Would you save more lives or more years of life? A global study reveals how people really think

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laurence Roope, Senior Researcher, Health Economics, University of Oxford

THICHA SATAPITANON/Shutterstock.com

Imagine a stark choice. You can save one person who is likely to live another 30 years. Or you can save several people who may each live another ten years.

Should we prioritise saving more lives – or more years of life? This kind of trade-off sits at the heart of how health systems make decisions.

Yet do people actually agree with that principle? A new international study – based on what people told us during the COVID pandemic – suggests the answer is more complicated than this simple trade-off suggests.

Across many countries, decisions about healthcare spending are guided by a concept known as the quality-adjusted life year, or Qaly. In simple terms, this approach aims to maximise the total number of years of healthy life generated by a healthcare system.

That often means prioritising treatments that deliver more life-years overall. Saving someone with more years ahead of them is typically seen as creating more value than saving someone with fewer remaining years. In practice, this can mean prioritising younger patients over older ones.

This kind of reasoning is used by Nice in the UK – and other healthchare advisory agencies, globally – to decide which medicines should be funded. But it rests on an implicit ethical assumption: that maximising total life-years is the right goal.

Our research asked a simple question: do ordinary people actually agree?

To find out, we conducted a large survey experiment with more than 14,000 people across 12 countries, including the UK, US, China, Brazil and Uganda.

Participants were asked to imagine a life-saving vaccine that could only be given to one group. They had to choose between vaccinating a 55-year-old person (with about 30 years left to live) or one or more 75-year-olds (with about ten years left each).

The scenarios were framed around COVID, but the underlying question was broader: how should we trade off saving lives versus saving life-years?

By varying the number of older people, we could estimate how many lives participants were willing to “trade” to save one younger person.

The results reveal a clear pattern – and one not entirely consistent with the Qaly-based values that underpin many healthcare funding decisions.

People don’t think in purely mathematical terms

Most people did favour saving the younger person. Around two-thirds of respondents chose to vaccinate the 55-year-old rather than a single 75-year-old.

However, when forced to make tougher trade-offs, people did not behave as if they were trying to maximise life-years. If they were, they would have been willing to sacrifice about three 75-year-olds to save one 55-year-old (since 30 years versus ten years is a 3:1 ratio). In practice, they were willing to trade fewer.

On average, across countries, people were willing to trade about two and a half older lives to save one younger life. In other words, public preferences sit somewhere between treating all lives as equal, and strictly maximising total life-years. They don’t fully align with either.

The story becomes even more interesting when we look beyond age. In some versions of the experiment, we also varied whether the hypothetical people were working. This turned out to matter a lot. When both people had the same employment status, one 55-year-old was considered roughly equivalent to just over two 75-year-olds.

Yet when the younger person was working and the older person was not, the trade-off shifted dramatically – people were willing to sacrifice more than three older lives to save the younger worker. And when the situation was reversed – the older person working and the younger not – many respondents preferred saving the older person.

This suggests that people are not just thinking about life expectancy. They are also considering broader social factors, such as contribution, perceived need or fairness.

A gap between policy and public values

These findings raise an uncomfortable question. If health systems are designed to maximise life-years, but the public values something more nuanced, is there a mismatch between policy and societal preferences?

Our results suggest there is. People do care about life expectancy – younger lives are generally prioritised. However, they also place weight on fairness, context and social roles. Their preferences are more nuanced than the strict “maximise life-years” rule embedded in many healthcare decision frameworks.

This doesn’t mean that healthcare decisions should simply follow public opinion. These are complex ethical choices, and expert judgment remains essential.

Nevertheless, ignoring public values entirely may also be problematic. Policies that feel intuitively unfair can undermine trust, which is essential for the sustainability of policies and institutions.

Rather than abandon existing approaches like Qalys, one option may be to complement them. Decision-makers could more clearly include the public’s views by using things like discussion groups, citizen panels or other methods that balance efficiency with fairness.

Another possibility is to recognise that there is no single correct answer. Different societies may reasonably draw the line in different places – and even within countries, views vary by age, politics and experience.

Our study shows that people do not see these decisions in simple mathematical terms. When faced with real trade-offs, they weigh lives, years and social context together. Ultimately, that may be a more realistic reflection of the ethical complexity at the heart of healthcare.

The Conversation

Laurence Roope is supported by the NIHR Oxford Biomedical Research Centre and the NIHR Oxford Health Biomedical Research Centre.

Philip Clarke receives funding from the NIHR, UKRI and the British Academy.

Fiorella Parra-Mujica does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Would you save more lives or more years of life? A global study reveals how people really think – https://theconversation.com/would-you-save-more-lives-or-more-years-of-life-a-global-study-reveals-how-people-really-think-280338

Five Paddington books to read with your child, and why the bear on the page is different and worth meeting

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Melanie Ramdarshan Bold, Professor of Youth Literature and Culture, University of Glasgow

Peggy Fortnum and Harper Collins Children’s Publishing

For many children, Paddington is now primarily the star of three movies and a hit west end musical. However, that is not where the bear in a red hat whose adventures involve high-speed chases and marmalade-based slapstick began.

In writing our book on the bear, we have found that the Paddington British writer Michael Bond created in 1958 is a rather different creature from that which we now know. Film Paddington is a slapstick innocent abroad, propelled by plot and peril. Book Paddington is slower, odder, funnier: a small figure of polite chaos who wreaks havoc not because the world is against him, but because he takes it entirely at its word. He is, in the gentlest possible way, a satirist.

Paddington is incredibly popular with children and adults alike. Paddington in Peru broke UK box office records last autumn, the West End musical at the Savoy Theatre triumphed at the Olivier awards this week and is already booking into 2027, and a fourth film is in development. So if you or your children are eager for more we would highly recommend you try Bond’s books.

The books are also ideally structured for reading aloud. Each chapter works as a self-contained episode – around ten to 25 minutes, just right for bedtime – and the comedy builds through repetition and familiarity. Children who already love Paddington from the screen will find a quieter version of him on the page. And the pleasure of reading these together is that parent and child will both be laughing, just not always at the same things.

Here are five places to start.

1. A Bear Called Paddington (1958): the one to begin with

Book cover

Harpercollins Childrens Books

This is where Paddington arrives at the station with his label and his suitcase and his jar of marmalade, and the Browns (somewhat impulsively and definitely against Mr Brown’s better judgement) take him home. What follows is a series of gentle domestic catastrophes: a bath that floods the bathroom, a trip on the Underground that goes spectacularly wrong, an attempt at painting that produces an accidental masterpiece.

Start here because it establishes how Paddington works. He is never naughty. He is meticulous, earnest, and operating from a logic that is entirely reasonable if you happen to be a bear from Peru who has only recently encountered escalators. The chapter “A Visit to the Theatre”, in which Paddington cannot distinguish between drama and reality and nearly causes a riot from the stalls, is Bond at his best: a small bear taking the world seriously and the world not quite knowing what to do about it.

2. Paddington Helps Out (1960): the funniest one to read aloud

Book cover

Harpercollins Childrens Books

Paddington attempts DIY, enters a painting competition, and tries to help with the laundry. His intentions are commendable and the results are catastrophic.

What makes this book especially good for shared reading is its rhythm. Bond writes set-pieces with the timing of a comedian: slow build, moment of realisation, glorious mess. Children adore the predictability: they can see the disaster coming before Paddington can, and that anticipatory pleasure is one of the great rewards of series fiction.

3. Paddington Goes to Town (1968): the one with the best stories

Paddington Goes to Town (1968) cover

Harpercollins Childrens Books

Several chapters here are quietly brilliant. Paddington serves as a wedding usher and interprets the role as requiring him to keep everyone silent. He is mistaken for a waiter at a society dinner and ends up serving the guests something he believes to be baked Alaska but which turns out to be baked elastic.

For parents, the pleasure is in Bond’s comedy of social embarrassment. Paddington moves through the adult world with total sincerity, and the comedy arises from the gap between his good manners and the chaos he leaves behind.

4. Paddington Abroad (1961): the one that opens the world up

Book cover

Harpercollins Childrens Books

The Browns take Paddington on holiday to France. His encounters with French food, French customs, and French plumbing are some of the funniest passages Bond ever wrote.

This is a good choice if your child is about to go on a family holiday. It captures the comedy of being somewhere unfamiliar and trying very hard to get things right, which is Paddington’s permanent condition. He is always a visitor, always slightly out of place, and always managing to belong anyway.

Paddington Abroad also addresses some of the questions parents might have begun to ask themselves about Paddington’s paperwork – the Browns’ encounter with border control is both comic and discomfiting. Bond was inspired to create the character partly by the sight of wartime evacuee children arriving at London stations with labels round their necks. That quiet thread of displacement runs through the books without ever becoming too heavy. For children who have felt like the odd one out, there is real comfort in it – adults may see more.

5. Love from Paddington (2014): the one to read together, slowly

Book cover

Harpercollins Childrens Books

Published when Bond was 88, this is unlike the others. Written as letters from Paddington to Aunt Lucy in Peru, it retells many of his adventures in his own voice: warm, slightly bewildered, full of small asides. The letter format means each entry is short and self-contained, and Paddington’s voice is a pleasure to read aloud.

It is also, in the quietest way, a book about what it means to make a home somewhere new, to miss where you came from, and to feel grateful for the people who took you in. Younger children will enjoy the stories. Older children, and their parents, may catch something else underneath: a gentleness about love and distance and belonging that is never sentimental but always keenly felt.

The films have given a new generation the hat and the marmalade and the hard stare. The books will give them something more: the bear himself, in all his polite, disruptive, irreplaceable glory. Our main advice is: start anywhere. But start together.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Five Paddington books to read with your child, and why the bear on the page is different and worth meeting – https://theconversation.com/five-paddington-books-to-read-with-your-child-and-why-the-bear-on-the-page-is-different-and-worth-meeting-280617

How to feed your garden birds without spreading disease

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Richard Gregory, Honorary Professor of Genetics, Evolution & Environment, UCL

Erni/Shutterstock

The outbreak of a mysterious and deadly disease in finches in British gardens in 2005 set alarms bells ringing for conservationists. A decade later, the extent of that disease in greenfinches and chaffinches was reported. And now, bird scientists are beginning to understand how feeding birds in our gardens might be linked to their health and survival.

Major new guidance on bird feeding released by the UK’s largest nature conservation charity, the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB), asks that we feed birds seasonally and safely.

Feeding birds in gardens is helpful, especially during winter when birds might be facing food shortages. But summer feeding should be paused because this is a time when natural food sources such as caterpillars, bugs and flies are much more abundant. In summer, the benefits of feeding the birds are less obvious. Limiting summer bird feeding also limits the spread of disease, which happens more prominently when birds gather in numbers to share food and water.

Scientists now know that the disease detected in finches in the 2000s is trichomonosis, caused by a microscopic parasite called Trichomonas gallinae. It typically infects the bird’s throat and has been known for many years to affect pigeons and doves, along with birds of prey. Birds can act as carriers or succumb to the disease. Quite how this parasite spilled over into finches is uncertain, but probably happened through the sharing of food or water.

Studies show that this parasite can persist in moist bird feed for up to five days and in water up to 30 hours, especially in milder conditions. July to October is the peak time for disease outbreaks in finches.

chaffinch bird on bird feeder
A chaffinch feeds on fat balls.
Ballygally View Images/Shutterstock

The disease causes lesions in the bird’s throat that interfere with its ability to swallow. This causes the bird to regurgitate food and water, and eventually die. It can spread between birds when they feed one another during courtship, when feeding chicks or through regurgitation at food or water sources in gardens. Poorly birds appear fluffed up and lethargic. Some may have messy or wet feathers around their beak and often shake their heads as they try to swallow. It’s a sad sight.

Trichomonsis has had devastating consequences in bird populations across the UK and into mainland Europe. Greenfinches and chaffinches have been hit hardest. Greenfinch numbers are down by 65% and chaffinch down by 36% since 1995.
Bullfinches also catch this disease and die, and a range of other birds may contract the disease – some of which are already declining in numbers.

Without urgent action, the situation will probably get worse for these and other birds, especially when facing a myriad of other pressures. These include the loss of natural habitats, limited food availability, plus accelerating climate change.

The new guidance from the RSPB comes on the back of a detailed review of the effects of bird feeding that includes both bird survival from one year to the next and their breeding success. The review also considers the human benefits to bird feeding, and takes into account recent field studies of the disease and how to curb its spread. Most research has been conducted in natural settings such as woodlands, rather than residential, urban or suburban settings. But the key insights are clear.

The review found that feeding can boost bird populations. But there are two big concerns for conservation around garden bird feeding. First, increased disease transmission (as shown by trichomonosis and other diseases). Second, while many bird species have benefited from garden feeding, this may have come at the cost to others.

A 2009 study found that an estimated 12.6 million UK households (48%) provided supplementary food for birds of which 7.4 million used specially designed bird feeders. As demand increases, so too does the range of different bird food and feeders.

This popularity has upsides and downsides for different birds, but probably has strong benefits for our own connection to nature, wellbeing and health.

Birds that use feeders, such as greater spotted woodpeckers, wood pigeons, collared doves, great tits and blue tits have all increased their numbers dramatically in the long term. Yet, as their numbers have grown there is an increasing nervousness from conservationists that they might outcompete or predate more vulnerable species. Blue and great tits often take over and evict the endangered willow tit from their nest holes, and willow tits are preyed upon by great spotted woodpeckers. Further research will shed light on these complex interactions.

How to help

Two simple shifts can ensure we feed birds seasonally and safely.

During summer and autumn, there’s a higher risk of disease spreading. It’s also when there are more natural foods available to birds, so pause feeding any seeds or peanuts between 1 May and 31 October. You can continue to offer small amounts of mealworms, fat balls or suet, as they pose less risk of transmitting disease. Also consider bird-friendly planting to provide natural food sources, such as sunflowers, teasels and ivy.

Between 1 November and 30 April, you can feed with a full range of bird foods, including seeds and peanuts, but feed in moderation so food doesn’t spoil and large flocks of birds are not attracted to one location. Little and often is good.

Other guidance encourages good hygiene to minimise the risk of disease. Ideally, clean bird feeders and water baths at least once a week. You can change the water in bird baths every day and move bird feeders to different spots every week. Instead of using bird feeders with flat surfaces, such as bird tables, window feeders and feeders with trays, opt for hanging bird feeders to reduce the risk of spreading infections.

The Conversation

Richard Gregory works for the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB) as the Head of Monitoring Conservation Science.

ref. How to feed your garden birds without spreading disease – https://theconversation.com/how-to-feed-your-garden-birds-without-spreading-disease-280409

The UK wants a cleaner steel industry – but its plan rests on a supply chain that doesn’t exist yet

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael A. Lewis, Professor of Operations Management, University of Bristol; University of Bath

Norenko Andrey/Shutterstock

Around the world, countries are seeking to build greener, more circular economies. Steel is central to that ambition. It is still one of the most widely used materials – but producing it is one of the largest industrial sources of carbon emissions worldwide.

The UK domestic steel industry is the smallest it has been since the 1930s. Production fell to 4 million tonnes in 2024 and 70% of the country’s steel is imported. Despite this, the government’s new steel strategy is hugely important for the country’s future prosperity.

The UK is decisively moving from blast furnaces to electric arc furnaces (EAF), producing “circular steel” from scrap. On the face of it, the plan is compelling. It should align with UK strategies for its economy, national security and progress towards net zero.




Read more:
New industrial strategy brings Rachel Reeves’ securonomics to life – but will it protect Britain from more supply chain shocks?


The strategy requires the state to take an active role – buying more domestic steel, reducing import quotas and subsidising the UK’s high electricity costs. Perhaps above all, it rests on the assumption that scrap steel, most of which is exported, can be redirected to feed this new generation of EAFs.

Making this shift will require significant changes to pricing and processing systems. The UK generates around 10-11 million tonnes of steel scrap each year and exports roughly 80% of it. Per capita, it is the world’s largest scrap exporter. Only about 2.6 million tonnes is consumed by domestic steelmakers.

The new strategy relies on far more of this scrap staying in the country. But this would mean disrupting a business model that generates an estimated £9 billion a year in gross value added. A 2025 EU analysis noted that China’s plans to increase scrap-based production could require an additional 45 million tonnes of scrap globally. Rising international demand will push scrap prices up, making export even more attractive.

Ultimately, it is this scrap flow (where scrap is stored and treated) that will determine whether the economic and environmental potential of the strategy can be realised.

The power problem

A 2025 industry report uncovered a perplexing challenge: it is cheaper to export steel scrap and re-import finished steel products than to process and manufacture in the UK. The report called for investment in UK processing infrastructure: advanced scrap sorting, shredding, and refining to remove contaminants, as well as updated rules and oversight across the recycling supply chain.

European steelmakers such as Voestalpine and recyclers like TSR have already invested in the scrap sorting and processing infrastructure to meet the requirements of electric arc furnaces.

Using scrap steel might appear to be an obviously sustainable option, but there are complications. EAF steelmaking produces around 75% fewer direct carbon emissions than via a blast furnace but it uses vast amounts of electricity.

The sector’s electricity consumption is expected to double – and UK industrial electricity prices are 27%-38% higher than in France or Germany. Environmental and economic performance depends on the whole scrap chain – sorting, processing, removal of contaminants – not just the furnace technology.

For example, in separating different types of scrap, workers are potentially exposed to hazards from mixed materials such as batteries. Not only that, but poorly sorted scrap can result in lower-quality steel and generate hazardous residues in the slag.

Intriguingly, many of the assumptions of the new steel strategy can be tested against history. In 1972, the Sheerness steelworks in Kent became Britain’s first scrap-fed EAF mini-mill. By early 1980, the Financial Times reported this private steelmaker had productivity four times that of the publicly owned British Steel Corporation (BSC). More than half of its output was exported.

Then came the 1980 steel strike and other industrial relations challenges, market liberalisation and globalisation. Ownership at Sheerness passed from Co-Steel International of Canada to Allied Steel & Wire (ASW) in 1998, a company that was already in debt.

By 2002, ASW was in administration and Sheerness closed. A Saudi-backed company, Thamesteel, reopened the site in 2003 and installed a high-capacity EAF. But by 2012, Thamesteel was also in administration. The EAF was dismantled and shipped to Newport in south Wales.

But despite this conclusion, the fact remains that the technology worked. The plant was productive and profitable for many years. What kept shifting was the system beyond the furnace – electricity costs, scrap supply, government policies, UK market structures and global competition. Today the site is a car park for imported vehicles.

Whether the UK steel strategy succeeds will be determined by the unglamorous work of closing this scrap gap – better sorting, processing infrastructure and logistics. Meanwhile, the UK is competing in a global market where scrap prices are set by forces well beyond its control. Facing that fact, and not just the shiny furnaces, is where the strategy will be won or lost.

The Conversation

Michael A. Lewis currently receives funding from the AHRC.

Annika Skoglund received funding from the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research.

ref. The UK wants a cleaner steel industry – but its plan rests on a supply chain that doesn’t exist yet – https://theconversation.com/the-uk-wants-a-cleaner-steel-industry-but-its-plan-rests-on-a-supply-chain-that-doesnt-exist-yet-280308

European digital identity wallets: how secure are they and what are the risks?

Source: The Conversation – France – By Maryline Laurent, Professeur Directrice du département RST, Télécom SudParis – Institut Mines-Télécom

Many people have already heard of national digital wallets like France Identité in France, MyGov.be in Belgium, mObywatel in Poland, in Portugal or Ireland.

These services provide a sovereign national digital identity that will be implemented throughout the EU by the end of 2026, once they have been brought into compliance with the EU eIDAS 2 regulation, which aims to establish the EU’s framework for digital identity. At the close of the year, these digital identity services will materialise into a European Digital Identity Wallet (EUDIW). However, as with most digital tools, introducing them poses risks, including identity theft, digital exclusion, and foreign interference.

What can you do with a digital ID wallet?

The EU ID wallet will allow users to identify themselves via public and private services, including commercial ones, anywhere in the European Union. For example, a French citizen will be able to interact with the German administration as easily as a German citizen.

Depending on the user’s needs, the wallet may contain various types of information, including civil status data, such as first name, surname, date of birth and nationality, as well as electronic personal documents such as a driving license, transport tickets, or invoices.

Eventually, users will be able to present these documents to a public service, for instance, sending a copy of a degree to a future employer or using a prescription issued by a French doctor at a pharmacy in Belgium. This bona fide “digital toolkit” will also allow users to present digital ID such as a passports, visas, or airline tickets at border crossings.

Users will also be able to sign documents electronically using “qualified” electronic signatures, which have the same legal validity as handwritten signatures.

Finally, two people will be able to interact via their wallets. For example, while travelling in Italy, Alice could transfer her digital voting proxy to Felix.

Who are they for? And when will they be used?

All EU citizens and residents will be able to hold an EUDIW, although it will not be mandatory. The European Commission aims to provide 80% of the population with an EUDIW by 2030. In order to meet this goal, each EU Member State must issue at least one EUDIW by the end of the year.

The EUDIW will be presented primarily as a mobile application that can be downloaded onto smartphones. It is expected to operate with a high level of security, both online and offline, offering must-have mandatory features, such as simple and verified digital administrative documents, qualified signatures, and pseudonym generation. It must also be certified by each Member State and listed on a public European registry.

By the end of 2027, all businesses and public administrations requiring strong customer authentication (SCA), including banks, will have to accept proof of identity via an EUDIW.

At what cost?

The cost issue is an important consideration. Issuing and using the digital wallet, as well as issuing verified electronic signatures for non-professional purposes, will be free of charge. Each Member State will be free to determine its own specific conditions. For instance, Poland offers five free signatures per month per citizen. Using electronic signatures for professional purposes may incur a fee. In Belgium, the private wallet provider Itsme charges €4.95 per qualified signature.

What are the benefits?

The EUDIW should help combat fraud and false declarations, especially regarding the minimum age requirement for accessing pornographic websites. The process of renting a car, which currently requires sending copies of one’s ID card and driving licence, could be fully digitised.

Another benefit is that users will have greater control over how their personal data is processed.

Users will be able to freely choose and use pseudonyms when strong authentication is not required. Through a mandatory dashboard, they will be able to view the history of data transmitted and report suspicious data requests to their data protection authority, thereby strengthening oversight.

The wallet should integrate privacy-enhancing technologies. For example, minors can verify minimum age requirements for social networks using zero-knowledge proof technologies, proving they are under 15 without revealing their name, surname, or date of birth.

Moreover, only public and private service providers listed on a public registry will be able to use the EUDIW. Providers of electronic attestations and qualified signatures will need to obtain prior qualification at national level. We are witnessing a genuine digital identity ecosystem in the making.

What are the risks of a digital identity market?

The primary risk for users is being forced to use an EUDIW, which is designed as a kind of digital passkey. This could exclude certain segments of the population, particularly those who cannot afford or can use this type of technology.

Another risk concerns privacy. Digital wallets could increase the amount of personal data collected without users’ knowledge.

To address this threat, under EU law digital wallets must be certified. While the certification provides certain safeguards, it does not offer absolute security, as demonstrated by the 2021 PEGASUS case.

Cyberattacks may not only seek to steal identities, but also the data linked to them. Some of this data, such as first names, surnames, and diplomas, will be particularly valuable, as its authenticity will have been verified against authoritative sources.

From the perspective of EU States, the EUDIW raises questions of sovereignty, because states are currently the only entities capable of reliably establishing a person’s identity.

The provision of EUDIWs by non-European private companies increases the risk of foreign interference, which is a very real concern. For example, Nicolas Guillou, a French judge at the International Criminal Court has been under US sanctions since August 2025.

What still needs to be done: choices, audits and alternatives

The EUDIW could become an extremely useful everyday tool. However, many decisions still need to be made regarding implementation, enrolment, revocation, and cybersecurity, to effectively combat identity theft.

In order to fulfill the promise of a safer digital world, there must be effective oversight and dissuasive sanctions against both European and non-European factors.

At the same time, maintaining a hard copy alternative to digital documents is essential. Maintaining paper-based documents will not only help preserve a state’s resilience and sovereignty in the event of a cyberattack, but will also allow every citizen to choose whether or not to use an EUDIW.


The projects on Traceability for trusted multi-scale data and fight against information leak in daily practices and artificial intelligence systems in healthcare – TracIA and More on the adoption of a healthy Mediterranean diet – MoreMedDiet were backed by France’s National Research Agency (ANR), which finances research projects in France. The ANR’s mission is to support and promote the development of fundamental and finalised research work across all disciplines, and strengthen dialogue between science and society. To find out more, visit ANR.

The Conversation

Maryline Laurent a reçu des financements de la Fondation Mines-Télécom, de l’Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) et de plusieurs partenaires industriels tels que EDF et Orange.

Claire Levallois-Barth a reçu des financements de la Fondation Mines-Télécom. Les partenaires de la Chaire VP-IP qu’elle coordonne sont BNPP, IN Groupe, France Titres, Orange.

ref. European digital identity wallets: how secure are they and what are the risks? – https://theconversation.com/european-digital-identity-wallets-how-secure-are-they-and-what-are-the-risks-280057

Afcon controversy: what a sports law specialist says about Senegal being stripped of the title

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Abdoulaye Sakho, Professeur de droit, Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar

Two months after the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) final, which was won by Senegal in January 2026, the appeal board of the Confederation of African Football (Caf) decided to strip them of the title and give it instead to their opponents, Morocco. This was because the Senegalese team had walked off the pitch for about 10 minutes.

Caf’s ruling is based on Articles 82 and 84 of the African football body’s regulations. It goes against the referee’s decision to resume play and see the match through to its conclusion. What does sports law say on this matter? And what are the implications of the decision? We asked sports law specialist Abdoulaye Sakho for his opinion.


What is the legal basis for the decision?

The legal basis lies in Chapter 35 of the Africa Cup of Nations regulations, which covers team withdrawals, specifically Articles 82 and 84, which govern team withdrawal.

The Caf appeal panel decided that:

In application of Article 84 of the regulations of the Caf Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon), the Senegal national team is declared to have forfeited the final match.

The legal classification is a central issue. Some described Senegal’s exit from the pitch as “match abandonment”. The panel labelled it “withdrawal” as defined in the regulations.




Read more:
Senegal stripped of title: Afcon ruling is lawful, but it puts Caf’s reputation at risk


While similar tournament rules might refer to a “forfeiture of the match”, the appeals panel adopts the concept of “withdrawal” as defined by the Afcon regulations. In law, and especially in sports law, this distinction is crucial. It determine which rules apply. Think of it as a medical diagnosis. Give the wrong one, and the treatment that follows may do more harm than good.

What was their reasoning?

It is difficult to speak with certainty about the panel’s reasoning. However, we can assume that the Caf appeals board acted independently and exercised its full discretion as an autonomous body. It was within its rights to disregard a key factor: the match was played to completion.

Yet, I will admit that their reasoning remains puzzling to me. One thing is certain, the referee never stopped the match. Some Senegalese players left the pitch, then resumed play. He opted for a brief suspension, then resumed play. He did not declare the match over. That decision to resume the match is significant. Under law 5 of the International Football Association Board, the referee has

full authority to enforce the laws of the game … stop, suspend or abandon the match for any offences or because of outside interference.

The regulations don’t stipulate that there is a set time limit – such as 10, 15, or 20 minutes – after which a match must be abandoned. In this instance, the referee is the master of the game. He has made his decision, and that decision is binding on everyone, erga omnes (towards everyone) as legal purists would put it, because Law 5 is equally clear on this point:

The decisions of the referee regarding facts connected with play, including whether or not a goal is scored and the result of the match, are final. The decisions of the referee, and all other match officials, must always be respected.

Has there ever been a case like this at this level?

I am not aware of a similar case in an Afcon final. This is unprecedented at a continental final level. In football, authorities rarely overturn decisions on the pitch.

One exception was the South Africa vs Senegal match in the 2018 World Cup qualifiers. It was replayed after it was proven that the match referee, “bribed” by bettors, had made a decision that had an “illegal influence on the match result”.

There are also well-known cases of suspended matches in the history of African soccer. One example is the 2019 Caf Champions League club final between Morocco’s Wydad Casablanca and Tunisia’s Espérance de Tunis. The Wydad players had refused to resume play after a disallowed goal. The referee also refused to consult the video assisted referee, because of a technical malfunction.




Read more:
Afcon drama: what went wrong and what went right at the continent’s biggest football cup in Morocco


Wydad never returned to play. After more than an hour of deliberation, the referee blew the final whistle, ruling that Wydad had forfeited the match. The final ruling in that case upheld that the refusal to resume play constituted a forfeit under the Caf disciplinary code, and the Moroccan team lost the match by default. The key difference is that in the 2025 Afcon final, Senegal did resume the match and played it to its conclusion.

What happens next?

It is well established in sports law that when a sports authority has rendered a final decision – as is the case of the decision by the Caf appeals board – the international Court of Arbitration for Sport may be approached to review the decision through an act called a “statement of appeal”, with a filing fee of US$1,279.

Both sides submit written arguments, a hearing is held and then the court issues its ruling. Senegal’s football federation has filed a request to the court to suspend the Caf decision. This will allow it to retain its title until the final court ruling, which is expected in a few months.




Read more:
Can an African team win the World Cup? New football study crunches the numbers


This case is a textbook example for sports law because it raises several complex legal issues that cannot be fully addressed here, including the interpretation of sports regulations, the referee’s authority over the game, the composition of judicial bodies, the issue of estoppel (ethics) in ongoing legal proceedings, and the governance of sports organisations.

The Conversation

Abdoulaye Sakho does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Afcon controversy: what a sports law specialist says about Senegal being stripped of the title – https://theconversation.com/afcon-controversy-what-a-sports-law-specialist-says-about-senegal-being-stripped-of-the-title-279779

Mozambique relies on Rwanda’s troops to fight terrorism: what happens if they leave?

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Kaitlyn Rabe, Lecturer, The Ohio State University

Rwanda has threatened to withdraw its troops from Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province, signalling a potentially decisive shift in the southern African country’s security architecture.

The threat of withdrawal is driven by a European Union (EU) warning that it may stop funding the Rwandan Defence Forces’ mission in Mozambique in May 2026.

Rwanda’s military intervention in northern Mozambique began in July 2021, when Kigali deployed about 1,000 troops and police at the request of the Mozambican government.

Around December 2022, the EU began to contribute to this Rwandan mission, initially disbursing €20 million, and adding another €20 million in November 2024.

The deployment followed a major escalation of violence by Islamist insurgents in Cabo Delgado. The insurgents captured strategic towns near natural resource sites, such as Mocímboa da Praia, and carried out attacks near a TotalEnergies gas project in Palma.

Rwandan forces quickly helped retake key areas and stabilise zones critical to energy infrastructure, in this way distinguishing themselves from slower-moving multilateral responses.

In 2024, Rwanda increased its troop presence. This helped fill the void left by the withdrawal of a Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission which had begun in July 2021.

However, the Rwandan mission has begun to look less effective in the last couple of years. There were only four documented clashes between Rwandan forces and Islamic State rebels in Mozambique between December 2024 and March 2025. This had deadly consequences for civilians, who are a strategic target of the rebel group.

I study security dynamics, regional interventions such as Rwanda’s mission in Mozambique, and insurgency responses across sub-Saharan Africa. In my view, Rwanda’s threatened withdrawal wouldn’t be just a tactical shift. It would be a structural turning point. This risks creating a security vacuum in Cabo Delgado.

This exposes the limits of regional and continental intervention mechanisms when local structures remain weak, fragmented and unable to sustain security gains without external support.




Read more:
Rwanda’s military support to other countries is part of a strategy to boost its reputation


Should Rwanda withdraw from Mozambique, Maputo would face a limited set of options.

It could once again turn to multilateral forces, such as the SADC or the African Union. Given that the SADC has struggled to meet past security commitments, this appears unlikely. Instead, Mozambique may continue to prefer bilateral commitments – most likely with Tanzania – to shore up its counterinsurgency efforts.

In any case, any disruption of counterinsurgency efforts – and failure to address the root causes of unrest – will inevitably lead to further violence and suffering for civilians.

Inside Cabo Delgado

Cabo Delgado is endowed with natural resources, but is one of the poorest regions of Mozambique. It holds reserves of graphite, gold, timber and precious gems. The region contributes about 80% of the world’s ruby supplies.

The discovery of a natural gas reserve in 2010 led to an influx of foreign direct investment by gas companies.

The perception that these resources and investments have not benefited the local population has driven resentment. This began to manifest in the growth of the Islamic State-affiliated Ahl al-Sunnah wa al Jamma’ah (ASWJ), which locals refer to as “Al-Shabaab” (not connected with the Somali entity of the same name).

The group sought to present itself as a legitimate alternative to a state that had failed to deliver services.




Read more:
Offshore gas finds offered major promise for Mozambique: what went wrong


Although the Cabo Delgado insurgency began in 2017, it hit major international headlines in March 2021. This followed a jihadist attack in Palma that targeted a TotalEnergies natural gas project, killing dozens and forcibly displacing thousands. TotalEnergies suspended operations, and only in November 2025 announced its intention to restart activities in Mozambique.

Since the insurgency began in 2017, about 6,500 people have been killed, and 1.3 million displaced.

After years of failing to contain the insurgency, the Mozambican army was forced to seek external counterinsurgency and counterterrorism support.

The SADC sent an initial contingent of peacekeepers in July 2021. However, member states were accused of lagging on their commitments. Meanwhile, Rwanda – outwardly eager to cement its reputation as Africa’s most professional and effective military force – quickly garnered a reputation for its incisive interventions.

But it intervened largely in areas rich in natural resources, while neglecting other areas of Cabo Delgado.

Potential scenarios

The mere announcement of a potential drawdown of Rwandan troops is a psychological victory for Mozambique’s jihadist groups. In May 2024, insurgents claimed victory over SADC forces following news of the mission’s withdrawal. A dangerous vacuum would follow the withdrawal itself.

In my view, there are three possible scenarios for the security of Mozambique.

First, Mozambique could invite the SADC to return as part of a multilateral mission. It would, however, have the same logistical and political obstacles that plagued its first mission.

Second, the African Union could intervene under Article 4(h) of the act that established it. This provision allows for intervention in cases of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity in member states. Though legally plausible given the documented crimes against humanity in Cabo Delgado since 2017, an AU direct intervention is unlikely. The union has shown consistent reluctance to invoke Article 4(h) without invitation from member states.




Read more:
Mozambique’s long struggle to build a nation – four novels that tell the story


Third, the most probable scenario is a reinforcement of Tanzania’s existing, if modest, military presence in Cabo Delgado. Dar es Salaam has the clearest strategic interest in stabilising its southern neighbour.

Malawi, which also borders Mozambique’s northern regions, has a fraught historical relationship with Maputo. This is a result of Lilongwe’s support for Mozambican guerrilla movements throughout the civil war of the 1970s and 1980s.

Tanzania’s porous border with Cabo Delgado and the involvement of Tanzanian nationals in Mozambique’s violent extremist groups make it the neighbouring country most affected by counterinsurgency in Mozambique.

Scaling up from the current contingent of 300 troops in Mozambique, however, would require considerable political will and logistical coordination.

What next

Those are only some of the scenarios that may occur.

The African Union will most likely not intervene with a multilateral mission of its own accord. The government of Mozambique itself would have to request it, but prefers more agile, bilateral missions.

Whichever actor may replace Rwanda, the withdrawal of troops would result in a security vacuum with likely fatal consequences for civilians in Cabo Delgado, and repercussions for neighbouring countries, particularly Tanzania.

The Conversation

Kaitlyn Rabe is affiliated with Mondo Internazionale APS.

ref. Mozambique relies on Rwanda’s troops to fight terrorism: what happens if they leave? – https://theconversation.com/mozambique-relies-on-rwandas-troops-to-fight-terrorism-what-happens-if-they-leave-280045

Failed peace deal: The Iran war has inflicted a cascade of losses that may never be recovered

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kawser Ahmed, Adjunct Professor, Natural Resource Institute (NRI), University of Manitoba

Every ceasefire is haunted by the same question: will it live up to the promise of peace? The United States and Iran could apparently only focus on their disagreements during peace talks in Islamabad, with negotiations led by American Vice President JD Vance failing to result in a deal.

Experts speculated that Iran’s 10-point peace proposals and the American 15-point plan were too far apart to lead to consensus.

This is perhaps unsurprising. Between 1945 and 2009, a survey of peace treaties suggests that fewer than half of all countries that experienced armed conflict managed to avoid falling back into violence.

Dim prospects for Middle East peace

In the Middle East, in particular, the picture is even more sobering. The 1978 Camp David Accords gave us a lasting Egypt-Israel peace but Egyptian leader Anwar Sadat paid with his life and Egypt was cast out of the Arab League by its Arab neighbours.

The Oslo Accords of 1993, signed with such hope on the White House lawn, unravelled into the bloodshed of the Second Intifada. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear deal of 2015 survived barely three years before the U.S. walked away under President Donald Trump.

The June 2025 ceasefire between Iran and Israel held for months, then shattered.

And now, once again, the world was asked asked to hope. On April 8, a two-week ceasefire was announced between the U.S. and Iran, brokered by Pakistan, after 40 days of U.S-Israeli strikes. The conflict has sent global oil markets into crisis due to the Strait of Hormuz closure, and left Lebanon under relentless Israeli bombardment.

Iran’s 10-point peace plan demanded the strait remain under its military co-ordination, full sanctions relief, compensation, American troop withdrawal and protection for its regional allies — terms the U.S. has called “maximalist.”

With no peace deal, the U.S. announced a naval blockade at the Strait of Hormuz, escalating tensions.

What the war has cost

Peace research has consistently found that ceasefires without trust-building, third-party enforcement and comprehensive scope are the least likely to survive.

This U.S.-Iran ceasefire lacks all of these elements.

The numbers associated with the war are staggering. The Pentagon has spent roughly US$28 billion in 39 days, with the Trump administration now seeking between $80–100 billion more from Congress to continue.

More than 1,500 Iranians have been killed and 18,500 wounded. Thirteen American soldiers are dead and more than 300 are wounded.

Crude oil prices have surged more than 55 per cent since the war began. Gas prices across the U.S. have jumped more than a dollar per gallon, and in fragile economies like Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, the energy shock is threatening governments already on the edge.

To what benefit?

There’s been no regime change in Iran, no emancipation of the Iranian people from their oppressive rulers, no nuclear disarmament. Instead, the war has produced a cascade of intangible losses that may prove far more consequential.

The Abraham Accords between Israel and several Arab nations, once hailed as a diplomatic masterstroke, are under severe strain as Gulf states absorb Iranian missile strikes on American military bases they host and begin asking whether a U.S. military presence is protection or liability.

NATO relationships are in tatters.

No clear objectives

Israel, which clearly doesn’t want the ceasefire to extend to Lebanon, launched Operation Eternal Darkness with 100 airstrikes in 10 minutes against the Lebanese on the very day the ceasefire was announced.

The U.S. is struggling to define victory in a war it started without clear objectives.

Perhaps the most telling sign of how badly the war has gone for the U.S. is the revolt from within Trump’s MAGA camp. Tucker Carlson, once Trump’s most powerful media ally, delivered a 43-minute monologue calling the president’s war rhetoric “morally corrupt” and “evil.”

He labelled Trump’s Easter morning Truth Social post, which mocked Islam while threatening to wipe out Iranian civilization, “vile on every level.” Joe Rogan called the war “insane, based on what he ran on.” The architects of MAGA’s media empire are in open revolt, and Trump’s approval rating is now positive in just 17 of 50 states.

New world order?

As a peace scholar, this is one of the most disheartening moments I have ever witnessed. The very architecture of peace is being dismantled — not by accident, but by design.

The U.S. has eliminated its entire US$1.23 billion contribution to United Nations peacekeeping in its 2026 budget, slashed 85 per cent of its diplomatic and international affairs spending, shuttered USAid after 64 years and withdrawn from 66 international bodies since January 2025.




Read more:
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The UN has been forced to cut 25 per cent of its peacekeeping forces, meaning a lesser presence in places like Lebanon, Congo and South Sudan precisely when the world needs them most.

The war has also exposed an inversion of the global security order. When it came time to broker peace, no western U.S. ally stepped forward.

Instead, Pakistan — a country embroiled in its own border tensions with India and Afghanistan — is lead mediator, alongside Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. China has helped from the sidelines.

This foursome of Muslim-majority nations are now positioning themselves as the primary diplomatic channel in a region where both Israel and Iran have become pariahs and American credibility as a security guarantor is in tatters.

For a country that built the post-1945 rules-based order, the U.S. now needs to be rescued from its own war by the very nations it once lectured on governance and peace.




Read more:
Venezuela attack, Greenland threats and Gaza assault mark the collapse of international legal order


Parallels to Athens

If the U.S. can wage an unauthorized war against Iran without clear objectives, if Russia can redraw borders in Ukraine by force and if Israel can operate without restraint or accountability across Lebanon, Gaza and beyond, then what signal is being sent to every government with a grievance that has a strong military?

How does collective humanity build mechanisms that can actually prevent wars, not just end them after the damage is done?




Read more:
Guns over people: Rising military spending is eroding quality of life around the world


Thucydides had a warning 2,400 years ago: military power and technological advancement do not guarantee safety or perpetual peace.

Athens, the world’s dominant power in the 5th century BCE, did not fall to a stronger enemy. It fell because it launched a war of choice it didn’t have to fight. The Sicilian Expedition drained the Athens treasury, fractured its alliances and exposed the arrogance of imperial overreach. The parallels are hard to ignore.

To fund a war of choice, the U.S. is spending billions to destroy while cutting pennies from the institutions aimed at healing. It’s yet another indication that the world is losing its way in an era of constant conflict.

The Conversation

Kawser Ahmed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Failed peace deal: The Iran war has inflicted a cascade of losses that may never be recovered – https://theconversation.com/failed-peace-deal-the-iran-war-has-inflicted-a-cascade-of-losses-that-may-never-be-recovered-280313

US naval blockade of Strait of Hormuz: what it involves and the risks attached

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Basil Germond, Professor of International Security, School of Global Affairs, Lancaster University

The US blockade of the Strait of Hormuz aims to cut off Iran’s oil exports and punish any ship that pays a toll for transiting the waterway. somkanae sawatdinak/Shutterstock

A US-sanctioned tanker with links to China, the Rich Starry, has transited the Strait of Hormuz, despite the US blockade of the waterway. According to the respected maritime news and intelligence agency Lloydslist, the Rich Starry is falsely registered in Malawi, but is Chinese owned and carrying a Chinese crew. It is subject to US sanctions for carrying Iranian goods. It is not known what the vessel is currently transporting.

Having been anchored off the UAE, the Rich Starry is not technically in breach of the blockade, but the incident has raised fears of a potential confrontation between the US and China in the region. Other vessels are reported to be waiting to transit the Strait, despite the US blockade.

The decision to impose a blockade on Iranian ports in the vicinity of the Strait was announced by the US president, Donald Trump, following the breakdown of US-Iran peace talks in Islamabad on April 11. Trump’s announcement was clarified by a statement on April 12 from US Central Command, which stipulated that the operation would prevent ships entering and exiting Iranian ports and coastal areas while not impeding vessels transiting the Strait to and from non‑Iranian ports.

Trump also announced that: “I have also instructed our Navy to seek and interdict every vessel in International Waters that has paid a toll to Iran. No one who pays an illegal toll will have safe passage on the high seas.” It remains unclear as to whether this will be implemented.

The Strait of Hormuz has been as good as closed since shortly after the US and Israel launched their attacks on Iran at the end of February. Most ship owners, charterers and insurers are unwilling to accept the financial risk – and risk to human life – that transiting the Strait under threat of Iranian attack would entail.

Blockades are used to convert naval dominance into advantage on land by preventing imports and exports of goods, in Iran’s case oil, to put pressure on an adversary’s population and government by hurting their economy. Likewise, Iran’s strategy of closing down the Strait after it was attacked intended to disrupt the global economy in order to put international pressure on the Trump administration.

Iran has long threatened to use its geographical proximity to the Strait of Hormuz to close it down. Having demonstrated how effective this can be in disrupting oil and liquid natural gas prices, Tehran has been flexing its muscles by demanding that ships wanting to transit the waterway pay a tariff of up to US$2 million (£1.5 million). Lloydslist reported on March 25 that “a total of 26 vessel transits through the strait have followed a route pre-approved under an IRGC [Islamic Republican Guard Corps] ‘toll booth’ system that requires the ship operators to submit to a vetting scheme”.

This was reportedly a sticking point in negotiations between the US and Iran in Pakistan on April 11. Tehran wants to retain control of the Strait and the ability to levy tolls from transiting ships. The US is demanding that the maritime right of free passage must be enforced. It was when the first round of talks ended in deadlock that the US president decided to impose the naval blockade.

Former US diplomat to the Middle East, David Satterfield, told the BBC on April 13 that it was now about which country could absorb more pain, adding: “The Iranians believe … that they can absorb more pain for a longer period than their opponents can.”

Expensive – and risky – gambit

The cost calculus is asymmetric. It will be more expensive for the US to maintain its blockade than it was for Iran to close the Strait. The question will be whether Washington can sustain interdiction long enough to effectively undermine the regime – always remembering that the Islamic Republic has potentially had decades to prepare for this sort of scenario.

If the blockade can be implemented effectively, it could – in time – have an effect on an economy wrecked by years of sanctions and further weakened by the recent war and nationwide protests in January. The question is how long that might take.

To be effective, the blockade will require considerable naval resources. The US is reported to have as many as 21 warships in the Middle East, including the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln and the USS Tripoli, an amphibious assault ship with a complement of marines who are trained to board ships using helicopters and small boarding craft.

This introduces another layer of risk as assets operating near to the Iranian coasts will need to be protected against Iranian missiles, drones and fast attack craft. So, this would be resource‑intensive, operationally demanding and thus politically exposed for the US.

How the US will go about enforcement remains to be seen. In December and January, US naval and coastguard ships boarded and seized several vessels linked to Venezuela’s shadow fleet that had broken America’s blockade. Whether it would pursue the same action with a vessel linked to China is another matter though. And while another option would be to fire warning shots, these can be dangerous around tankers because of the risk of oil spillage, as well as the obvious political risk attached to Chinese-linked vessels.

US coastguard boards the Marinera (footage suppied).

It’s not clear at present that imposing a blockade on the Strait of Hormuz will restore free navigation of the waterway any time soon. But it now appears that, in the absence of free navigation, some countries have decided to call America’s bluff and attempt to transit the waterway in defiance of the US blockade. And the big concern must be the serious risk of escalation if the US attempts to enforce the blockade on a Chinese-owned vessel.

None of this will be welcomed by the US president and his national security team.

The Conversation

Basil Germond does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. US naval blockade of Strait of Hormuz: what it involves and the risks attached – https://theconversation.com/us-naval-blockade-of-strait-of-hormuz-what-it-involves-and-the-risks-attached-280482

Everyday sexist online language is not random, and that’s the problem

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sepita Hatami, Ph.D. in Comparative Literature, Western University

Online sexism is often dismissed as random — just a few bad comments or offensive jokes. But what appears scattered and spontaneous is increasingly structured, repeated and amplified in ways that make it far more influential.

This shift can be understood through masculinism, an ideology that frames men as a disadvantaged group and defines feminism and gender equality as threats. While individual sexist comments may appear isolated, masculinism provides a shared narrative thread that connects them and reinforces them across online spaces.




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Driven by social media, masculinism has moved from the fringes to the mainstream


Masculinist groups, such as incel (involuntary celibate) communities, Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW) and men’s rights activists like Andrew Tate openly reject gender equality and may even encourage violence against women, turning sexism into something more deliberate and far-reaching.

In January 2026, the French High Council for Gender Equality issued a warning that online masculinist groups are no longer niche or innocuous. These organized groups have grown in influence and can affect how women are treated in society.

To understand why this matters, it helps to understand how everyday sexist behaviours or discourse is entangled with and can evolve into co-ordinated online movements. Sexism is no longer limited to individual views or fringe pockets of the internet, it is now shared across many online platforms.

The pattern behind the noise

As a researcher in feminist theory and gender studies, specializing in the analysis of narrative and cultural representation, I study how gendered ideas are represented, produced and circulated across different media.

Most people see sexist comments online every day. These range from crude jokes to attacks on feminism or claims that men are the “real victims” in today’s society.

Because these comments often look casual and unplanned, many people see them as random, harmless or just personal opinions. However, research in social sciences and communications shows that they do not spread by accident. Instead, they follow loose patterns of co-ordination.

This type of co-ordination happens when people share the same language, ideas and feelings of resentment online over and over again.

As these messages appear repeatedly across digital platforms, what feels like a personal opinion becomes part of a more organized pattern, even if users are not aware of that bigger picture.

The role of repetition and emotion

Groups like men’s rights activists, anti-feminist or misogynist communities were once seen as small and insignificant with little influence. But over time, some have developed a growing presence on popular social media platforms, podcasts and video channels.

Their ideas now reach far beyond their original online space. Influencers like Justin Waller and Sneako (featured on Louis Theroux’s latest Netflix documentary, Inside the Manosphere) have played a significant role in popularizing masculinist ideas.

Their content often combines self-help messaging with narratives that portray women as manipulative or men as unfairly disadvantaged. Tate alone has amassed billions of views across platforms, reflecting the scale at which such ideas circulate.

Messages that trigger anger or a sense of unfairness are more likely to be shared. Research in psychological and cognitive sciences shows that emotional and moral language makes political messages more likely to be spread, even among people who disagree with them.

The main concern is not how many people openly support violence against women. The greater risk is what repeated exposure does over time. When certain groups, like women or feminists, are presented repeatedly as dangerous or immoral, people may become more accepting of harsh treatment toward them, even if there is no open call to violence.

Regular exposure to misogynistic content can also make users more likely to move toward extreme views, including far-right content. Radicalization does not happen overnight and is, in fact, the result of consistent exposure and gradual normalization over time.

When people see the same messages again and again, harmful language loses its shock value and starts to feel acceptable.

What’s alarming is that the consequences extend beyond digital spaces.

When harmful ideas aren’t questioned

Reports show that sexist language and attitudes are increasingly appearing in schools and family settings.

Teachers report that students repeat the misogynistic messages they’ve seen on social media or online video platforms and treat them as jokes or “common sense” rather than harmful ideas and behaviours.

Similar patterns can appear in workplaces, where women’s contributions may be dismissed through humour. When we become used to harmful content, we stop questioning it.

Understanding these patterns doesn’t mean that nobody is allowed to disagree with gender policies. In a democratic society, it’s healthy for people to have different views on how equality can be achieved. However, there’s a difference between fair disagreements and organized narratives that treat gender equality as a serious threat.

If we want to counter this phenomenon, we have to recognize the impact of how girls and women are portrayed online and how everyday sexist content can influence the way they are treated in real life.

The Conversation

Sepita Hatami does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Everyday sexist online language is not random, and that’s the problem – https://theconversation.com/everyday-sexist-online-language-is-not-random-and-thats-the-problem-274608