How to run a marathon better: the nutritional and psychological hacks that matter most

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andy Galbraith, Associate Professor, University of East London

Successful marathon running isn’t just about fitness. Tartezy/ Shutterstock

Running a marathon asks a great deal of the body. You need sustained energy, careful pacing, plenty of muscle endurance and smart hydration.

Marathons also ask a great deal of the mind. At some point, almost every runner has to deal with nerves, discomfort, self-doubt or the creeping sense that the finish line is still very far away.

That is why successful marathon running is not just about fitness. It’s about fuelling well, thinking clearly and responding effectively when the race starts to bite.

Here are some of the most useful nutritional and psychological strategies to get you through marathon day.

Fuel properly

For runners, carbohydrates are not the enemy. They are the body’s main fuel source at marathon pace. On race day, how and when you take them in matters enormously.

Once the race begins, your glycogen levels (a rapid-release form of energy stored in the body), steadily deplete. For many runners, these reserves begin to run low after roughly two hours of continuous effort, which is one reason people “hit the wall”.

Proper race-day fuelling helps delay that point. Runners should aim to consume around 60 grams of carbohydrate per hour during the race. Gels, chews or sports drinks – often available at aid stations – are great ways of topping up carbohydrate stores. Race day isn’t the moment to gamble, so whatever you plan to use should already be familiar with its effects from training.

Hydration is equally important and just as personal. Some runners lose fluid quickly, while others cannot comfortably drink large amounts while running.

A useful benchmark is try to limit fluid losses to around 2–3% of your body weight during the race. The aim is to replace some of what you’re losing during the race without overdoing it.

One practical approach is to drink to thirst – taking small, regular sips rather than large volumes. This helps avoid both dehydration and the opposite risk, drinking far too much, which can lead to discomfort – or, in rare cases, hyponatraemia (low blood sodium levels).

Finally, remember that fuelling is part of race management. Taking a gel just before a challenging section or grabbing a drink during a quieter stretch can help you manage the miles more effectively.

Enjoy the atmosphere

Marathons offer a one-in-a-lifetime experience for many of us.

The crowds, noise, music, volunteers and sheer occasion can all work in the runner’s favour. Psychologically, this can help shift attention away from the discomfort you may experience during the race.

So do not be afraid to take the day in. Smile at spectators. Acknowledge the cheers. Let yourself be lifted by the event.

A group of marathon runners run down Tower Bridge, while spectators lean over a metal barrier to give them a high-five.
Use the exciting atmosphere to your advantage.
Travers Lewis/ Shutterstock

That said, excitement can also be costly. A marathon punishes early over-confidence. The occasion may tempt you to run faster than planned, especially in the opening miles when adrenaline is high and the legs still feel fresh.

The best marathoners are not those who ignore the noise. They are often the ones who use it well while still listening to their bodies.

Remember your motivation

For many runners, the marathon is about much more than a finishing time.
Some are running for a cause close to their heart, as way of connecting with someone or proving something to themselves.

That deeper reason matters, especially when the race becomes difficult. Be clear about why you are doing it. If nerves surface at the start line or the pain surfaces at the harder miles late on, reconnecting with that reason can help steady the mind and restore perspective.

At those moments, one of the most powerful thoughts can be a very simple one: it’s a big race but the race is not bigger than me.

Be kind to yourself

Most runners will have a difficult patch at some point in the race. That does not mean the marathon is going badly. This is just the reality of running a marathon.

This is where your internal dialogue matters.

Before race day, decide what you want to say to yourself when things get hard. The most effective phrases are usually not dramatic. They are believable, calming and constructive, such as: I’ve trained for this. Keep moving. This is tough, but so am I.

Write the phrase down, maybe keep it with you on race day. Use it when the doubts arrive. Positive affirmations are deemed to be helpful in tough and pressurised sporting situations.

One of the most valuable psychological skills in endurance sport is not pretending the challenge does not exist. It’s responding well when it does.

Because in the end, marathon running is not just about getting to the finish. It is about how you fuel, think and cope along the way.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How to run a marathon better: the nutritional and psychological hacks that matter most – https://theconversation.com/how-to-run-a-marathon-better-the-nutritional-and-psychological-hacks-that-matter-most-279142

US raises the stakes in the Strait of Hormuz

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor, The Conversation

This is the text from The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email. Sign up here to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


The US is reported to be greatly expanding the scope of its naval blockade of Iran, asserting the right to board and seize any ships it believes to be carrying “contraband” or “conditional contraband” bound for Iran from anywhere on the open seas. Respected maritime news and intelligence agency, Lloyd’s List, says this means that “almost any industrial cargo bound for Iran could plausibly be intercepted”. This will considerably raise the stakes in an already fraught situation.

Opinions are already divided as to how effective this “blockade of a blockade” is likely to be. The US president made the decision on April 12 to “seek and interdict every vessel in International Waters that has paid a toll to Iran. No one who pays an illegal toll will have safe passage on the high seas.” The intention was to make clear to Tehran that they were ultimately not in control of the strait and certainly wouldn’t be allowed to profit by imposing a charge on ships it allowed to pass through.

The problem for the US is that traffic through the strait remains largely at a standstill. Reuters’ live tracker of traffic in the strait suggests a considerable gathering of vessels on either side of the waterway, with very little evidence of ships actually transiting the strait.

It is, writes maritime strategy expert Basil Germond, of Lancaster University, a question of who can withstand more pain from the economic fallout. So the US plan to seek and seize ships wherever they are on suspicion of carrying almost any sort of industrial cargo is clearly aimed at increasing that pain for Iran.




Read more:
US naval blockade of Strait of Hormuz: what it involves and the risks attached


But one of the dangers is how far and how fast the situation might escalate. There was a fraught moment on April 14 when it appeared as if a Chinese-linked tanker had transited the strait. The Rich Starry, registered in landlocked Malawi, is Chinese owned and crewed. Would the US try to board the boat? How would China react if it did?

China buys about 90% of Iranian oil and is one of the few countries whose tankers were getting in and out of Iranian ports unchallenged, writes Tom Harper, an expert in Xino-US relations at the University of East London. US seizure of any Chinese tankers would be bound to considerably ratchet up tensions between the two superpowers.

As it turned out, the Rich Starry turned back in the Gulf of Oman and re-entered the strait without being stopped or challenged by the US. But the new US operating instructions could well make a confrontation more likely. Harper explores the implications of the US-Iran conflict for relations between Washington and Beijing in the run-up to Donald Trump’s planned state visit to the Chinese capital next month.




Read more:
US blockade of Strait of Hormuz ratchets up tensions with China ahead of Trump visit to Beijing


Meanwhile the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon continues unabated. Ambassadors from the two countries met in Washington this week, where they resolved to hold direct, high-level talks. The US president has said that the leadership of the two countries would also speak, “for the first time in 34 years”, but the office of Lebanon’s president Joseph Aoun denied any knowledge of the arrangement, saying that a ceasefire would need to be in place before any talks could take place.

Whether the US president has the leverage over Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to make that happen is another matter. The US and Israel certainly have one of the strongest partnerships of any two countries, write Bamo Nouri and Inderjeet Parmar of City St George’s, University of London. The US was the first country to formally recognise the state of Israel in 1948 and Washington has since provided the Jewish state with more than US$300 billion (£220 billion).

Wars against Soviet-aligned Arab states in the 1970s showed how Israel could be an important cold war bulwark against the spread of communism in the Middle East.

Israel’s influence in the US is often put down to the strength of the Jewish lobby there. But it is the perceived strategic value of the relationship, Nouri and Parmar believe, that is the key factor: “When core US strategic interests have been at stake, US policy has overridden lobbying pressure”.




Read more:
Why the US and Israel’s alliance endures – even when it strains


A reset for Hungary-EU relations?

To Hungary, where the 16-year prime ministership of Viktor Orbán came to a close in a landslide election on April 12. The two-thirds majority won by Orbán’s opponent, Péter Magyar, gives the incoming PM the power – if he so chooses – to reverse some of the more illiberal measures implemented by the authoritarian Orbán.

It was a resounding victory: 138 seats to Magyar’s Tisza party to just 55 for Orbán’s Fidesz. All the more remarkable when you consider how the comprehensive state capture of Hungary’s media over Orbán’s tenure and the ferocious propaganda campaign the outgoing prime minister waged, using every organ of state to boost his chances.

Alexander Bor, an expert in propaganda and election manipulation at Central European University, explains that Orbán’s campaign hit two snags: the people’s disillusionment at Hungary’s parlous economy and a well-run campaign by a credible challenger in Magyar.




Read more:
Viktor Orbán’s election loss shows the limits of his propaganda machine


Magyar’s victory went down well in Brussels, writes Michael Toomey, an expert in EU democracy at the University of Glasgow. Orbán’s warm relationship with Russian president, Vladimir Putin, was no secret. He did all he could to block EU aid packages for the defence of Ukraine and at one point was even revealed to be passing on information from closed EU ministerial meetings with his Russian friends.

“Had Orbán managed to prevail in the recent elections, the relationship between the EU and Hungary is likely to have reached a breaking point”, Toomey concludes.




Read more:
Orbán’s downfall is a positive for EU-Hungary relations – but the reset will not be smooth


Trump vs Pope Leo

One relationship which appears to be under a degree of strain is that between the US president and Pope Leo XIV. Leo, the first pope born in the US, has been a highly visible and vehement opponent of the US war with Iran, calling for peace and condemning “those who wage war”, whose hands he said, quoting scripture, “are full of blood”.

Trump replied, not quoting scripture, that the pope was “weak on crime” and “terrible for Foreign Policy,” adding that he was only elected to the papacy because he is American and the Catholic church “thought that would be the best way to deal with President Donald J. Trump.”

Massimo D’Angelo, an expert in the Catholic church’s diplomacy, explains why the US president is likely to come off worse in this particular contretemps.




Read more:
‘I’m not a politician’: why the clash with Pope Leo could prove dangerous for Donald Trump



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The Conversation

ref. US raises the stakes in the Strait of Hormuz – https://theconversation.com/us-raises-the-stakes-in-the-strait-of-hormuz-280850

Israel and Lebanon have a ceasefire, but global attention shouldn’t move on. This isn’t a tidy end to the war

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Marika Sosnowski, Senior research fellow, The University of Melbourne

After weeks of bombardments in southern Lebanon that have killed more than 2,000 people and displaced more than one million residents, Israel has announced a ten-day ceasefire with Lebanon.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, however, vowed to keep Israeli troops in southern Lebanon to create a ten-kilometre “security zone”, raising immediate questions about whether the ceasefire would actually stop Israeli attacks against Hezbollah.

After a previous ceasefire in late 2024 ended 13 months of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah, Israeli troops continued to launch airstrikes and carry out targeted killings of Hezbollah fighters.

People like to bound events such as wars with tidy dates and years. It makes them easier to understand and entertains the fantasy that historic events are neat, with understandable beginnings, middles and eventual ends.

But in reality, the messiness and complexities of war rarely hold to these manmade boundaries.

Instead, even after a ceasefire or a peace agreement is in place, many dynamics of war continue. This is the paradox of such agreements: they might end one phase of a conflict, but they inevitably usher in another.

The good and bad of ceasefires

Take Israel’s war in Gaza as an example.

The war came to an end after Israel and Hamas signed the Gaza Peace Plan, a 20-point deal brokered by the Trump administration, in October 2025.

The terms are relatively broad, vague and aspirational. But the deal has had many benefits. The ceasefire decreased Israel’s bombardments of Gaza. The remaining Israeli hostages captured on October 7 2023 were swapped with Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails. Somewhat more aid now enters the strip than during the war.

However, the agreement also created other negative dynamics and enabled many problems caused by the war to continue.

For example, after the deal was signed, the public and media attention shifted away from the violence continuing to be committed by Israel to other events. This has meant that in the wake of the peace deal, near-daily Israeli attacks have continued, but with much less scrutiny. Israeli-supported violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has also escalated.

Humanitarian aid entry into the Gaza Strip also remains vastly below the levels delineated by the peace agreement. And serious discussions about the future governance or development of Gaza – mandated under the peace plan in multiple points – remain uncertain amid the noise of other wars and global events.

We can see similar dynamics in Iran, barely a week after another vaguely worded ceasefire agreement was signed between the US and the Iranian regime.

It appears the regime has taken the opportunity provided by a two-week “peace” to crack down on internal dissent. And in what appears to be an attempt to enhance its negotiating position for future peace talks, the Trump administration has launched a naval blockade of Iranian ports.

The short-term truce between Lebanon and Israel might offer Lebanese civilians some level of reprieve. However, it may also provide Israel with a quiet week away from the media spotlight to reinforce its military occupation of southern Lebanon.

To create Israel’s security zone, Defence Minister Israel Katz said the military would demolish buildings in Lebanese towns near the border and prevent displaced Lebanese from returning to their homes. Netanyahu made clear Israeli troops would remain.

This can all be more easily accomplished with a ceasefire deal in place.

Short attention spans

Globally, dozens of countries are currently experiencing armed conflict. Many people scan the news regularly as a way of keeping informed and bearing witness to the dynamics of these wars, casualty figures and how they might potentially end.

This glorified horror plays into our current “headline culture”, which tends to encourage clickbait, sensationalised content and virality. It also means public attention on a particular conflict is not necessarily driven by the scale of suffering, but by media coverage. Because of digital media, we have now a proximate and persistent view of human suffering and death that does not always translate into ongoing attention and action.

Whether parties to a conflict will reach a ceasefire or peace agreement is certainly worthwhile and important news. However, once a deal is signed, media and public attention often shifts to other more “active” (and also worthy) conflicts. There is currently no shortage of wars to choose from.

Because we believe a conflict has “ended” with a deal, what comes after the ceasefire or peace agreement tends to remain obfuscated or under-reported.

The peace agreement paradox

Ceasefires and peace agreements are certainly not always a harbinger of peace or a neat full-stop to a war story.

Arguably, the parties to these deals are increasingly aware of the “peace” agreement paradox and are making their political and military calculations accordingly.

If we truly want to grapple with what war and peace directly entails for millions of people in an increasingly complex and volatile world, we need to broaden our understanding about what we mean by ceasefires and peace agreements – and keep up a level of scrutiny long after the deals are signed.

The Conversation

Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Israel and Lebanon have a ceasefire, but global attention shouldn’t move on. This isn’t a tidy end to the war – https://theconversation.com/israel-and-lebanon-have-a-ceasefire-but-global-attention-shouldnt-move-on-this-isnt-a-tidy-end-to-the-war-280816

Israel and Lebanon have signed a ceasefire. But this isn’t a tidy end to a war and attention moves on quickly

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Marika Sosnowski, Senior research fellow, The University of Melbourne

After weeks of bombardments in southern Lebanon that have killed more than 2,000 people and displaced more than one million residents, Israel has announced a ten-day ceasefire with Lebanon.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, however, vowed to keep Israeli troops in southern Lebanon to create a ten-kilometre “security zone”, raising immediate questions about whether the ceasefire would actually stop Israeli attacks against Hezbollah.

After a previous ceasefire in late 2024 ended 13 months of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah, Israeli troops continued to launch airstrikes and carry out targeted killings of Hezbollah fighters.

People like to bound events such as wars with tidy dates and years. It makes them easier to understand and entertains the fantasy that historic events are neat, with understandable beginnings, middles and eventual ends.

But in reality, the messiness and complexities of war rarely hold to these manmade boundaries.

Instead, even after a ceasefire or a peace agreement is in place, many dynamics of war continue. This is the paradox of such agreements: they might end one phase of a conflict, but they inevitably usher in another.

The good and bad of ceasefires

Take Israel’s war in Gaza as an example.

The war came to an end after Israel and Hamas signed the Gaza Peace Plan, a 20-point deal brokered by the Trump administration, in October 2025.

The terms are relatively broad, vague and aspirational. But the deal has had many benefits. The ceasefire decreased Israel’s bombardments of Gaza. The remaining Israeli hostages captured on October 7 2023 were swapped with Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails. Somewhat more aid now enters the strip than during the war.

However, the agreement also created other negative dynamics and enabled many problems caused by the war to continue.

For example, after the deal was signed, the public and media attention shifted away from the violence continuing to be committed by Israel to other events. This has meant that in the wake of the peace deal, near-daily Israeli attacks have continued, but with much less scrutiny. Israeli-supported violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has also escalated.

Humanitarian aid entry into the Gaza Strip also remains vastly below the levels delineated by the peace agreement. And serious discussions about the future governance or development of Gaza – mandated under the peace plan in multiple points – remain uncertain amid the noise of other wars and global events.

We can see similar dynamics in Iran, barely a week after another vaguely worded ceasefire agreement was signed between the US and the Iranian regime.

It appears the regime has taken the opportunity provided by a two-week “peace” to crack down on internal dissent. And in what appears to be an attempt to enhance its negotiating position for future peace talks, the Trump administration has launched a naval blockade of Iranian ports.

The short-term truce between Lebanon and Israel might offer Lebanese civilians some level of reprieve. However, it may also provide Israel with a quiet week away from the media spotlight to reinforce its military occupation of southern Lebanon.

To create Israel’s security zone, Defence Minister Israel Katz said the military would demolish buildings in Lebanese towns near the border and prevent displaced Lebanese from returning to their homes. Netanyahu made clear Israeli troops would remain.

This can all be more easily accomplished with a ceasefire deal in place.

Short attention spans

Globally, dozens of countries are currently experiencing armed conflict. Many people scan the news regularly as a way of keeping informed and bearing witness to the dynamics of these wars, casualty figures and how they might potentially end.

This glorified horror plays into our current “headline culture”, which tends to encourage clickbait, sensationalised content and virality. It also means public attention on a particular conflict is not necessarily driven by the scale of suffering, but by media coverage. Because of digital media, we have now a proximate and persistent view of human suffering and death that does not always translate into ongoing attention and action.

Whether parties to a conflict will reach a ceasefire or peace agreement is certainly worthwhile and important news. However, once a deal is signed, media and public attention often shifts to other more “active” (and also worthy) conflicts. There is currently no shortage of wars to choose from.

Because we believe a conflict has “ended” with a deal, what comes after the ceasefire or peace agreement tends to remain obfuscated or under-reported.

The peace agreement paradox

Ceasefires and peace agreements are certainly not always a harbinger of peace or a neat full-stop to a war story.

Arguably, the parties to these deals are increasingly aware of the “peace” agreement paradox and are making their political and military calculations accordingly.

If we truly want to grapple with what war and peace directly entails for millions of people in an increasingly complex and volatile world, we need to broaden our understanding about what we mean by ceasefires and peace agreements – and keep up a level of scrutiny long after the deals are signed.

The Conversation

Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Israel and Lebanon have signed a ceasefire. But this isn’t a tidy end to a war and attention moves on quickly – https://theconversation.com/israel-and-lebanon-have-signed-a-ceasefire-but-this-isnt-a-tidy-end-to-a-war-and-attention-moves-on-quickly-280816

Pope Leo’s resolute response to Trump attack reveals a man of God, not politics

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Professor of History, Australian Catholic University

When Pope Leo XIV condemned threats to destroy Iranian civilisation as “truly unacceptable” in April 2026, the backlash was immediate. US President Donald Trump unleashed a tirade against the pope on social media, accusing him of being “weak on crime”, “terrible for foreign policy”, and acting like a politician rather than a religious leader.

But the exchange that followed matters more than the accusation. Confronted with criticism from Trump, Leo did not retreat. He made his position explicit: he was not afraid to speak, because his task was to proclaim the gospel.

Leo said he had “no fear of the Trump administration”, and “I don’t think that the message of the Gospel is meant to be abused in the way that some people are doing”.

That response clarifies the logic of his pontificate. Leo XIV is not trying to enter politics. He is defining the limits within which politics can operate.

Trump’s attack was heightened when he posted an AI-generated image of himself as Jesus, which caused an outcry even among his supporters. He has since deleted the post.

God, not politics

Pope Leo’s opposition to the Iran war is not political in origin. It is moral and theological. It rests on a consistent claim: power must be judged, violence must be restrained, and invoking God to justify destruction is a distortion of both religion and public life.

From the beginning of his pontificate, Leo XIV has made this clear. Elected on May 8 2025, he used his first public address to call for dialogue, unity, and what he described as an “unarmed and disarming peace”. This was not positioning. It was a statement of purpose.

Since then, his interventions have followed a clear pattern. In 2025, as conflicts intensified in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, he called repeatedly for ceasefires, humanitarian protection, and renewed diplomacy. He avoided strategic language. Instead, he focused on human dignity and the moral cost of war.

The pattern continued into 2026. On March 8, as the Iran conflict escalated, he called for an end to bombing and urged that “weapons may fall silent” to allow dialogue. On April 11, at a prayer vigil in St Peter’s Basilica, he sharpened his language. He warned of a “delusion of omnipotence” driving war and declared: “Enough of war”.

These are not policy prescriptions. They do not tell governments how to conduct war. They ask whether such wars can be justified at all.

This distinction lies at the centre of the current dispute. Political leaders operate within frameworks of interest, security, and power. Leo XIV operates within a framework of moral judgement. When those frameworks collide, his interventions are labelled political.

Yet his response to Trump shows he does not accept that framing. He has insisted his role is not to compete with political authority, but to speak from the gospel, even when that provokes criticism.

This is not new, but it is unusually explicit. Leo is drawing a line between two forms of authority: one grounded in power, the other in moral responsibility. He does not claim to direct political outcomes. He claims the right, and the duty, to judge them.

Beyond war

The same logic shapes his interventions beyond war. On migration, he has framed the issue in terms of human dignity, questioning whether harsh treatment of migrants can be reconciled with a consistent ethic of life. On social questions, he has resisted partisan categories, insisting moral coherence matters more than political alignment.

His engagement with artificial intelligence follows the same pattern. In December 2025, he warned that technological development must serve the common good, not concentrate power in the hands of a few. The question, again, was not technical but ethical: what does it mean to respect human dignity in a changing world?

Across these issues, the method is consistent. Leo XIV begins with principles, not interests. He does not align with factions. He applies moral reasoning to contemporary problems, even when doing so invites political backlash.

This approach reflects his formation. Born in Chicago in 1955 and shaped by decades of pastoral work in Peru, he encountered the realities of violence, inequality, and political instability firsthand. Those experiences did not draw him into politics. They reinforced a conviction that power must be accountable to moral limits.

His intellectual work supports this view. In his 1987 doctoral thesis, he argued authority is not domination but service, grounded in a moral order rather than human will. That understanding carries into his papacy. When Leo XIV speaks, he does not seek to exercise power. He seeks to define its boundaries.

This is why his interventions provoke strong reactions. They do not remain abstract. They challenge real decisions, real policies, and real uses of force. They question the assumptions that underpin them.

In a political culture that often treats moral claims as secondary, this is disruptive. It exposes a tension that cannot easily be resolved: whether decisions about war, migration, or technology can be separated from questions of right and wrong.

Leo XIV’s answer is clear. They cannot.

His exchange with Trump brings that tension into focus. Trump’s criticism reflects a familiar expectation: that religious leaders should avoid direct engagement with political decisions. His response rejects that expectation. He does not present himself as a political actor. He presents himself as a moral voice that cannot be silent.

There is also a longer perspective at work. Political leaders operate within electoral cycles. Their decisions are shaped by immediate pressures. The papacy operates across generations. Its interventions are rarely decisive in the moment, but they shape how events are judged over time.

Leo XIV’s stance on the Iran war belongs to that longer horizon. It is not an attempt to determine outcomes. It is an attempt to set limits: on power, on violence, and on the use of religious language to justify either.

The Conversation

Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pope Leo’s resolute response to Trump attack reveals a man of God, not politics – https://theconversation.com/pope-leos-resolute-response-to-trump-attack-reveals-a-man-of-god-not-politics-280469

Cannabis sales and use are high in Michigan – but federal law means research lags behind

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Omayma Alshaarawy, Associate Professor of Family Medicine, Michigan State University

Cannabis users have a variety of products to choose from Arturo Barajas/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Have you been to a licensed cannabis dispensary lately?

My team and I often visit them in the Greater Lansing area to invite cannabis users to participate in our studies. As soon as we walk in, we are met with a dazzling array of products: high-potency vape cartridges, gourmet gummies, premium marijuana flowers and more.

This broad array of choice is common in Michigan, a state where per capita sales now rank among the nation’s highest. I confess I look at those shelves with some professional frustration. As a Michigan State University researcher who has spent nearly two decades studying cannabis use and human health, I face severe restrictions under federal law that mean I cannot study the products that so many of my neighbors are buying.

Under federal law, cannabis is a Schedule I drug. According to this designation, cannabis has “a high potential for abuse” and “no currently accepted medical use,” even though millions of Americans consume it every day. Other Schedule I drugs include heroin and LSD.

In my view, a proposal to reclassify cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III represents a significant, though incomplete, step forward. The change was introduced during the Biden administration and supported by an executive order signed by President Donald Trump in late 2025, but it seems stalled in a regulatory morass.

For researchers like me, whose work is rooted in understanding how this widely available substance affects the health of Michiganders, the change opens some doors while leaving other critical barriers intact.

1 in 6 pregnant Michiganders use cannabis

Michigan’s robust legal market has recently seen a wave of dispensary closures due to oversaturation and falling prices. However, access is still widespread.

Cannabis is widely consumed in Michigan’s diverse communities, from Detroit to the Upper Peninsula. Data that my colleagues and I have collected confirm that use is not only high overall but notably prevalent among specific populations, including older adults and pregnant women.

As more women of reproductive age use cannabis, it becomes more important to research how prenatal exposure affects the health of mothers and babies. This will allow researchers to provide clear information to families across Michigan who are making decisions in a landscape where cannabis is legally accessible and socially normalized.

However, federal law limits researchers to cannabis samples provided by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which often bears little resemblance to the products Michiganders are actually using. The institute supplies low-potency, standardized products, while the commercial market is flooded with high-potency concentrates, edibles and vapes. This limits the real-world applicability of our findings.

Heart disease, diabetes, cancer, nausea

Much of my research focuses on cannabis use by people with chronic disease. Michigan legalized the recreational use of cannabis in 2018 by popular referendum, and use is highly prevalent among middle-aged and older adults.

Chocolate bars and packages are on display
For those with a sweet tooth, Pure Options offers cannabis-infused chocolates, peanut butter cups and fudge.
Arturo Barajas/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

At the same time, Michigan grapples with a high burden of chronic diseases, such as heart disease, diabetes and cancer. The risk of these conditions increases with age. In southeast Michigan, this burden is even more acute. A Forbes analysis ranked Detroit as the least healthy city in the nation, with the highest rates of diabetes, high blood pressure and obesity. These conditions disproportionately affect Black residents, who make up nearly 80% of the city’s population.

A significant portion of my research seeks to clarify the effects of cannabis use on heart health. This work is particularly urgent in Michigan, where the rates of heart disease are persistently high. Moving cannabis to Schedule III would facilitate larger, more rigorous longitudinal studies, like my team’s Cannabis Legalization in Michigan, or CALM, cohort. For instance, if a Michigander has high blood pressure and uses high-THC vape products, we want to know how that affects their heart health compared to using other forms of the drug. We cannot design a rigorous study answering this question because we are barred from using the specific products consumers purchase in dispensaries.

My research team and others are also investigating cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome, a condition characterized by cycles of severe nausea, vomiting and abdominal pain that can result from chronic cannabis use. As regular cannabis use grows among Michiganders, understanding who is at risk and how to treat this debilitating syndrome has become a critical clinical priority.

Hurdles will remain

Even when rescheduling happens, significant barriers to cannabis research will remain.

Schedule III was designed for prescription pharmaceuticals, such as steroids and testosterone, not for a substance available at a store down the street. Moving cannabis to Schedule III does not resolve the fundamental conflict between federal drug policy and real-world consumption in Michigan and around the U.S.

The mismatch between federal law and the patchwork of state cannabis policies will also mean that federally funded, multisite studies remain limited to states where cannabis is fully legal, narrowing the geographical scope and diversity of our research. It also does not eliminate the unique administrative burdens that apply only to cannabis research. Those burdens add years and drive up the cost of studies that are urgently needed. For example, researchers often face lengthy federal review delays before a study can begin.

Researchers could do more useful studies using the products that consumers buy in their own neighborhoods. This would be made possible by removing lengthy federal review requirements, a change that would require congressional action.

The Medical Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research Expansion Act of 2022 was a step in this direction. It aimed to streamline the application process for researchers and expand the supply of research-grade cannabis. However, it did not eliminate the fundamental Schedule I classification or the redundant federal reviews that continue to delay research.

For the people of Michigan, where cannabis is easy to buy and chronic disease is common, these policy restrictions leave families without the science they need to make informed decisions.

The Conversation

Omayma Alshaarawy receives funding from the US National Institute of Health and the Michigan Health Endowment Fund.

ref. Cannabis sales and use are high in Michigan – but federal law means research lags behind – https://theconversation.com/cannabis-sales-and-use-are-high-in-michigan-but-federal-law-means-research-lags-behind-276731

What Ontarians need to know about ‘student achievement’ reforms that will run school boards like businesses

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sachin Maharaj, Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership, Policy and Program Evaluation, Faculty of Education, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

The Ontario government has introduced legislation that will make its school boards run more like businesses. The recently announced Putting Student Achievement First Act reduces the power of elected trustees and creates a powerful new chief executive officer (CEO) position to head school boards.

Unlike previous directors of education who were required to have education backgrounds and shared power with elected boards, CEOs will be required to have business qualifications and will have ultimate authority over decision-making.

CEOs will lead the preparation of school board budgets with elected trustees relegated to an advisory role. Instead of elected trustees representing the public at the bargaining table, CEOs will negotiate and ratify collective agreements at both the local and provincial level.

The goal of all of these reforms is to bring a more business-like focus to schools. The CEO is expected to focus on “effective resource allocation” and “corporate services oversight.”

Over the past five years, we have been studying the challenges to implementing equity reforms in Ontario school districts.

Decades of educational research, including our own, confirms that attempts to force efficiency into schools serve to sacrifice student equity and the material needs of the most vulnerable for short-term cost savings.

‘Chief education officer’ under CEO

School boards will be required to have a chief education officer position, with required teaching qualifications. This role will focus on academic programming.

However, this “CEdO” will be hired by and be subservient to the CEO. What this means is that the traditional educational mission of schools is now going to take a backseat to financial considerations.




Read more:
Attacks on school boards threaten local democracy


For a preview of how this will impact students, we only need to look at the changes that have been made at the eight school boards that have been placed under provincial supervision.

Lowest per-pupil funding in 10 years

These boards were repeatedly accused by the minister of education of financial mismanagement.

While there were instances of questionable expenses, subsequent reporting found that two-thirds of Ontario school boards were either running budget deficits or close to it. This suggests the problem was really chronic underfunding.

According to the Financial Accountability Office of Ontario: “In 2024-25, real per-student provincial operating funding to school boards was $14,504, the lowest level over the last 10 years.” But instead of addressing this underfunding, the province installed supervisors that have been making cuts to staff.

Reductions, layoffs

In the Thames Valley District School Board, there have been staff reductions in its equity and human rights office.

The Peel District School Board is looking at possibly laying off hundreds of teachers.

In the Toronto District School Board, class sizes have increased and summer school programming has been cut by more than half.

The board will no longer provide additional staff for its highest-needs schools, and it will cut almost 300 teachers and 40 vice-principals next year.

LBGTQ+, racialized, Indigenous students

The province is also ending the requirements for boards to conduct school climate surveys, which examine the degree to which students from different backgrounds feel welcome and accepted or experience bullying and discrimination in schools.

As a result, many Ontario schools will no longer even know how their racialized and/or LGBTQ+ students are being treated.

Also concerning is its approach to increasing school attendance by making it part of students’ final grades.

The reality is that the causes of school absenteeism are complex. Taking a punitive approach may end up further marginalizing Indigenous and racialized students.




Read more:
Racism contributes to poor attendance of Indigenous students in Alberta schools: New study


Risk of exacerbating disparities

Taken together, it’s clear that, while all students and families will be impacted, those who are already disadvantaged will bear the brunt of the cuts and provincial reforms.

This will only exacerbate disparities in schools on the basis of race, social class, gender and sexuality, and disability that exist in our education system. This is especially true of Black students, whose continued marginalization was documented last year by the Ontario Human Rights Commission.




Read more:
‘Dreams delayed’ no longer: Report identifies key changes needed around Black students’ education


As put in a recent letter to Premier Doug Ford by the Black Trustees’ Caucus: “Ontario cannot address systemic anti-Black racism while weakening the governance and equity structures designed to confront it.”

Advocating for vulnerable students

In part of our study, already presented at academic conferences and now under peer review for publication, we interviewed around 100 people working in several different school boards across Ontario. Participants included trustees, directors of education, associate directors, superintendents, people working in equity departments, school principals and teachers.

What we heard is that in districts across the province, school board staff and trustees have consistently reported struggling to advocate for vulnerable students in the face of a provincial government that appears determined to undermine such efforts.

This includes public comments like Ford repeatedly accusing school boards of indoctrinating students.

Interviewees noted that over recent years, as the province has asserted greater control over school boards, senior school board staff have received ministry guidance to focus more on literacy and numeracy and less on equity and social justice initiatives.

As a result, educators engaged in equity work reported feeling like they were constantly under surveillance and that any real efforts made to help vulnerable students — including racialized and LGBTQ+ students — would put their careers at risk.

Improving outcomes: A better approach

Educators understand that best practices for improving outcomes for all students depend on strong connections between schools, families and communities; a focus on overall well-being (physical, social-emotional and mental); decision-making that reflects the larger contexts in which schools are situated and individual circumstances; and giving educators the respect, autonomy and resources they need to strengthen their teaching.

The Putting Student Achievement First Act promotes the opposite approach — another reason why those with classroom expertise, not CEOs, should be making the key decisions about schools.

An education system that is run like a business ultimately views students with the highest needs as a liability to cut rather than a collective moral responsibility.

It erodes the accountability of leadership under a democratic system, leadership that is responsible to communities it serves. It also erodes the autonomy of teachers who require professional respect and the ability to access resources to serve the specific needs of their students.

Some ‘too expensive’ to serve?

When public school is treated like a commodity to be optimized rather than a fundamental right, it’s a betrayal of the values of a system that should instead centre students and their learning.

Although there were significant challenges with school governance under the previous model, the solution is not to diminish local democratic control, but to strengthen it.

Once we view education through the lens of a balance sheet, we have already decided that some students are too expensive to serve.

The Conversation

Sachin Maharaj receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Beyhan Farhadi receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Vidya Shah consults in school boards. She receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. What Ontarians need to know about ‘student achievement’ reforms that will run school boards like businesses – https://theconversation.com/what-ontarians-need-to-know-about-student-achievement-reforms-that-will-run-school-boards-like-businesses-280618

How nanomedicine gets inside your cells and treats you from the inside out

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Suiyang Liao, Postdoctoral researcher in Nanomedicine, University of British Columbia

Canadians swallow millions of pills every day to treat common health issues like high blood pressure, high cholesterol and Type II diabetes, but scientists are working at the molecular level to turn patients’ cells into pharmacies.

Nanotechnology, where atoms and molecules are manipulated on a tiny scale — a billion times smaller than a metre — is already incorporated into everyday products like sunscreen, waterproof clothing and smartphones.

In nanomedicine, it’s being used to prompt RNA to make protein-based drugs to treat diseases. Now we can fine-tune protein production by dialling it up or down, creating personalized medicine on an invisible scale.

Protein production and health

The human body is a precision instrument, and its smooth operation relies on the balance of proteins like keratin, which creates structure for your hair and nails, and collagen, which gives your skin its strength and elasticity.

Factor VIII is a clotting protein that acts like molecular glue at wound sites, and if your body doesn’t make enough of it — like people with Hemophilia A — a seemingly small injury can cause dangerous bleeding. Conversely, if you make too much of apolipoprotein C3 (ApoC3), it blocks the breakdown of fats in the blood called triglycerides, and these high lipid levels increase the risk of pancreatitis, heart disease and stroke.

The body maintains this delicate protein balance through an elegant molecular system, one that nanomedicine is now learning to control.


Immunity and Society is a new series from The Conversation Canada that presents new vaccine discoveries and immune-based innovations that are changing how we understand and protect human health. Through a partnership with the Bridge Research Consortium, these articles — written by experts in Canada at the forefront of immunology, biomanufacturing, social science and humanities — explore the latest developments and their impacts.


RNA’s balancing act

How does your body make proteins? Think of your cells as factories, with DNA as the operating manual.

In order to make the proteins it needs, your body’s cells act as factories, with DNA as the operating manual. The blueprints are safely locked away in the nucleus, and cells can’t make anything directly from the precious original.

Instead, when the cell needs a specific protein, it makes a temporary copy of the blueprint, called messenger RNA (mRNA). This single strand of nucleic acids carries the instructions to the cytoplasm, or the factory floor. There, molecular machines called ribosomes read the instructions and build amino acids into a protein.

This is the central dogma of molecular biology: DNA → RNA → protein.

When the body needs proteins, it makes mRNA copies and transfers them to the cytoplasm. The factory foreman is a mechanism called RNA interference, which ensures proteins are not over-produced or under-produced.

For example, small interfering RNA (siRNA) or Antisense oligonucleotides (ASO) molecules can stop the production of proteins by silencing genetic instructions from DNA and cutting target mRNA apart. In both cases, the mRNA degrades and protein production stops, like hitting the emergency button on a conveyor belt.

Turning RNA into drugs

What does this mean for future disease treatment? Unlike small-molecule drugs such as antibiotics or protein-based drugs like insulin, RNA drugs work upstream, at the instruction level itself.

As scientists in nanomedicine, we harness cellular machinery to treat diseases with RNA drugs by dialing up or dialing down protein production. Want more of a beneficial protein? Deliver more mRNA. Want less of a harmful one? Use siRNA or ASO to silence the gene.

Teaching cells to make what’s missing

When the human body lacks an essential protein, disease follows. In hemophilia A, the problem lies in the blueprint. A mutation in the DNA means the gene for factor VIII contains errors, like a typo in a recipe that calls for salt instead of sugar. The cell follows this flawed instruction, and makes messenger RNA that produces either a broken protein or none at all.

Without functional factor VIII, a simple nosebleed can last for hours, not minutes and a little bump can lead to a big bruise that takes a long time to heal. Even a minor cut can lead to prolonged bleeding.

Scientists can now synthesize mRNA in the lab — for example, by making a correct, error-free copy of the instructions for factor VIII — and package it in lipid nanoparticles, which are little protective bubbles of fat.

As a materials scientist at UBC working with researchers Anna Blakney and Pieter Cullis, I design formulations of lipid nanoparticles. When these particles are infused intravenously, they deliver the synthetic mRNA to liver cells, which then read the instructions and manufacture fresh factor VIII protein. The cell becomes its own pharmacy.

Silencing the trouble-makers

Over-expression of some proteins can also cause disease, for example, in familial chylomicronemia syndrome where the messenger RNA makes too much apolipoprotein C3.

ApoC3 helps regulate fat metabolism, but too much of it blocks the body’s ability to clear triglycerides from the bloodstream. The instructions from the DNA manual may be correct, but small interfering RNA molecules are not doing their job to keep production in check. Like an out-of-control assembly line, fat accumulates in the blood. If it reaches dangerous levels it can cause acute pancreatitis — a painful and potentially fatal inflammation of the pancreas.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration and Health Canada recently approved Plozasiran, an injectable drug that treats familial chylomicronemia syndrome by delivering small interfering RNA to liver cells.

This siRNA molecule is a short double strand of nucleic acids to be unzipped as two single strands, one of which complements ApoC3 mRNA, like a key fitting a lock. The binding event will be recognized by the cellular machinery to cut the mRNA apart. No mRNA means no protein production.

The same technology offers different levers: mRNA amplifies production of beneficial proteins like factor VIII; siRNA silences production of harmful proteins like ApoC3. Together, they represent medicine’s new ability to program biology, turning genes up or down as precisely as adjusting the volume on a stereo.

The Conversation

Suiyang Liao is affiliated with the University of British Columbia.

ref. How nanomedicine gets inside your cells and treats you from the inside out – https://theconversation.com/how-nanomedicine-gets-inside-your-cells-and-treats-you-from-the-inside-out-270414

Is reading your favourite hobby? A new era of book clubs is reshaping how we read

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Joanna Pozzulo, Chancellor’s Professor, Psychology, Carleton University

Reading is experiencing a resurgence among Gen Z and millennials, many of whom are actively seeking alternatives to “doomscrolling” and the mental fatigue associated with constant social media use.

In North America, an estimated 57 to 61 per cent of Gen Z and millennials identify as readers, averaging 3.5 to 4.5 books per year, with a preference for physical books. Younger readers are also more likely to purchase books in a bookstore and be active library users, which is notable in an era dominated by digital media.

Although reading is often viewed as a solitary activity, it can also foster meaningful connections with others. Participation in a reading community can reduce social isolation, alleviate loneliness and increase a sense of belonging and connectedness — something younger generations report struggling with.

Book clubs can serve as a natural extension for those seeking the benefits of reading and community. Among younger adults, interest in book clubs is growing: about 21 per cent of Gen Z and 29 per cent of millennials report belonging to one, but they’re putting their own spin on them.


Hobbies can bring joy, well-being, and focus to our busy lives, but so many of us don’t have one. If you’re ready to replace scrolling with stitching, or hustle with horticulture, The Hobby Starter Kit (a new series from Quarter Life) will help you get going.


A brief history of book clubs

Book clubs aren’t new. They can be traced back at least to the 16th century, when groups — often women — gathered for education and debate, often about religious texts.

In later centuries, reading groups became important spaces for women’s intellectual lives at times when formal education was limited.

In more recent popular culture, however, book clubs have often been portrayed through the lens of the so-called “wine mom” stereotype. These clubs are typically depicted as gatherings of mothers using the meeting as a rare night off from parenting, where alcohol and socializing take precedence and discussion of the book itself becomes secondary.

While this portrayal can be reductive and overlooks the real emotional and intellectual value those clubs provide, it has nonetheless shaped perceptions of what book clubs are and who they are for.

A new generation rewrites the rules

Gen Z and millennials are moving away from, or at least expanding beyond, the “wine-and-gossip” model to better fit their lives, values and energy levels.

One of the fastest-growing formats is the silent book club, where members gather in public spaces such as libraries or cafés to read their own books quietly. After about an hour, readers may choose to socialize with the others or leave.

It gives members an opportunity to read as part of a community without the other demands associated with book clubs of the past. Silent book clubs now span 60 countries with over 2,000 chapters worldwide.

In addition to silent clubs, niche book clubs have grown among younger readers, including groups centred on specific identities such as queer, BIPOC, Indigenous and disability-focused clubs, or interests like genre-specific clubs.

Book clubs going digital

Social media has reshaped how readers find each other and decide what books to read. Hashtags like #BookTok and #Bookstagram are now influencing club selections more, favouring genres such as fantasy, romance and horror, rather than celebrity-endorsed bestsellers.

Unlike traditional local clubs, digital platforms can act as virtual hubs where readers join discussion groups, share recommendations and participate in other activities without geographic limits.

These clubs often place a greater emphasis on understanding the book with facilitated discussions, and sometimes include a question-and-answer format with the author.

For many young adults, this flexibility makes book clubs more accessible and better suited to busy and mobile lifestyles. If you’re struggling to find the time and energy to attend in-person clubs, a digital one might be just what you’re looking for.

Reading for mental health

This reading resurgence matters because Gen Z and millennials report higher rates of anxiety and depression than previous generations. Many are actively seeking low-cost, sustainable ways to support their mental health, and reading fits that bill.

The therapeutic use of books, known as bibliotherapy, is supported by clinical guidelines. The Canadian Network for Mood and Anxiety Treatments recommends books as a supportive, second-line treatment for certain mild to moderate emotional difficulties.

Book clubs amplify these positive effects. One survey found that 98 per cent of respondents said it improved their mental health and helped them cope during difficult periods.

Given this connection, I created and run the Reading for Well-Being Community Book Club at Carleton University, which focuses on evidence-based books about mental health and personal growth. The club operates digitally and is open beyond campus, and roughly half of participants are Gen Z or millennials.

Finding a book club that suits you

For those looking to engage more deeply with reading, book clubs offer a flexible way to connect with like-minded readers and build community. Here are some tips for how to start:

  1. Identify your reading interests and type of community connection desired. Consider the genres you enjoy, how often you’d like to meet and the type of social connection you’re seeking.

  2. Explore online communities such as Goodreads, Bookclubs and Book Club Hub, which host a wide range of virtual and in-person groups.

  3. Consider trying alternative formats, such as hybrid or silent book clubs, if a traditional book club doesn’t work for you.

  4. Check your local libraries and independent bookstores, many of which host free, community-focused book clubs.

  5. Start your own. If you can’t find a book club that suits your needs, resources from organizations like public libraries or tips from professionals can help you create your own.

Engaging with reading in these ways not only stimulates your mind but also help you build community, belonging and mental well-being.

The Conversation

Joanna Pozzulo receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

ref. Is reading your favourite hobby? A new era of book clubs is reshaping how we read – https://theconversation.com/is-reading-your-favourite-hobby-a-new-era-of-book-clubs-is-reshaping-how-we-read-274406

Electric vehicles pass tipping point, breaking the link with oil prices

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Viet Nguyen-Tien, Research Economist, London School of Economics and Political Science

When the Strait of Hormuz first closed in March and oil hit US$120 a barrel, a very old question came back: is this finally the moment electric vehicles take off for good – or just another false start?

EVs have been here before. They surged after the 1973 oil embargo, collapsed when oil fell, and surged again. Each wave died when the external pressure eased.

We think this time is different. In a new discussion paper, we argue that the economic case for electric vehicles is now improving on its own terms. This is because of what has happened to batteries, not because of the oil price. The same evidence, though, shows the transition creates new problems as serious as the ones it solves.

Why this time is different

Battery costs have fallen 93% since 2010. That is the number that changes everything. A pack that cost more than US$1,000 per kilowatt-hour in 2010 cost US$108 by late 2025, driven down by a decade of learning, investment and policy support.

Research on the global battery industry finds that every time cumulative production doubles, costs fall by around 9%. More buyers, more production, lower costs, more buyers.

Unlike the 1970s, this loop does not need an oil crisis to keep spinning. Electric cars have crossed lifetime cost parity with petrol vehicles across much of Europe; in the used-car market they now have the lowest total cost of ownership. Newer models even match petrol cars in estimated lifespan – something early EVs could not claim.

Global sales surpassed 17 million in 2024, one of the fastest technology diffusion processes in the history of transport. Norway is near-fully electrified. And Ethiopia reached around 60% EV sales share in 2024, powered by cheap hydroelectricity – some way ahead of the US, for instance, which sits at around 8%.

An economic platform, not just a better engine

The deeper reason this wave will not fade is not technical – it is economic. An EV is a platform. Its value grows as the network around it grows, just as smartphones became indispensable not because of the hardware but because of everything connected to it.

Every charger built makes the next EV more attractive. Every software update raises the value of every car already on the road. Every recycled battery feeds back into the supply chain that makes the next one cheaper. It’s part of the reason some other technologies like hydrogen fuel cell vehicles have struggled to get off the ground in numbers – the tech exists, but all the other elements aren’t quite there.

One study of 8,000 drivers in Shanghai found that range anxiety – the fear of running out of charge – has a real economic cost due to unnecessarily avoided trips. But that cost is falling sharply, not because batteries improved, but because charging networks expanded.

Making real-time charger availability visible could add 6–8 percentage points to market share by 2030. And because EV charging is far more flexible than other household electricity demand, drivers can shift away from peak hours remarkably easily when the price is right – turning the car into a grid asset, able to store and release electricity when needed. These are economic network effects, not engineering features.

Swapping one dependency for another

Ending oil dependence does not end geopolitical exposure. It relocates it.

In late 2025, China introduced rules requiring government approval for exports containing more than 0.1% rare earths. The leverage that once came from control of oil flows now comes from control of processing capacity and component supply chains.

The minerals at stake – lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite and neodymium to name but a handful – carry their own geopolitical risks and, as we have written elsewhere, serious human costs in the communities that mine them. This creates a predictable cycle of social contestation that threatens to stall the transition unless the industry commits to responsible, sustainable innovation.

The metal cobalt traditionally helped EVs travel further on the same charge. And when prices spiked, so did research into making batteries with less or even no cobalt. Today, more than half of all EV batteries sold globally are cobalt free.

Four decades of patent data show the same pattern: higher mineral prices consistently redirect research and development toward mineral-saving technologies.

Recovering lithium and cobalt from used batteries is becoming economically viable too, shifting part of the supply chain away from geopolitically exposed extraction sites. In addition, Norway and other countries are looking to exploit new critical mineral resources to diversify supplies.

The transition is real – but not risk-free

The Hormuz crisis is a reminder of what concentrated energy dependence costs. The EV transition does not need it. The learning curve keeps falling, the platform keeps compounding, the economics keep improving. That is what makes this wave different.

What it does not do is eliminate geopolitical risk. Unlike oil, where leverage comes from energy flows, EV supply chains concentrate power at materials, processing capacity, and technological bottlenecks – supply chains that are highly concentrated and carry their own serious risks. Fuel dependence becomes mineral dependence. That dependence is highly concentrated.

Traditional carmaking regions are already absorbing concentrated job losses, and history shows such disruptions leave persistent scars even if the long-term aggregate effects are positive. Yet electric vehicle assembly is proving more labour-intensive in western countries than expected – requiring more workers on the shopfloor, not fewer, at least in the ramp-up phase. Contrast this with China, where massive automation has led to the creation of “dark factories” where there are so few humans, internal lighting isn’t required.

The same regions facing losses could benefit. But the gains and losses do not fall on the same people. That is where the work remains.

The Conversation

Viet Nguyen-Tien receives funding from the ESRC through the Centre for Economic Performance (ES/T014431/1) and the Programme on Innovation and Diffusion (ES/V009478/1), and previously from the Faraday Institution through the ReLiB Project (grant numbers FIRG005 and FIRG006).

Gavin D. J. Harper receives funding from the Faraday Institution (award numbers FIRG027, FIRG057 & FIRG085) ReLiB project website: https://relib.org.uk/

Robert Elliott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Electric vehicles pass tipping point, breaking the link with oil prices – https://theconversation.com/electric-vehicles-pass-tipping-point-breaking-the-link-with-oil-prices-280655