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May 1, 2026

War in the Gulf and on US free speech

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor, The Conversation

Brent crude oil surged to US$126 (£94) a barrel after US president Donald Trump announced that he was willing to prolong the blockade of Iranian ports for “months if needed”. This conflict has been billed as a matter of who can absorb the most pain. And Trump is betting on it being the US.

Trump has been rather bullish in his public pronouncements of late, declaring that Iran is in a “state of collapse”. Reports that the country’s inflation rate has risen to 50% from 40% since the war began at the end of February would seem to back this assessment.

The damage done to Iran’s economy will be made worse if the country is forced to shut down oil production due to a lack of storage capacity, something Trump is also confident about. He told Axios: “The blockade is somewhat more effective than the bombing. They are choking like a stuffed pig.”

Now in its eighth week, the conflict is having knock-on effects throughout the region and beyond. Perhaps the most telling sign this week was the announcement by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) that it was quitting Opec, the oil producers’ cartel.

Adi Imsirovic, an energy expert at the University of Oxford, believes that while this decision has been brewing for some time – UAE and Opec’s de facto leader, Saudi Arabia, are at loggerheads over the civil war in Yemen and conflicts in Sudan and across the Horn of Africa. But the war has sharpened political sensibilities across the Gulf. Abu Dhabi has been unhappy about the lack of support from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) after being on the receiving end of intense bombardment from Iran.

Meanwhile, it has chafed under production quotas imposed by the cartel, which it sees as being well short – unfairly so – of its production capacity. When the Strait of Hormuz opens and countries begin to restock their reserves, UAE believes it can cash in on increased demand.

For Imsirovic, the episode reveals something deeper: as the transition by much of the world to retool their economies away from dependence on fossil fuels, big producers like the UAE worry about being left with oil in the ground that nobody wants. Hence the desire to pump out more oil without being constrained by Opec quotas.

Another question inevitably raised by the Middle East conflict and the chokehold that the Strait of Hormuz has over energy markets is why nobody has figured out an alternative route. After all, Iran has been threatening to close the strait whenever threatened since the early 1980s.

The fact is, various countries have figured out an alternative route, writes David B. Roberts of King’s College London; it’s just not big enough to cope. The East-West Pipeline (or Petroline) can pipe oil across the Saudi peninsula at a rate of 5-7 million barrels a day. This compares with an estimated 20 million barrels that transit the Strait of Hormuz in normal times.

A map showing the East-West Pipeline in Saudi Arabia and the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline in the United Arab Emirates. — The East-West Pipeline in Saudi Arabia and the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline in the United Arab Emirates are two crucial Hormuz workarounds.
Peter Hermes Furian / Shutterstock

The Abu Dhabi crude oil pipeline, which takes oil from the Habshan onshore field in Abu Dhabi and runs to Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman handles less than 2 million barrels per day. Both pipelines have been damaged by Iran during the war. And both were operating before the Strait of Hormuz was closed, so the idea that these pipelines can replace the strait is not feasible.

Trump assassination attempt

It was shocking and depressing to read of another apparent attempt on the US president’s life – the third in two years – at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner on Saturday. It was the first of these dinners that Trump had attended since 2011 when he was famously the butt of Barack Obama’s jokes in the by-now familiar comedy “roast” that is traditionally a highlight of the evening.

A man armed with two guns and a knife attempted to enter the ballroom where the dinner was being held, so the principals were evacuated and the dinner broke up in disarray. It later emerged that the would-be assassin had written a “manifesto” in which he revealed his hatred for the US president.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt blamed what she called “hateful and constant and violent rhetoric directed at President Trump”, which she said had “helped to legitimise this violence and bring us to this dark moment”. She pointed the finger at the US Democrats and “some in the media”.

Seeking to link the assassination attempt to political rhetoric is a pretty direct attack on the first amendment to the US constitution, which protects free speech, writes Eliza Bechtold, a US constitutional law expert at the University of Oxford. The Trump administration has a track record of lionising the first amendment when it suits them (the January 6 US Capitol rioters were characterised by some as peaceful protesters exercising first amendment rights). But attacking the media or the Democrats for their criticisms of Trump’s administration is, writes Bechtold, a denial of everything the first amendment was designed to do.

But not everyone in Trump’s Maga movement is now singing from the authorised songbook, writes Clodagh Harrington of the University of Cork. First it was Marjorie Taylor Greene, once a fervent Trump fan in the House of Representatives, now a bitter critic – who jumped ship in 2025, largely due to what she sees as his mishandling of the Epstein files.

More recently, it has been former Fox host Tucker Carlson, who has gone from introducing Trump at election rallies in 2024, to apologising to the US public for “misleading” them into voting for Trump. For Carlson, it’s the Iran war that flies in the face of one of Trump’s core election promises: no new wars.

Mind you, Harrington notes, Carlson’s move may also be dictated by a dream to launch his own presidential run in 2028. A TV personality running for president? Well, it has been known.

– ref. War in the Gulf and on US free speech – https://theconversation.com/war-in-the-gulf-and-on-us-free-speech-281937

May 1, 2026

Turning crisis into a super campaign: Lessons from KitKat

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Farhan Mutaqin, PhD Researcher, University of Edinburgh

For many business owners, managing a crisis in silence is the default response. Companies generally prefer to deal with the fallout behind the scenes, following a simple mantra: resolve the issue and keep up the appearance that everything is “business as usual”.

However, this time, KitKat took a different approach. Instead of keeping it low-key, the brand took the incident public, transforming it into a campaign to engage the audience.

In just a few days, the incident gained worldwide traction on social media and news outlets. Audiences shifted from passive observers to active participants. This potential reputational threat ultimately became a record-breaking campaign with over 100 million views.

This is a prime example of how brands today have shifted from mere crisis management to using unexpected challenges as a way to engage audiences in real time.

What actually happened?

The story began in late March 2026, when a truck carrying over 413,000 KitKat bars — roughly 12 tonnes — disappeared in transit between central Italy and Poland.

The timing was critical. This “unlucky” incident took place only a week before Easter and right as KitKat was debuting as an official Formula 1 partner.

Take their “unique” official statement, for example. It was not your standard, boring corporate press release — it was written with a playful wink. At first, the internet was convinced it was an elaborate marketing stunt or an early April Fool’s joke, but KitKat soon confirmed: this was no prank.

In their statement, KitKat verified the theft and assured the public of product safety, but they did not stop there. By adding that the culprits had exceptional taste, they shifted the tone entirely. It was no longer a PR disaster to be fixed, it was a compelling story waiting to be told.

Working with VML, KitKat launched the Stolen KitKat Tracker, a digital tool where consumers could verify their chocolate’s origins using an eight-digit pack code.

The campaign triggered a massive cultural moment. #KitKatHeist became a trending topic, sparking millions of memes and inviting other major brands to join the conversation.

Rethinking the brand response to disruption

This case highlights the evolution of real-time marketing: the ability to pivot a crisis into a cultural moment. In today’s battle for attention (attention economy), KitKat proves that holding the public’s interest is just as vital as managing the brand’s reputation.

A key factor in the campaign’s effectiveness was direct audience involvement. By using the tracker, consumers moved beyond merely reading about the heist to actively taking part in it — a classic element of gamification. It was a simple but effective approach: it gave people a tangible reason to pick up a KitKat, engage with the brand, and, most importantly, share their results.

Consumers shifted from passive buyers to active participants in a live, unfolding story. This engagement did more than just capture attention. It drove sales and refreshed the brand’s connection with its customers.

At the same time, curiosity fuels the campaign, as the public remains unsure of how much is fact and how much is fiction. This uncertainty sparks deeper discussion and sharing, transforming a simple incident into an interactive experience while refocusing attention on the product itself.

The spillover effect: The power of collaborative brand storytelling

KitKat’s response did more than just spark attention. It created a cultural vacuum that other brands rushed to fill.

Ryanair, Domino’s, and Pizza Hut joined the party with their own official statements, each offering mock condolences while subtly promoting themselves in the same breath.

The result was a snowballing effect: every brand that joined extended the story’s lifespan, reached a new audience, and reflected that visibility back onto KitKat. What began as a single brand’s crisis evolved into a shared cultural moment, where participation became the price of entry.

Brands amplifying each other is no accident. It works because the original incident provided a clear, low-stakes hook for others to latch onto. Since there was no real harm involved, the humour was accessible to everyone; the stakes were low enough to serve as an open invitation for play.

Humorous crisis communication is not merely a stylistic choice; it is a conditional one. KitKat could pull it off because the incident was victimless, posed no safety risks, and involved an everyday product with no significant moral weight.

The future of the attention economy

Campaigns like this raise an important ethical question: where should brands draw the line between seizing opportunities and corporate responsibility?

KitKat’s response worked well not just because it was creative, but because of the crisis itself: it was low-stakes, harmless, and socially acceptable. Ultimately, not every disruption should become a campaign. In the world of real-time marketing, good judgment is just as important as acting quickly.

KitKat’s success proves we have moved beyond the era of one-way communication and into the era of “navigating moments”. In today’s landscape, a brand’s ability to balance instant visibility with genuine credibility is crucial to stand out.

The challenge is no longer avoiding a crisis, but knowing how to respond in a way that builds both attention and trust.

Para penulis tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi di luar afiliasi akademis yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Turning crisis into a super campaign: Lessons from KitKat – https://theconversation.com/turning-crisis-into-a-super-campaign-lessons-from-kitkat-281560

May 1, 2026

Arsenal might be choking again in England’s Premier League. Here are 4 psychological fixes

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alberto Filgueiras, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, CQUniversity Australia

Arsenal is still on the top of the English Premier League ladder, but as in previous years, the Gunners might be crumbling just when a first title since 2003–04 is within touching distance.

In early April, Arsenal had a commanding grip on the title – nine points ahead of nearest rivals Manchester City. Now it’s just three (and City has played one less game).

This isn’t the first time Arsenal has lapsed at late stages in recent years: last season they finished second behind Liverpool. In 2023–4 they finished runners-up behind Manchester City. They were second again the year before.

Arsenal fans are no doubt expecting another dose of late-season heartbreak – it’s likely players and club staff are feeling similarly jittery. However, there are psychological strategies that could help them keep fighting until the final whistle.

Oh no, not again

The team led by Mikel Arteta recently eked out a 1-0 win against Newcastle United but before that had suffered two consecutive defeats: first against Bournemouth at home and then to Manchester City.

Looking closely at these two matches, they had a similar dynamic: Arsenal conceded the first goal in the first half, scored the equaliser a few minutes later, and suffered defeat in the second half.

This looks like a symptom. If you concede a goal earlier in a match, you need to put extra energy in to find an equaliser. At halftime, players should reset but the emotional cost of chasing an equaliser may impair their shift into a winning mindset.

This is choking under pressure: when fear of losing is bigger than the willingness to win.

Arsenal’s players have a team of sport psychologists and mindset coaches at their disposal.

Here are the four key psychological tools they will probably use to improve consistency in these final rounds of the season.

1. Work out your routines

Consistency is crucial for athletes, and predictability creates the space for players to become consistent.

The basic assumption behind the concept is: if you keep doing the same things, you can expect the same results. Regardless of the level of competitive pressure, sport performance tends to become more stable when pre-performance routines are applied.

These routines can take many forms: some athletes might prefer to take a shower, or pray, visualise or meditate before a match.

During games, many prefer to take a deep breath before a penalty (such as Cristiano Ronaldo) whereas others might fix their gaze on a single spot on the ball before shooting.

The key is, sport psychologists should help athletes tailor their pre-game or pre-shot routines to enhance performance.

2. Practise mindfulness

Mental distress can have a crushing impact on athletes.

When an athlete is emotionally stressed, the body tends to increase its levels of cortisol (the stress hormone), which leads to muscle rigidness. This can impact performance.

To counter this, leading stress education expert Jon Kabat-Zinn developed mindfulness-based stress reduction – a set of techniques that includes breathing meditation, deliberate focus on the present moment, and yoga-like body movements to improve emotional regulation.

When empirically tested in athletes, mindfulness meditation showed significant effectiveness to improve attentional control (the ability to focus attention on a task while avoiding distractions).

Applying mindfulness techniques alone or in combination can boost performance and may help Arsenal achieve the consistency needed in these final rounds.

3. Be positive with self-talk

Self-confidence and fear of mistakes can freeze athletes in high-stakes moments. This impacts decision-making and slows down execution.

For example, a full-back gets the ball on the defensive flank and scans for options. He can either play a penetrating pass to break the opposition’s defensive lines or pass backwards to his centre-back.

This a split-second decision – if he hesitates, the forward pass can be intercepted and the backward pass may come under pressure, leading to a costly mistake.

To tackle self-doubt, sport psychologists teach athletes to reframe their thoughts and create more effective task-oriented inner dialogues.

Research shows instructional self-talk can help athletes improve their performance.

So in the example above, what our full-back needs to do is, instead of thinking about the potential consequences of his actions, just tell himself to execute the pass.

If done properly, instructional self-talk can help Arsenal’s players choose the best options and execute them.

4. Get used to dealing with pressure

Matches are high-stakes, but training sessions tend to be focused on technical and tactical skills under lower pressure.

However, research shows embedding mild anxiety into training sessions helps athletes cope better under pressure.

Athletes who train under pressure often perform better than those who do not.

So Arsenal’s coaches should be looking to ramp up pressure in training sessions while ensuring the players can work with sport psychologists and mindset coaches.

A race in two

After the recent win against Newcastle, Arteta said:

I don’t expect after 22 years not winning it that it is going to be a path of roses and beautiful music around it. It is going to be like this and we are ready for it.

Whether they are ready for it remains to be seen. But if the Gunners are to finally taste the ultimate success in this season’s Premier League, a combination of these techniques might help them cope under pressure, avoid choking, and finally lift the trophy.

Assuming, of course, Manchester City allows it.

Alberto Filgueiras does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Arsenal might be choking again in England’s Premier League. Here are 4 psychological fixes – https://theconversation.com/arsenal-might-be-choking-again-in-englands-premier-league-here-are-4-psychological-fixes-281224

April 30, 2026

Synthetic biology promised to rewrite life – with the death of its pioneer, J. Craig Venter, how close are scientists?

Source: The Conversation – USA – By André O. Hudson, Dean of the College of Science, Professor of Biochemistry, Rochester Institute of Technology

First came the Human Genome Project, then came the field of synthetic biology. Alena Butusava/iStock via Getty Images Plus

When scientist J. Craig Venter and his team announced in 2010 that they had created the first cell controlled by a fully synthetic genome, it marked a turning point in how scientists think about life.

For the first time, DNA – the molecule that carries the instructions for life – had been written on a computer, assembled in a laboratory and used to control a living cell. The achievement suggested something profound: Life might not only be understood but designed.

A biologist widely recognized for his groundbreaking contributions to genomics, including leading efforts to sequence the first draft of the human genome, Venter and his team’s successful creation of the first synthetic bacterial cell is considered pivotal to the field of synthetic biology.

J. Craig Venter in a suit at a conference, looking off-camera — J. Craig Venter was a decorated scientist and entrepreneur.
Mauricio Ramirez/Science History Institute via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

By combining biology and engineering, synthetic biology seeks to design and build new biological systems or redesign existing ones for useful purposes. Rather than only observing how life works, scientists use tools such as DNA synthesis and genetic engineering to “program” cells to perform specific tasks, such as producing vaccines, developing sustainable fuels or detecting environmental toxins.

But how far has the field gone since Venter’s original synthetic bacterial cell?

As a biochemist who uses genomics in my teaching and research, I am interested in understanding what this shift in biology means and how far it has actually taken scientific innovation. Following Venter’s death on April 29, 2026, it is worth revisiting that moment and asking whether synthetic biology has delivered on its promise.

What is synthetic biology?

For much of the 20th century, biology focused on decoding life.

The discovery of DNA’s structure in 1953 revealed how genetic information is stored. Decades later, the Human Genome Project that Venter helped accelerate mapped the full set of human genes.

But Venter and others pushed the field further: If DNA could be read like code, could it also be written?

This idea underpins synthetic biology, which aims to design and construct biological systems rather than simply study them. Instead of modifying one gene at a time, researchers began exploring whether entire genomes could be built and inserted into cells.

Synthetic biology offers both tantalizing promises and terrifying risks.

In 2010, Venter’s team demonstrated that this was possible. They constructed a bacterial genome and used it to take control of a living cell. While the cell itself was not built entirely from scratch, their work showed that the instructions for life could be engineered.

In other words, synthetic biologists were moving from reading life to rewriting it entirely.

Big promises and bold expectations

Synthetic biology has already led to a range of promising outcomes across medicine, energy and environmental science.

Researchers have engineered microbes to produce lifesaving drugs such as artemisinin, an antimalarial compound, and to manufacture sustainable biofuels that could reduce reliance on fossil fuels. In addition, researchers are using synthetic biology to design organisms capable of detecting and breaking down environmental pollutants, offering new tools for bioremediation.

At the heart of these ideas was a powerful analogy: If biology could be treated like software, then designing organisms might one day resemble writing code.

This vision attracted significant investment and policy attention. The U.S. Government Accountability Office has highlighted synthetic biology’s potential to address challenges in multiple industries while also raising important ethical and safety considerations. For example, synthetic biology techniques could be used to develop biological weapons and could unintentionally harm ecosystems and human health.

Progress slower than expected

Despite this progress, synthetic biology has not fully realized its early ambitions. One major reason is the complexity of living systems.

Early approaches to synthetic biology treated cells as modular systems, where components could be predictably exchanged. In practice, biological systems are highly interconnected. Gene interactions are difficult to predict, and results observed in controlled laboratory conditions do not always scale to real-world environments.

This challenge has been particularly evident in areas such as biofuels, where translating laboratory successes into industrial-scale production has proved difficult.

There are also more fundamental limitations. Scientists still cannot construct a fully living organism from nonliving components alone. Even Venter’s synthetic cell depended on an existing biological system to function.

As a result, the goal of creating life entirely from scratch remains out of reach for now.

New questions and emerging risks

As technology has advanced, it has also raised new ethical and security concerns. The same tools used to design beneficial organisms could potentially be misused.

Synthetic biology is widely recognized as a dual-use field, where advances in gene editing, DNA synthesis and bioengineering may enable not only medical and environmental innovations but also the creation or modification of harmful organisms.

The increasing accessibility of these technologies further lowers barriers to misuse, making biosecurity threats more distributed and difficult to control. At the same time, governance frameworks often struggle to keep pace with rapid technological developments, leaving gaps in oversight and international coordination.

Microscopy image of a grey spherical blob with a rough surface of spherical protuberances — This synthetic ‘minimal cell’ has been stripped of all but its most essential bacterial genes – and can still evolve.
Tom Deerinck and Mark Ellisman of the National Center for Imaging and Microscopy Research at the University of California at San Diego

Beyond immediate risks, broader questions remain about how far humans should go in redesigning life and what unintended consequences such changes could have for ecosystems. Engineered organisms may introduce risks such as genetic contamination and ecosystem disruption, which would harm biodiversity and ecosystem services.

These concerns are likely to become more pressing as the technology behind synthetic biology continues to develop, particularly as emerging tools such as artificial intelligence accelerate the design of new biological systems.

Venter’s legacy

The implications of the idea that life could be engineered rather than just observed is still unfolding.

Synthetic biology has not yet delivered a world of fully programmable organisms solving global challenges. But it has changed expectations, both within science and beyond, about what might be possible in biological design.

In that sense, the impact of synthetic biology is already clear: It has altered not just how scientists study life but how society imagines its future.

Venter’s legacy includes the questions he made unavoidable: how far scientists should go in designing life, who gets to decide, and what responsibilities come with that power. The answers remain unsettled. But the trajectory seems to be that science is learning, cautiously and imperfectly, to author life.

André O. Hudson receives funding from the National Institutes of Health and the National Science Foundation

– ref. Synthetic biology promised to rewrite life – with the death of its pioneer, J. Craig Venter, how close are scientists? – https://theconversation.com/synthetic-biology-promised-to-rewrite-life-with-the-death-of-its-pioneer-j-craig-venter-how-close-are-scientists-281963

April 30, 2026

In Colombia and Brazil, presidential candidates offer old solutions to old problems

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Guilherme Casarões, Associate Professor of Brazilian Studies, Florida International University

On May 31st, Colombian voters will go to the polls with Abelardo de la Espriella – criminal lawyer, self-styled outsider, and self-described “Tiger” – securing his place in the runoff against left-wing Iván Cepeda. In Brazil, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro – the son of incarcerated former President Jair Bolsonaro – is also busy, touring Washington, Dallas, and El Salvador, burnishing a “Bolsonaro 2.0” brand ahead of October elections.

The two men have never appeared on the same stage, but they are running similar campaigns, reading from similar scripts, and looking toward the same set of foreign role models. In a familiar recipe, their platforms combine free-market economics, conservative values, and a tough approach to crime.

De la Espriella proposes reducing the size of the state by up to 40%, eliminating hundreds of thousands of public contracts and positions, and slashing taxes. He considers himself a major political admirer of Argentina’s President Javier Milei, someone who, in his eyes, has charted the solution to the hemisphere’s economic problems.

Flávio Bolsonaro has presented his pre-candidacy as a direct continuation of the legacy of his father, who was arrested last year for attempting a coup d’état following his defeat in the 2022 elections. Bolsonaro’s oldest son describes his project as the return to a market-oriented, Pro-Washington, and nationalistic platform.

Economy, security, and foreign policy

Although the language varies at times, the ideology that drives both campaigns does not. Both Bolsonaro’s son and De la Espriella embrace a combination of right-wing conservative security stances and the same neoliberal economic doctrine that was tried across Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s, showcasing a repacking of old views to try and solve old problems.

On security, both candidates have vowed to follow the steps of El Savador’s strongman president Nayib Bukele. Flávio Bolsonaro, after visiting El Salvador’s notorious CECOT mega-prison in person, called Bukele’s approach a “radical transformation” and demanded the construction of “many, many prisons” in Brazil to address a deficit he estimates at 500,000 beds.

De la Espriella is even more explicit: “Against the narcoterrorism that Petro has coddled, an iron fist like Bukele’s,” he has declared, promising to bomb guerrilla encampments and build high-security mega-prisons modeled on El Salvador’s CECOT. He also proposes a new prison corps staffed by military reservists and veterans, administered privately, removing the current penal institute which he describes as “a cancer for Colombia.”

On foreign policy, De la Espriella has declared that any relationship Colombia has with Venezuela must be conducted “through the United States”, essentially ignoring the Venezuelan Government. This is a remarkable formulation that would break tradition with previous Colombian foreign policy towards Caracas, which was marked by acting mostly in an independent fashion of its allies in the region. He wants to strengthen the military alliance with Washington and Tel Aviv, and has called on the Trump Administration to prosecute and extradite incumbent President Gustavo Petro over supposed drug charges.

Flávio Bolsonaro, meanwhile, appeared at CPAC in Dallas, supporting the alliance with President Trump. He openly positioned Brazil as a bulwark in Washington’s geopolitical strategy to reduce Chinese influence in the hemisphere and offered up his country’s strategic resources to this end. Trump’s own political adviser, Jason Miller, declared Flávio the “next president” of Brazil from the conference stage.

What is striking about all of this is not just the content of these proposals but their explicitly transnational character. As they aim for the Presidency, De la Espriella and Flávio Bolsonaro are aiming for membership in a global conservative movement, constructing their political identities by association with leaders like Trump, Bukele, and Milei.

How far can their promises go?

This transnational strategy, however, has already shown some limits. When Eduardo Bolsonaro lobbied Washington to impose tariffs and sanctions on Brazil’s government and economy, 57% of Brazilians disapproved of what he was doing to their country. Instead of strengthening the Bolsonaro brand, this episode handed left-wing president Lula Da Silva a nationalist narrative that the right had monopolized for years. All while presidents Lula and Trump would go on to partially reconcile not that long after.

“Bukelizing” security can also be problematic. Importing the Salvadoran model to much bigger countries, whose public security issues are complex and widespread, would be an invitation to the kind of arbitrary State power that Colombian and Brazilian democracies spent decades trying to contain. By tapping into Bukele’s youthful appeal and increasing popularity, Bolsonaro and De la Espriella vow to promote potentially authoritarian solutions under a veil of efficiency.

There is a real frustration at the root of these candidacies, and it would be a mistake to dismiss it. Colombia and Brazil are countries where insecurity is existential for millions of people, where inequality persists despite decades of formal progress, where institutional corruption has eroded confidence in the political class.

Even though De la Espriella and Flávio Bolsonaro are tapping into genuine concerns, the solutions they offer are not new responses to old problems. Economic shock therapy in largely unequal societies, militarized crackdowns in countries with a long history of institutional violence, and a lack of inherent agency in terms of foreign policy are just old responses to old problems. This time, retooled with new aesthetics and a new international support network.

Os autores não prestam consultoria, trabalham, possuem ações ou recebem financiamento de qualquer empresa ou organização que se beneficiaria deste artigo e não revelaram qualquer vínculo relevante além de seus cargos acadêmicos.

– ref. In Colombia and Brazil, presidential candidates offer old solutions to old problems – https://theconversation.com/in-colombia-and-brazil-presidential-candidates-offer-old-solutions-to-old-problems-281854

April 30, 2026

La penalización económica de la maternidad: por qué tener descendencia sigue ampliando la brecha salarial

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Rebeca García-Ramos, Profesora de Economía Financiera, Universidad de Cantabria

La desigualdad salarial entre mujeres y hombres sigue siendo una realidad en el mercado laboral español. Este fenómeno se deriva de múltiples factores como la división sexual del trabajo, la segregación de las mujeres en sectores peor remunerados o la falta de corresponsabilidad. Sin embargo, al observar las trayectorias profesionales a lo largo del tiempo, hay un patrón claro: la maternidad marca un punto de inflexión en la carrera de muchas mujeres, mientras que la paternidad apenas altera la de los hombres.

Este fenómeno, conocido en la literatura económica como motherhood penalty o penalización por maternidad, ha sido documentado en muchos más países. El informe del Banco Mundial Women, Business and The Law 2026, muestra que la normativa sobre maternidad y cuidado sigue limitando las oportunidades laborales de las mujeres y contribuye a la persistencia de la brecha de género.
Así lo confirma [el Informe Mujeres y Hombres en España elaborado por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) en 2024] (link text Mientras que la tasa de empleo de los hombres aumenta con la paternidad (del 85,8 % al 90,3 %), en las mujeres disminuye a medida que crece el número de hijos e hijas (del 77,9 % al 71,5 %, y hasta el 52,2 % con tres o más).

La penalización aparece tras el primer hijo

La evidencia económica muestra que el nacimiento de hijos e hijas marca un antes y un después en la carrera profesional de las mujeres. La economista estadounidense Claudia Goldin, Premio Nobel de Economía en 2023, especialista en la desigualdad laboral de género, ha documentado este patrón. Al inicio de la vida laboral las diferencias salariales son más pequeñas. Tras la llegada de la descendencia, persisten y crecen notablemente.

Un estudio realizado por investigadores del Banco de España, basado en la Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales,revela que los ingresos de las mujeres caen alrededor de un 11 % el primer año tras la maternidad. Sin embargo, los ingresos de los hombres casi no cambian. Diez años después, las madres acumulan una pérdida cercana al 28 % respecto a su trayectoria previa.

Una brecha que se amplía con el tiempo

Otros datos confirman esta tendencia. El Instituto de las Mujeres, dependiente del Ministerio de Igualdad, sitúa (con datos del INE de 2023) la brecha salarial en España en el 15,74 %. La diferencia media salarial es de 4 781 euros anuales a favor de los hombres. Aunque es el valor más bajo desde 2008, la desigualdad alcanzó su punto máximo en 2013 (23,99 %) y aumenta con la edad. La mayor divergencia se da entre los 55 y 59 años.

Hay otros informes sobre desigualdad salarial que apuntan en la misma dirección. El Sindicato de Técnicos de Hacienda (Gestha) estima que la brecha salarial media supera el 20 % y crece a lo largo de la vida laboral.

A nivel europeo, los datos de Eurostat muestran que en 2024 la brecha salarial media en la UE fue del 11,1 %. Pero existen grandes diferencias entre países. La brecha oscila entre el -0,8 % en Luxemburgo y el 18,8 % en Estonia. España se sitúa en un nivel intermedio.

Qué cambia en la carrera profesional de las madres

La penalización por maternidad no tiene una única causa. Uno de los factores principales es la reducción en la participación laboral.

Después de ser madres, muchas mujeres reducen su presencia en el trabajo. Durante el primer año, se calcula que las madres trabajan alrededor de un 10 % menos de días. En cambio, los padres casi no cambian su actividad laboral.

También aumenta la probabilidad de que las mujeres trabajen a tiempo parcial o en empleos menos estables. Esto reduce sus ingresos y limita sus opciones de promoción.

El impacto no es igual para todas. Las mujeres con estudios superiores suelen seguir trabajando, pero con menos horas. Las que tienen menor nivel educativo trabajan menos días al año o interrumpen temporalmente su empleo con mayor frecuencia.

Leer más:
Claudia Goldin: la píldora y su influencia en la participación de la mujer en el trabajo

El peso del reparto de los cuidados

Más allá de las decisiones individuales, el reparto de las tareas de cuidado sigue siendo la clave. En España, como en la mayoría de países, las mujeres asumen gran parte del trabajo doméstico y del cuidado de hijos e hijas. Esto provoca más interrupciones en sus carreras, menor disponibilidad horaria, mayor presencia femenina en el empleo a tiempo parcial y más barreras para acceder a puestos de responsabilidad.

Las investigaciones de Claudia Goldin también destacan el papel de aquellos empleos que premian la disponibilidad horaria total (los trabajos codiciosos o greedy jobs). Cuando los salarios dependen en gran medida de esa disponibilidad, cualquier interrupción o reducción de jornada puede tener un impacto económico considerable.

Una de las características más llamativas de este fenómeno es que no existe un efecto equivalente para los hombres. Los datos muestran que los ingresos masculinos apenas se ven afectados tras el nacimiento de los hijos o hijas. En algunos casos, incluso se observa un ligero aumento. Este fenómeno se conoce en la literatura económica como fatherhood premium o “premio a la paternidad”.

La persistencia de expectativas sociales que sitúan al hombre como principal sostén económico del hogar, y la mayor continuidad en las trayectorias laborales masculinas, podrían explicar este fenómeno.

Consecuencias económicas y demográficas

La penalización por maternidad tiene efectos que van más allá del salario. Amplía la brecha de género, genera carreras más cortas o intermitentes y reduce las cotizaciones y las pensiones futuras. También puede limitar el potencial productivo de la economía.

Además, puede influir en la decisión de tener hijos. En España, un país con una de las tasas de natalidad más bajas de Europa, la dificultad para compatibilizar empleo y cuidado pesa cada vez más en esa decisión.

Reducir la penalización

La evidencia internacional muestra que algunas políticas ayudan a reducir estas desigualdades. Entre ellas destacan los permisos parentales igualitarios para ambos progenitores, el acceso a servicios de educación infantil de calidad y modelos laborales menos dependientes de jornadas excesivamente largas.

Como indican los estudios citados, la penalización por maternidad y su impacto en la brecha salarial, no responden solo a decisiones individuales. También reflejan cómo se organizan el trabajo y los cuidados. Reducir esta penalización requiere actuar en ambos ámbitos. De lo contrario, tener descendencia seguirá contribuyendo a aumentar y mantener la brecha salarial a lo largo del ciclo vital.

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

– ref. La penalización económica de la maternidad: por qué tener descendencia sigue ampliando la brecha salarial – https://theconversation.com/la-penalizacion-economica-de-la-maternidad-por-que-tener-descendencia-sigue-ampliando-la-brecha-salarial-278477

April 30, 2026

Gerrymandering is unpopular with Florida voters – my recent survey shows why DeSantis pushed it through anyway

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel A. Smith, Professor of Political Science, University of Florida

State Rep. Angie Nixon, D-Fla., speaks against mid-decade redistricting during a special session of the Florida Legislature on April 29, 2026. AP Photo/Mike Stewart

The Sunshine State has joined Texas, California and a handful of other states in the battle of mid-decade redistricting.

On April 29, 2026, in a near party-line vote, the Florida Legislature adopted new congressional maps drawn by a staffer of Gov. Ron DeSantis. The GOP-led effort could lead to four more of Florida’s 28 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives turning Republican. Florida redrew its maps with the same underlying population data just four years ago.

Mid-decade redistricting in Florida was all but inevitable once Donald Trump made partisan map-drawing a national priority. Florida’s Republican legislators had little incentive – or political cover – to resist.

I’m a political scientist, and my research focuses on voting and elections. I’ve served as an expert in redistricting cases in Florida, and I’ve been tracking Florida voters’ opinions on DeSantis’ 2026 redistricting efforts.

What Florida voters think about gerrymandering overall

University of Florida Ph.D. student Rolland Grady and I conducted a representative survey of more than 2,300 Florida registered voters drawn randomly from the publicly available Florida voter file.

Participants had one week, from April 6-13, 2026, to fill out our web-based survey linked to an email invitation. We did not offer any incentives to respondents providing us with their opinions.

The results show broad, principled opposition to partisan gerrymandering in Florida. Roughly two-thirds of Florida voters we contacted said they oppose redrawing district lines to advantage a political party.

What they think about their own party gerrymandering

But beyond gauging how Florida voters feel about gerrymandering in theory, we wanted to see how they responded to actual scenarios of mid-decade redistricting, and whether it mattered to them which party was leading the redistricting.

So we designed an experimental survey: Before respondents were asked how they felt about mid-decade redistricting, each participant was randomly shown one of five different statements.

The control version of this statement read, “The redrawing of congressional district boundaries typically occurs every 10 years, immediately following the U.S. Census.”

The other versions gave that control statement, and then added information about a particular state – California, Texas or Florida – that was redrawing its maps, and which party was endorsing that gerrymandering.

Finally, there was a version of the statement that included the control statement, told voters that Republican Ron DeSantis was endorsing the redistricting in Florida, and then added a third line of text: “As you might know, in 2010 citizens in Florida passed the Fair Districts Amendment with bipartisan support of more than 60% of the vote.”

According to our survey results, Florida Democrats are intensely opposed to gerrymandering for partisan purposes when it is framed as benefiting Republicans. This strong opposition may increase the focus of big donors on Florida, helping to drive fundraising for Democratic candidates. It may also mobilize some Democrats to come out to the polls in November. But when it comes to persuasion, most Democrats who plan to vote in the midterm elections are already highly engaged and unlikely to support GOP candidates anyway.

Florida Republicans also oppose mid-decade redistricting in the abstract. Not surprisingly, support for drawing lines to help the GOP increases when framed as something DeSantis is pursuing, but only by 15 percentage points.

This suggests some latent, principled discomfort among GOP voters. On the other hand, strong messaging from Republican leaders, particularly Trump, in the run-up to the election may override concerns about fairness. Partisanship and leader-motivated behavior will drive many Republican voters to rationalize the GOP’s effort to increase their congressional margins by four seats.

Where independent voters fall

Finally, our poll finds that Florida independent voters have strong and consistently principled opposition to partisan gerrymandering; their support rarely exceeds 15% under any condition. But in Florida, independent voters, who are often registered with no party affiliation, are less politically organized or active than registered Republicans and Democrats. And it’s likely that these voters redrawn into a new congressional district will be even less knowledgeable about who represents them when it’s time to pick candidates.

It is possible that Democrats will be able to use GOP gerrymandering in November to get independent voters to the polls and oppose Republican candidates. But opposition to gaming the system is just one of many factors that will shape how independents vote. Other issues, such as concerns over the rising cost of living, immigration, foreign policy and presidential approval, usually play a much greater role in determining candidate choice in midterm elections.

The Florida GOP’s mid-decade redistricting gambit reveals a troubling truth about American democracy: Voters oppose partisan gerrymandering in principle but tolerate it in practice when their side benefits.

So even though a majority of Florida voters disapprove of the GOP’s effort to tilt the state’s map even further toward electing Republicans, I’m not expecting widespread punishment of Republican incumbents due to these redistricting efforts.

DeSantis is betting that Trump’s influence will paper over GOP voters’ discomfort, that Democrats will stay demoralized, and that independents will stay home in November.

How GOP gerrymandering could backfire

But just because the GOP’s gerrymandering won’t sway voters away from their party doesn’t mean it won’t end up hurting them at the polls.

DeSantis’ map crams Democrats into just four of 28 districts – a high-stakes gamble that requires lightning to strike twice. To succeed for the GOP, the map requires both 2024’s Democratic and independent voter apathy and 2022’s swing to the right by independents.

But midterms tend to bring lower turnout, and today’s economic squeeze plus Trump’s dismal approval ratings make another 2022-style GOP surge highly unlikely.

The worst case for the GOP would be a 2018-style blue wave. It would destroy DeSantis’ gerrymander and could potentially flip three South Florida GOP seats and two in Central Florida to Democrats. Aggressive redistricting may meet unintended consequences come November.

See you in court

Florida Democrats and other groups will likely sue under the state constitution’s Fair Districts amendments, which were adopted in 2010 by Florida voters of all political stripes. These amendments to the Florida Constitution expressly prohibit redrawing districts with the intent to favor or disfavor a political party or an incumbent.

But DeSantis and his lawyers are setting the stage to defend the mid-decade partisan gerrymander. They fully expect that the Florida Supreme Court will strike down the Fair Districts amendments’ ban on partisan redistricting. The odds are stacked against the citizens of Florida who support fair districts.

In my view, the real losers here are the Florida voters, particularly those who approved the state’s Fair Districts amendments in 2010, which were a bipartisan triumph.

Daniel A. Smith is an Advisory Board Member of Common Cause Florida and President of ElectionSmith.

– ref. Gerrymandering is unpopular with Florida voters – my recent survey shows why DeSantis pushed it through anyway – https://theconversation.com/gerrymandering-is-unpopular-with-florida-voters-my-recent-survey-shows-why-desantis-pushed-it-through-anyway-281792

April 30, 2026

Los chips están redefiniendo el poder global

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Luis Antonio Fonseca Chácharo, Research Professor in the field of Microelecronics, Instituto de Microelectrónica de Barcelona (IMB-CNM-CSIC)

Cuando salimos de la pandemia, el mundo parecía listo para volver a girar como antes. Pero bastaron unos meses para que concesionarios vacíos, listas de espera interminables y fábricas a medio gas revelaran que algo esencial faltaba. La escasez de chips no fue solo un episodio industrial: fue una revelación colectiva sobre la fragilidad de la infraestructura tecnológica que sostiene nuestra vida cotidiana.

Durante décadas, los semiconductores habían permanecido fuera del radar público. Invisibles dentro de teléfonos móviles, servidores o electrodomésticos, parecían pertenecer a un mundo técnico reservado a ingenieros y especialistas.

Sin embargo, cuando dejaron de llegar a tiempo, descubrimos que esos pequeños circuitos integrados no eran un componente más, sino el punto de apoyo de toda una economía digital hiperconectada. Parafraseando —y adaptando— a Oscar Wilde, podría decirse que todo en el mundo tiene que ver con los chips… salvo los propios chips, que tienen que ver con el poder. Por supuesto, su frase era más picante y donde yo he usado chips él usaba otra palabra.

La culminación de una cadena

Un chip puede parecer un objeto diminuto y autónomo. Es en realidad la culminación de una cadena industrial extraordinariamente compleja y distribuida. Su diseño puede desarrollarse en un continente, la maquinaria crítica fabricarse en otro y su producción avanzada concentrarse en unas pocas regiones capaces de operar fábricas de decenas de miles de millones de euros.

Durante años, esta fragmentación respondió a una lógica de eficiencia económica extrema: cada actor se especializaba en aquello que hacía mejor. Sin embargo, lo que optimizaba los costes también generaba una dependencia mutua difícil de percibir… hasta que algo fallaba.

Si los semiconductores han adquirido un peso tan evidente no es únicamente por su presencia en millones de dispositivos, sino por la combinación poco habitual de tres factores: una complejidad tecnológica acumulada durante décadas, una inversión industrial gigantesca y una capacidad de miniaturización que redefine constantemente lo que entendemos por innovación.

A diferencia de otras industrias, donde nuevas empresas pueden entrar con relativa rapidez, la fabricación avanzada de chips exige conocimientos, infraestructuras y ecosistemas que solo se construyen a lo largo de generaciones tecnológicas sucesivas.

Esta acumulación histórica explica por qué la industria del semiconductor no se organiza como un sistema global homogéneo, sino como una red fragmentada de especializaciones críticas. El diseño de circuitos se apoya en herramientas de software extremadamente sofisticadas; la fabricación requiere maquinaria capaz de operar a escalas nanométricas; los materiales deben alcanzar niveles de pureza que apenas tienen equivalente en otros sectores industriales .

El resultado es una cadena productiva en la que la eficiencia económica y la vulnerabilidad estratégica conviven de forma inseparable.

Cuellos de botella tecnológicos

A medida que la industria ha ido creciendo en complejidad, también han aparecido puntos extremadamente especializados que funcionan como cuellos de botella tecnológicos. No se trata únicamente de fábricas capaces de producir chips avanzados, sino de herramientas, procesos y conocimientos que muy pocos actores dominan. El poder ya no reside tanto en poseer recursos naturales como en controlar las herramientas que permiten darles forma. No es la arena, metáfora del silicio abundante, lo que define el equilibrio tecnológico, sino quién sabe convertirla en circuitos.

Durante años, la industria del semiconductor se organizó siguiendo una lógica casi impecable de eficiencia económica. Pero cuando coincidieron la pandemia, las tensiones comerciales y una demanda creciente impulsada por la digitalización, esa eficiencia empezó a verse también como una fuente de vulnerabilidad. La respuesta política no tardó en llegar , y conceptos como soberanía tecnológica entraron en el debate público.

La soberanía tecnológica se entiende en el terreno económico como la capacidad de mantener una base industrial propia. Sin embargo, cuando el foco se desplaza hacia la defensa y la seguridad, ese mismo concepto adopta un matiz distinto y se acerca más a la idea de supremacía tecnológica: no se trata solo de resistir interrupciones de suministro, sino de mantener ventajas tecnológicas difíciles de igualar.

Aquí aparece una disyuntiva incómoda: construir un tejido industrial más resiliente implica aceptar costes adicionales y renunciar, al menos en parte, a la eficiencia extrema que ofrece la globalización. Es una lógica parecida a la de los botes salvavidas de un crucero. Representan un sobrecoste, nunca hay suficientes para todos, pero ningún barco zarpa sin ellos porque su mera existencia permite capear situaciones extremas.

Como todas las comparaciones, esta tiene límites: ningún sistema puede eliminar completamente el riesgo ni justificar cualquier coste. Y el debate sobre cuántos “salvavidas” necesita una economía resiliente sigue abierto.

La potencia de cálculo ya no es solo una cuestión técnica

A esta transformación estructural se suma ahora otro factor decisivo: la inteligencia artificial. Si los teléfonos móviles y los centros de datos impulsaron la demanda durante años, los sistemas de IA han añadido una nueva capa de urgencia estratégica. La potencia de cálculo ya no es solo una cuestión técnica: es también una variable económica y política. Si la pandemia hizo visible nuestra dependencia de los chips, la inteligencia artificial está multiplicando esa dependencia.

Existe, además, un mecanismo menos visible que impulsa esta evolución continua: los propios sistemas creados gracias a los chips se convierten en herramientas para diseñar e impulsar la siguiente generación de estos. Los ordenadores aceleran el desarrollo de nuevas arquitecturas de circuitos integrados, y la inteligencia artificial participa también ahora en tareas de diseño y optimización que antes requerían años de trabajo humano.

Cuando el producto mejora el proceso que lo crea, la innovación deja de avanzar de forma lineal y se instala en una dinámica de realimentación positiva que mantiene a la microelectrónica montada en la exponencial.

Una revolución comparable a la máquina de vapor

Vista en perspectiva histórica, la microelectrónica ocupa en la revolución digital un papel comparable al que desempeñaron la máquina de vapor de James Watt y la producción en cadena de Henry Ford en revoluciones industriales anteriores. La primera cambió un paradigma (energético); la segunda, escaló la producción. La microelectrónica combina ambos efectos y lo ha hecho en un tiempo récord, porque a ambos ha añadido la capacidad de acelerar su propia evolución.

Todo ello refleja un cambio profundo en la forma de entender la tecnología. Durante décadas, los semiconductores fueron vistos como el motor silencioso de la innovación. Hoy se han convertido también en una herramienta de política industrial y en un elemento geoestratégico. No en vano, cuando un conflicto deviene en sanciones, los chips avanzados, o el acceso a determinados elementos de su tecnología, ocupan los primeros puestos de la lista de embargos.

A lo largo de la historia, el equilibrio de poder entre regiones se ha medido en función de territorios visibles: rutas marítimas, recursos energéticos o fronteras físicas. En la era digital, parte de ese equilibrio se desplaza hacia un espacio mucho más discreto, construido capa a capa sobre obleas de silicio y sostenido por infraestructuras que rara vez aparecen en los mapas tradicionales.

Quizá por eso los chips condensan mejor que ninguna otra tecnología la paradoja de nuestro tiempo: nacen de una cooperación global extrema y, al mismo tiempo, alimentan una competencia estratégica igualmente intensa.

La verdadera geografía del poder digital ya no se dibuja únicamente con líneas visibles, sino con rutas microscópicas en constante redefinición, impulsadas por una tecnología que realimenta su propia evolución.

Una versión de este artículo fue publicada originalmente en la revista Telos de Fundación Telefónica.

Luis Antonio Fonseca Chácharo no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Los chips están redefiniendo el poder global – https://theconversation.com/los-chips-estan-redefiniendo-el-poder-global-279486

April 30, 2026

Patti Smith, la indisciplinada poeta del punk

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Cristina Garrigós, Catedrática de Filología Inglesa, UNED – Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia

Tony Shanahan, Patty Smith y Lenny Kaye actúan en el Teatro Apollo de Nueva York en abril de 2019. lev radin/Shutterstock

Cuenta Patti Smith en su primer libro de memorias, Éramos unos niños (2010), que la lectura de la novela Mujercitas, de Louisa May Alcott, le proporcionó una perspectiva positiva sobre su destino como mujer.

Poco podía imaginar la joven adolescente Patricia, que devoraba toda la literatura que caía en sus manos, que esa sed voraz de arte –esa pasión por conocer todo lo posible sobre literatura, música, pintura y escritura– la convertiría en un referente para muchas mujeres. O quizá sí, porque en su interior albergaba un deseo incuestionable de ser artista y dedicó toda su energía a prepararse para ello: “Suspiraba por ingresar en el círculo de los artistas: su hambre, su modo de vestir, su proceso creativo y sus oraciones”.

Ahora, el jurado de los Premios Princesa de Asturias le acaba de conceder el galardón de las Artes “por su impetuosa creatividad, que conecta el rock, la poesía simbolista y el espíritu de la contracultura con una gran potencia expresiva”.

Una poeta en el mundo punk

El 10 de febrero de 1971, con 25 años, y acompañada de su inseparable Lenny Kaye a la guitarra, Patti Smith ofreció en Nueva York su primer recital de poesía. Desde entonces hasta hoy, su fuerza creadora se ha transmitido a través de sus actuaciones, sus composiciones musicales y su literatura: desde la poesía hasta el ensayo y las memorias.

Una foto en blanco y negro de una mujer actuando en un programa de televisión frente a mucho público. — Patti Smith en el programa *Rockpalast* de la WDR, grabado los días 21 y 22 de abril de 1979 en Essen (Alemania).
Bodow/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Se la considera la madrina del punk por su actitud irreverente y su estilo revolucionario, tanto en lo personal como en lo musical. Nadie que la haya visto actuar puede olvidar esa energía casi primitiva –feroz en su juventud, chamánica en su madurez– que busca, a través de la música y la palabra, llegar a lo más profundo del alma humana.

Podríamos decir que Smith es heredera de la tradición literaria de poetas románticos como William Blake o simbolistas como Charles Baudelaire y Arthur Rimbaud –este último, su mayor inspiración–. De esta forma, concibe la palabra y la música como formas de un impulso místico: a través del lenguaje artístico busca alcanzar una experiencia transformadora que nos acerque a lo divino en lo humano. El arte se convierte así en experiencia límite y, como tal, debe trascender fronteras.

Con Walt Whitman y Allen Ginsberg comparte la idea del poeta como bardo, poeta del pueblo, así como la oralidad, la declamación y la celebración del cuerpo. Como en ellos, la composición poética se transforma en una experiencia colectiva.

Es esta conciencia del arte como experiencia transformadora –que aspira a cambiar la sociedad y no solo a reflejarla– la que forja la base del espíritu punk. Así se lo ha transmitido a numerosos artistas que han reconocido su legado, como Poly Styrene, Siouxsie Sioux, Kim Gordon, PJ Harvey, Shirley Manson, Kathleen Hanna y Alice Bag, entre otros.

Su rechazo a seguir moldes establecidos se manifiesta tanto en la estética –presentando una imagen propia y personal, a menudo clasificada como andrógina– como en la defensa de la libertad y la ruptura de corsés femeninos simbólicos. La obra de Patti Smith fusiona poesía, rock y performance, rompe moldes establecidos y propone una defensa de la artista como sujeto libre, creativo y político.

Un estilo sin censuras

La publicación de su primer álbum, Horses, del que se han cumplido recientemente 50 años, supuso un momento decisivo en la música contemporánea. Su imagen en la portada –una fotografía hecha por su gran amigo Robert Mapplethorpe–, con camisa blanca y corbata, y canciones como “Gloria”, “Redondo Beach” o “Break It Up”, forman parte de una obra que, según la musicóloga Sheila Whiteley, define un estilo caracterizado por situarse entre lo semiótico y lo simbólico.

‘Gloria: In Excelsis Deo’, la canción que abre Horses.

En Horses Smith utiliza el lenguaje de una religión extática, el poder de la palabra, la lucha contra las creencias inmutables aprendidas y un estilo musical indisciplinado, que revela las huellas sin censura del inconsciente.

Este estilo se reflejará también en discos posteriores como Radio Ethiopia, Easter, Wave, Dream of Life o el más reciente, Banga. Canciones como “People Have the Power” o “Because the Night” –esta última coescrita con Bruce Springsteen– se han convertido en verdaderos himnos intergeneracionales. La primera, con un claro contenido político, se ha erigido en símbolo de la defensa de la democracia y la libertad en tiempos convulsos.

Más allá de la música

Son numerosos los estudios académicos que, en los últimos años, se han dedicado al análisis de la obra de Patti Smith. Tesis doctorales, trabajos de fin de máster, artículos y monográficos han explorado tanto la temática como la composición formal de las letras de sus canciones y de sus poemas no musicados, así como el análisis de sus autobiografías.

Portada de Pan de ángeles de Patti Smith con una foto de la autora de joven tumbada en el suelo con un vestido blanco. — Portada de *Pan de ángeles*, su último libro de memorias.
Penguin Libros

Patti Smith ha publicado hasta la fecha cuatro libros de memorias: además del ya citado Éramos unos niños, M Train, El año del mono y Pan de ángeles. Estas memorias han inspirado a numerosas artistas –como Viv Albertine, Chrissie Hynde o Kim Gordon, entre muchas otras– que han visto en ellas el impulso necesario para narrar sus propias historias.

El reconocimiento de la artista como figura de indiscutible relevancia en la cultura contemporánea también se ha manifestado a través de diversos premios que han destacado su aportación a las artes y su influencia en las nuevas generaciones, especialmente entre las mujeres, desde la década de 1970. Entre ellos cabe destacar el nombramiento como comendadora de la Orden de las Artes y las Letras de Francia en 2005, el National Book Award por Éramos unos niños en 2010, la Legión de Honor francesa en 2022 y el reciente Premio Princesa de Asturias de las Artes (2026).

Todo ello demuestra de forma indiscutible que Patti Smith es una de las artistas estadounidenses más importantes de la historia. Su legado pervivirá no solo en el punk, sino en todas aquellas generaciones que conciben el arte como motor de cambio y transformación social.

¿Quiere recibir más artículos como este? Suscríbase a Suplemento Cultural y reciba la actualidad cultural y una selección de los mejores artículos de historia, literatura, cine, arte o música, seleccionados por nuestra editora de Cultura Claudia Lorenzo.

Cristina Garrigós no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Patti Smith, la indisciplinada poeta del punk – https://theconversation.com/patti-smith-la-indisciplinada-poeta-del-punk-281798

April 30, 2026

Pantallas, prisas y actividades: qué ocio necesita realmente un niño menor de tres años

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Mª Pilar Rodrigo Moriche, Prof. Ayudante Doctor del departamento de Pedagogía – Directora Escuela UAM de Animación, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

“¿Qué hacemos con los niños este fin de semana?” Esta es una pregunta recurrente en familias con bebés o niños muy pequeños. A menudo, el tiempo en familia se plantea como un espacio que hay que rellenar con actividades que entretengan y estimulen a los más pequeños.

Sin embargo, las investigaciones sobre ocio en la primera infancia coinciden en algo fundamental: no se trata de sumar estímulos, sino de elegirlos bien. Entre los 0 y los 6 años, el ocio no es un lujo ni un descanso, sino una necesidad vital que permite a los niños construir su desarrollo motor, emocional, cognitivo y social a través de experiencias de juego y de exploración.

Ocio humanista: qué significa y cómo se expresa

Cuando hablamos de ocio en la primera infancia no nos referimos a “entretener” ni a llenar el tiempo con actividades. Los investigadores distinguen entre tiempo libre y ocio: el primero es simplemente ausencia de obligaciones; el segundo es una experiencia libremente elegida, placentera, con sentido y motivación interna.

Una familia puede tener muchas horas sin tareas y, aun así, no vivir experiencias de ocio si lo que se ofrece al niño son actividades impuestas o poco significativas, como el uso temprano y prolongado de pantallas o la participación en actividades dirigidas pensadas por adultos que dejan poco margen al juego libre, la exploración y la iniciativa propia del niño.

El ocio humanista consiste en vivencias valiosas que cultivan la sensibilidad, los vínculos y el bienestar y que surgen a partir del interés del propio niño. Por eso, las mejores experiencias en estas edades nacen de condiciones sencillas y del tiempo sin prisa.

En niñas y niños de 0 a 3 años, el ocio humanista no pasa por planes sofisticados, propuestas ruidosas ni recursos digitales. Se manifiesta de manera natural como juego libre, exploración espontánea y curiosidad activa, siempre que el entorno sea seguro, simple y preparado para que puedan actuar y descubrir por sí mismos.

Materiales simples y entornos seguros

Las aportaciones de Emmi Pikler y Bernard Aucouturier, permiten comprender cómo viven el ocio los más pequeños. Para Pikler, la base del desarrollo –y también del ocio– está en la libertad de movimiento, el juego autoiniciado, el cuidado respetuoso y la observación sensible. Implica no colocar al niño en posiciones o retos que aún no alcanza, sino ofrecer materiales simples en un entorno seguro, confiando en que su curiosidad conducirá la acción.

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Por su parte, Aucouturier subraya que el movimiento y el juego espontáneo son vías esenciales de maduración psicomotriz y emocional. Su propuesta acompaña al niño en el paso del placer de moverse al placer de pensar, en espacios ritmados, previsibles y emocionalmente acogedores, donde el adulto está presente para contener y acoger, pero no para dirigir.

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Ambas perspectivas coinciden en que el ocio infantil no es entretenimiento ni estimulación constante: es un tiempo con sentido, donde el niño se siente seguro para explorar, repetir, descubrir, concentrarse y construir autonomía. Esto ocurre cuando el adulto prepara el entorno, respeta los ritmos y confía en la competencia natural del bebé y del niño pequeño.

Experiencias sencillas, no estímulos acumulados

En la primera infancia, el ocio construye las bases del desarrollo. Actividades excesivamente dirigidas o tecnológicas pueden desplazar oportunidades esenciales; por ello, frente a propuestas cada vez más estructuradas o digitales, resulta imprescindible recuperar el ocio humanista: menos actividades, pero mejor escogidas.

El juego sencillo es el núcleo de esta experiencia. Las vivencias más valiosas no son las más llamativas, sino las más simples: manipular objetos cotidianos, explorar texturas, moverse libremente, vaciar y llenar recipientes, imitar a los adultos o jugar simbólicamente con pocos elementos. Este juego sensorial, motor, heurístico y simbólico sostiene el desarrollo emocional, cognitivo, social y motriz; favorece la regulación emocional, reorganiza la atención, impulsa la imaginación y fortalece los vínculos.

Ir en autobús y observar el entorno

No se trata de hacer grandes planes, sino de ofrecer presencia y espacios cotidianos donde el juego pueda emerger. Cocinar juntos, inventar juegos, caminar observando lo que sucede alrededor o transformar rincones domésticos en escenarios imaginarios no requieren recursos especiales, sino una mirada atenta y tiempo sin prisa.

Incluso momentos rutinarios –poner la mesa, ir en autobús, esperar en una consulta– pueden convertirse en oportunidades de exploración si el adulto cuenta lo que ocurre, canta, cuenta historias, ofrece un objeto seguro o permite participar en pequeñas acciones. Son gestos pequeños con un impacto profundo en el bienestar infantil y en la vida familiar.

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Cómo elegir actividades presenciales

Con niños un poco más mayores, a partir de los tres años, podemos empezar a introducir actividades externas, teniendo en cuenta que no exijan atención sostenida, que utilicen materiales manipulables y ritmos lentos: malabares suaves, teatro gestual, juegos con telas o experiencias escénicas diseñadas específicamente para la primera infancia, basadas en movimientos lentos, objetos previsibles y atmósferas de calma y belleza.

El objetivo no es que los niños “miren”, sino crear espacios de calma, curiosidad y belleza donde puedan observar, explorar, imitar, participar espontáneamente y seguir jugando después.

No conviene hiperestimular

Los niños no necesitan muchos estímulos, sino experiencias que respeten sus ritmos e intereses. Cuando el entorno favorece la exploración libre, la concentración y la autonomía –tal como defienden los enfoques de la pedagogía del movimiento y el juego espontáneo– se potencian simultáneamente el desarrollo motor, emocional y cognitivo.

La cuestión no es cómo “entretener” a los niños o evitar que se aburran, sino cómo ofrecer tiempo, espacio y condiciones de calidad para que puedan desplegar su juego autónomo, incluso cuando los adultos no están disponibles.

La respuesta a la inquietud de muchas familias no pasa por multiplicar planes, sino por comprender que, en la primera infancia, el ocio auténtico –menos, pero mejor– es un motor de desarrollo tan poderoso como discreto.

Mª Pilar Rodrigo Moriche no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Pantallas, prisas y actividades: qué ocio necesita realmente un niño menor de tres años – https://theconversation.com/pantallas-prisas-y-actividades-que-ocio-necesita-realmente-un-nino-menor-de-tres-anos-278904