are moved.

Janet Appiah Osei received funding from the African Research Alliance Universities (ARUA) in collaboration with the University of Ghana

– ref. Ghana’s transport system is chaotic: how it can move more people with fewer vehicles – research – https://theconversation.com/ghanas-transport-system-is-chaotic-how-it-can-move-more-people-with-fewer-vehicles-research-278810

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Josef Hanekom, Clinical Veterinarian and Lecturer, University of Pretoria

Dogs can be very aggressive towards one another, as many people will have witnessed in public places. But in South Africa aggression between dogs occurs more often in people’s homes.

We, a group of South African veterinary scientists including epidemiologists and a behaviourist at the Faculty of Veterinary Science, University of Pretoria, set out to understand the drivers of dog-on-dog aggression in dog bite patients. One of the reasons for doing this is that international studies rarely represent African settings, yet dog-keeping practices profoundly influence behaviour.

In South Africa, for example, dog ownership is driven by safety concerns and a guard against crime. Typically owners keep multiple dogs, select more aggressive dog breeds and combine large breeds for protection with smaller “alert” dogs meant to raise the alarm.

In a recent paper we examined detailed owner surveys from dogs presented to the veterinary hospital with bite wounds. We have also been drilling down into data based on more than 3,000 dogs that had been treated for dog bite wounds between 2013 and 2024 at the Onderstepoort Veterinary Academic Hospital. We analysed dog fight descriptions and household demographics, looking at the sex, age, breed and sterilisation status of dogs.

Our aim was to provide solid evidence-based and locally relevant prevention strategies to reduce inter-dog aggression, and to identify some risk amelioration strategies for South Africa.

We found that the biggest drivers of dog-on-dog aggression were overcrowded homes, and mismatched dog groups in terms of sex, sterilisation status and size. And that, by and large, dogs had minimal training and early socialisation and were given limited exercise outside the household.

Together, these factors create a household “pressure cooker” for inter-dog conflict.

Unfortunately, once fighting between household dogs occurs, this behaviour usually escalates. It’s often necessary to permanently supervise or separate fighting dogs.

This makes identifying prevention strategies all the more important, as once fighting occurs between two household dogs it is very difficult to curb.

Our findings highlight the importance of selecting compatible dogs, managing home environments and supporting owners with practical, evidence-based advice. Based on our findings we make seven recommendations that could help reduce dog-on-dog violence. These include limiting the number of dogs in a home to two or three, castrating male dogs, making sure there’s a mix of males and females, and not mixing small and large breeds.

What we found

Our research found extensive damage to the dogs that had been bitten:

• 4% had chest or abdominal cavity penetration

• 12% suffered fractures

• 6% resulted in death or euthanasia.

Beyond the welfare concerns for the dogs, this conflict also affected humans in considerable ways. Owners were injured while breaking up the fight in 3.2% of fights. Wounds to the face and hands were reported.

We found that households where fighting occurred owned more dogs (4.1 dogs compared to 3.4 dogs) and had more than one intact male dog.

When we examined patterns in fighting pairs, we identified clear trends: 71% of fights were between dogs of the same sex; 53% occurred between dogs with the same sterilisation status. Conversely, fighting was less common between male and female dogs (29%). The most common pairs were two intact males (25%) or two spayed females (15%).

Intact males were significantly over-represented in fights (38% of fighters vs 12.7% for castrated males). We did not establish causality, but the association is strong.

Female spayed dogs were slightly over-represented: 28% of fighting dogs vs 22% for female intact dogs. Fighting was frequent (12% of reports) when one household dog was in oestrus (on heat).

Fights were more common in dogs older than three years when hierarchy challenges arose. Most injured dogs were small breeds attacked by larger dogs.

Several breeds were over-represented in fighting households. These included boerboels, German shepherd dogs and pitbull terriers. Jack Russell terriers and miniature pinschers were over-represented in dog bite wound patients.

Breeds such as dachshunds, labrador retrievers, miniature schnauzers and toy poodles were less represented in fighting households.

The differences between South Africa and Europe

In Europe, fights occur mostly in public spaces between non-household dogs. Research has been done this on this in the UK, Germany and Czech Republic.

But in South Africa, household dynamics themselves are the central risk factor. In our study 85% of the dog bite wound cases happened at the owner’s home, and 68% involved dogs living in the same household.

Fighting often happened when a dog escaped from the yard or entered another dog’s property.

In several countries like the UK and Germany, leash laws were introducted to reduce dog attacks and fighting. But in our study population this would have a minimal effect on fighting between dogs at this occurs mostly at home.

Other clear differences to previous western studies were that most households in our survey kept 3.4 dogs. In many European studies there were usually fewer than two.

This shows that South African households face unique pressures that shape dog behaviour. Local evidence is essential to prevent fights and improve welfare.

What can owners do?

Keep no more than three dogs in a household. More dogs, more competition = more fighting.

Secondly, castrate all male dogs.

Third, avoid keeping dogs of only one sex. Fighting between same sex pairs was more common.

Fourth, avoid keeping large breed dogs with small breed dogs. Injuries were more common when small breed dogs were bitten by larger breed dogs.

Fifth, avoid keeping boerboels, German shepherds and pitbull terriers in multi-dog households. These breeds were more common in fighting households.

Sixth, Jack Russell terriers and miniature pinschers should be limited to low risk households without large breed dogs. These two breeds were over-represented in dog bite wound patients.

Seventh, maintain dog proof-fencing and control dogs during gate opening and closing. Fighting was often reported when dogs escaped their yard or entered another property.

Josef Hanekom works for the Faculty of Veterinary Science, University of Pretoria.

– ref. South African study reveals most dog fights happen at home – and how best to prevent it – https://theconversation.com/south-african-study-reveals-most-dog-fights-happen-at-home-and-how-best-to-prevent-it-281447

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Elena Moore, Professor of Sociology, University of Cape Town

Botswana’s economy is projected to contract by 0.4% in 2026, driven largely by a slowdown in the diamond sector. Diamonds account for a third of fiscal revenues and a quarter of GDP. This means the government has less money to spend, even before making any policy choices.

At the same time, the government has set about reducing debt as a share of GDP by cutting expenditure to stabilise the economy. This combination is forcing difficult decisions about public spending.

A key one is investment in social protection for older people. Over the past two decades, the number of older persons aged 60+ has doubled to about 279,111 people (roughly 8% of the population). In coming decades, that number is set to rise even more sharply. While this reflects important gains in life expectancy, it also presents a policy challenge: how to support an ageing population in a context of tightening public finances.

We have between us expertise in long term care systems, public financing and budget analysis. Our recent study sought to tackle this question by examining how the Botswana government has funded elder care over the last 20 years.

We also obtained government data to examine how state spending on older people has evolved over time under various social protection measures. These included the old age pension, destitute programme, disability allowance and war veteran’s allowance, as well as care provision through the home-based care programme.

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Read more:
Botswana’s hike of old age pensions hasn’t fixed the problem of who cares for the elderly – new study

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Our final report looks at how spending in 2005 compares to spending in 2024-2025, adjusted for inflation to reflect real changes in today’s value, and how these trends correspond with the growth of the older person population.

The key insight of the new report is that while Botswana has significantly expanded its old age pension system, investment in care services for older people has not kept pace.

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Read more:
Botswana’s hike of old age pensions hasn’t fixed the problem of who cares for the elderly – new study

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The result is a system that provides income support but leaves many without the care they need and an underinvestment in the care economy in Botswana.

A pension success story: at a cost?

Botswana’s old age pension has long been one of the country’s most important social protection programmes. It is universal, meaning all citizens above a certain age qualify, and it has achieved broad reach across both urban and rural areas.

In 2025, the government made two major changes: it lowered the eligibility age from 65 to 60 and increased the monthly benefit.

These reforms have been widely welcomed. For many older people, the pension provides a crucial lifeline, helping to cover food, transport and other basic needs. In a country without unemployment benefits, it often supports entire households, not just individuals.

But this success comes with trade-offs.

The rapid expansion of the pension has absorbed a growing share of the broader social protection budget. This has left less room for other forms of public support, particularly those related to care.

A hidden crisis of care

Ageing is not just about income, it is also about health, disability and the need for care. As people live longer, they are more likely to experience chronic illnesses and multiple health conditions at once. This often leads to increased levels of disability and dependence.

Yet Botswana’s spending patterns suggest that these realities are not being fully addressed.

Pension coverage has expanded. But access to other support programmes has stagnated or even declined. The proportion of older persons receiving the destitute allowance has fallen significantly over the past decade, and disability support reaches only a small fraction of those who need it. While there has been an increase in total spending, there has not been an increase in total spending in real terms per person.

At the same time, spending on community home-based care, a key service that supports older persons in their homes, has decreased in real terms. This is happening despite clear evidence that demand for such services is rising.

Families under pressure

Care for older people in Botswana has traditionally been provided by families. This model is under increasing strain. A previous report on caregiving indicated how the long-term impact of HIV/Aids, combined with migration and rising female employment, has reduced the availability of family caregivers.

Moreover, between 2012 and 2023, female labour force participation increased from 54.9% to 63.4%, meaning fewer women are available to provide full-time care at home.

At the same time, many households face significant economic and infrastructural challenges. Older-people households are often large and multigenerational, yet resources are limited. Nearly half report experiencing food insecurity, and many lack access to basic services such as piped water and sanitation.

In a few isolated cases there are “voluntary” carers supporting older persons. But serious questions remain about their long-term sustainability.

In rural areas, where most older persons live, these challenges are even more pronounced.

Poverty persists despite pensions

Poverty among older people remains a serious concern. Around 11.9% live in extreme poverty, and they are more likely to be poor than any other age group. One reason is that the pension is often stretched across entire households.

At the same time, access to additional assistance is limited. Programmes such as the destitute allowance and disability grant often rely on discretionary assessments by social workers. Many older persons report that these programmes are difficult to access or simply unavailable.

This points to a broader issue: Botswana’s social protection system for older people is becoming increasingly narrow, centred on a single programme while other forms of support fall away.

These challenges are unfolding in a context of fiscal austerity. As the government seeks to reduce deficits and stabilise the economy, public spending is under pressure. But cuts to social services come with risks. Botswana is already one of the most unequal countries in the world. Reductions in social protection and care services are likely to exacerbate these inequalities.

Public services are also under strain. The country faces shortages of healthcare workers and infrastructure. In this context, reducing investment in care could have long-term consequences for both social and economic development.

Rethinking social protection

The current moment calls for a shift in how social protection is understood. Rather than focusing narrowly on pensions, policymakers need to take a broader view, one that includes care as a central component. Investing in care services is not just about meeting immediate needs. It can also create jobs, support households, and contribute to economic growth. Community-based care programmes, disability support, and partnerships with local organisations all offer pathways to strengthen the system.

Across Botswana, community initiatives are already stepping in to fill the gaps. But without stronger public support, these efforts cannot meet the scale of need.

What’s needed is a more balanced approach to spending priorities, one that protects income security while also investing in the public services that enable people to age with dignity.

Elena Moore receives funding from Welcome Trust 225910/Z/22/Z and the International Development Research Centre, Grant No. 110536 – 001

Thokozile Madonko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Pensions for Botswana’s elderly are growing, but care services are lacking – study tracks 20 years – https://theconversation.com/pensions-for-botswanas-elderly-are-growing-but-care-services-are-lacking-study-tracks-20-years-281644

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Frank Gerits, Research Fellow at the University of the Free State, South Africa and Assistant Professor in the History of International Relations, Utrecht University

The 2026 Africa-France summit in Nairobi on May 11-12 is the first to be held in an African country that is not a former French colony. It is also the first to be held since the dramatic collapse of relations between France and a number of west African countries – notably Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

The 2026 summit can be understood as the latest example of President Emmanuel Macron’s new Africa doctrine, which he laid out in Burkina Faso in 2017. The doctrine’s three notable messages were:

• an apology for colonial wrongs

• a neoliberal small-business approach to assistance programmes

• the French resolve to develop new alliances outside French Africa.

In keeping with the new doctrine, the French president hesitantly apologised in 2021 for some aspects of French colonial policy in Algeria. These include the torture and assassination of the Algerian nationalist hero Ali Boumendjel.

But mostly, Macron has looked to strengthen the position of Paris as old alliances were becoming weaker.

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Read more:
France in Africa: why Macron’s policies increased distrust and anger

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He has consciously invested time and effort beyond French west Africa. The official visit to Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, is a case in point.

Right after his election in 2017, France’s development aid agency (AFD) and the Tony Elumelu Foundation signed an agreement in Nigeria to empower a new generation of business leaders. Tony Elumelu Foundation is a Lagos-based non-profit that promotes youth entrepreneurship across Africa.

Macron then promoted entrepreneurship during the New France-Africa Summit in 2021. He sought to inspire the youth of Africa to innovate and set up businesses.

This year’s conference is held under the banner: “Africa Forward: Partnerships between Africa and France for innovation and growth”. The business start-up vibe is no coincidence.

Kenya has also stressed the groundbreaking nature of the meeting for its focus on Africa as a major partner for Europe. Europe is looking for new allies in the midst of a war in Ukraine; and the US is unreliable, with Donald Trump imposing tariffs and questioning the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation.

As a historian of global north-global south relations, I see the meeting less as groundbreaking, and more as a continuation of an older, mutually beneficial relationship between Kenya and France.

Kenya hopes its relationship with France will elevate its influence across Africa, allowing it to rival the diplomatic weight of South Africa, which hosted the G20 summit in November 2025.

By transcending the classic divide between French and British Africa, Nairobi can present itself as a continental leader and as a diplomacy city.

History of the relationship between France and Kenya

The economic and diplomatic relationship goes back to the 1960s and 1970s. Back in September 1970 France sent a little-known legal expert called Jaques Mollet to advise the Kenyan Ministry of Industry and Commerce on the newly-formed East African Community.

France also sought cooperation with institutions of the East African Community such as the East African Development Bank. By becoming a close partner of a newly established regional economic bloc in Africa, in which Nairobi played a pivotal role, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs sought to weaken the British influence of Africa while strengthening its own position within the European Economic Community, now the EU.

Paris somewhat cynically justified its meddling as a way to strengthen continental unity since a French and a British sphere of influence in Africa would lead to unnecessary internal competition between the Commonwealth countries in Africa and Françafrique.

Kenya sought to strengthen its trade relations with France and the EEC in the 1960s. This was partly an attempt to become more independent of the Commonwealth. When negotiating with the EEC in 1963, an east African delegation that included Kenya’s Minister of Labour Tom Mboya stressed that maintaining the East African Common Market was key – not the Commonwealth.

Ruto and Macron’s shared understanding

The similarities between Kenya’s President William Ruto and Macron further strengthen this historical bond between Kenya and France. They share the same diplomatic goals. They are both focusing on climate change funding and security, and they share a preference for neoliberal privatisation as a mode for governance at home and abroad.

Ruto’s election campaign in 2022 touted the “hustler nation” – a focus on enabling small businesses. Macron has acted as a businessman-diplomat abroad, pushing small businesses as a solution for underdevelopment.

It’s no accident therefore that the 2026 summit will host a business forum and talks will focus on the potential benefits of artificial intelligence. AI, climate initiatives and weapons manufacturing, as well as the small-business ventures that have emerged through these priorities, are areas of cooperation and investment between African countries and the former colonial powers. Politicians like to flaunt this.

Part of the reason is that these are yet unproven ventures with no long history of unequal exchange between the two sides. They are natural common ground for two sides seeking a renewed relationship that is less burdened by the dark history of colonial oppression.

Yet France and Kenya’s agreement about the need to address security, climate change and artificial intelligence obscures the fact that both countries often find themselves on opposing sides of these issues.

As the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has shown, African and European leaders do not necessarily share the same analysis of the global security situation. European countries assumed they would get complete support from African countries but only 28 out of 54 African countries voted in favour of a United Nations resolution that condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Kenya abstained.

On issues like climate change and artificial intelligence, France and Kenya again agree on the broad principle that these issues require urgent action, but disagree on the form the action should take.

For instance, climate change has hit Kenya hard. Extended droughts require genuine climate action. At the same time, France and the EU have been talking about loosening climate regulations to address the energy crisis caused by the US war on Iran. This includes easing emission regulations for cars.

The same problem presents itself in relation to the AI economy, which is being championed by France. It is cheap labourers in Kenya that have been doing much of the legwork to keep AI applications going. Large language models and other applications need to be trained and monitored by humans and they are often trained in Kenya’s so-called “AI sweat shops”. Kenyans are doing much of the data labelling and content moderation AI work.

Long term relationship?

In essence, the summit illustrates how climate finance, security and AI are being used to bolster commercial interests in both Africa and France, a strategic attempt to redefine a relationship long shadowed by colonialism.

However, the future of this entrepreneur-led approach remains uncertain. Its success hinges on whether France and Kenya can ensure that the wealth generated by these emerging sectors is distributed broadly, or if it will merely enrich a small circle of tech elites.

Frank Gerits does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why Nairobi Africa-France summit bears the hallmarks of Macron and Ruto priorities – https://theconversation.com/why-nairobi-africa-france-summit-bears-the-hallmarks-of-macron-and-ruto-priorities-282414