World Immunization Week: Why postal codes shouldn’t determine RSV protection in Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sophie Webb, Postdoctoral Fellow,  Bridge Research Consortium, Simon Fraser University

Respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) is a familiar seasonal illness, but the tools to prevent it are new. Canada has recently approved vaccines for older adults and pregnant people, along with a long-acting monoclonal antibody that can protect infants through their first RSV season.

These innovations offer new ways to reduce hospitalizations and severe illness. Yet whether Canadians can access them still depends largely on where they live.

Across the country, provincial RSV programs vary widely in eligibility, scope and public funding — see, for example, Ontario RSV program updates and Alberta immunization program information.




Read more:
RSV FAQ: What is RSV? Who is at risk? When should I seek emergency care for my child?


An infant eligible for publicly funded protection in one province may not be eligible in another. Seniors with similar health risks may face different access depending on their province. These differences are often dismissed as routine features of federalism.

But with World Immunization Week upon us, RSV provides the opportunity to ask a broader question: who’s responsible for delivering equitable access to vaccines in Canada?


Immunity and Society is a new series from The Conversation Canada that presents new vaccine discoveries and immune-based innovations that are changing how we understand and protect human health. Through a partnership with the Bridge Research Consortium, these articles — written by experts in Canada at the forefront of immunology, biomanufacturing, social science and humanities — explore the latest developments and their impacts.


New tools, uneven access

RSV prevention now includes vaccines for older adults and pregnant people, and a monoclonal antibody (nirsevimab) that offers season-long protection for infants with a single dose.

National guidance exists. The National Advisory Committee on Immunization recommends universal infant RSV immunization, but allows provinces to phase this in based on supply and cost. But these recommendations are advisory. Provinces ultimately decide what is publicly funded and for whom.

The result is a patchwork. Some provinces have expanded infant coverage, while others have limited access to those considered high risk. Adult and maternal programs also vary in eligibility, delivery and funding.

Cost plays a key role in these decisions. RSV therapies are expensive, and provinces must weigh them against competing health priorities. Epidemiological differences also matter, as do variations in disease burden and the additional challenges of vaccination in northern and remote communities.

Not all variation is inherently problematic. But together, these factors mean that access to protection is shaped as much by provincial priorities as by medical need.

When equity’s a goal but not a guarantee

In immunization policy, equity generally means ensuring that those at higher risk, or facing barriers to access, are protected first, and financial or geographic differences don’t determine who receives care.

RSV programs often emphasize protecting those at highest clinical risk, such as very young infants and people with underlying conditions. This approach is understandable. But it also narrows how equity operates in practice.

In a system where provinces determine their own budgets and priorities, equity can become something negotiated rather than guaranteed. One province may fund broader access; another may limit eligibility based on cost-effectiveness or capacity. The same intervention is therefore available to some populations and not others.

This shifts responsibility downward. Families must determine eligibility, navigate different rules, and sometimes absorb costs or logistical barriers to access. Equity becomes something people experience unevenly, rather than a guarantee built into the system.

COVID-19 offers a cautionary example. Communities identified as highest risk were often vaccinated later than wealthier neighbourhoods during early rollout phases. This prompted provinces to introduce reactive “hotspot” strategies that in some cases replicated the same effect. Simply naming groups as “equity-deserving” did not ensure timely access.

People in masks are vaccinated by health-care workers in protective gear inside a tent
A pop-up vaccine clinic in a Toronto hotspot neighbourhood in April 2021.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Cole Burston

Governance and accountability

Canada’s immunization system involves multiple entities. Federal bodies approve products and issue recommendations. Provinces decide what to fund. Public health systems implement programs within local constraints.

While each level plays an essential role, none is clearly responsible for national equity, creating a governance gap.

Equity is widely endorsed, but no single body is accountable for delivering it nationally. RSV demonstrates how this plays out in practice — variation in immunization is accepted as a feature of federalism, rather than treated as a policy problem to be addressed.

Procurement adds another layer. Vaccine pricing and contract terms are not routinely disclosed in Canada, and negotiations with manufacturers are often confidential.

During COVID-19, federal vaccine contracts were released only after parliamentary pressure, with key details heavily redacted. Limited transparency makes it difficult to assess whether differences in access reflect pricing, negotiation leverage or policy choices.




Read more:
Consulting firms are the ‘shadow public service’ managing the response to COVID-19


Why it matters

RSV is one of the first major post-pandemic tests of Canada’s immunization system. It’s unlikely to be the last. New vaccines and antibody-based therapies are increasingly tailored to specific populations, making decisions about access more complex.

As these technologies evolve, governance matters more, not less. Without clearer accountability, innovations risk reinforcing variation rather than reducing it.




Read more:
Flu, RSV and COVID-19: Advice from family doctors on how to get through this winter’s ‘tripledemic’


RSV highlights a broader challenge in Canadian immunization policy — equity is widely invoked, but responsibility for delivering it remains diffuse. Without clearer co-ordination, transparency and shared expectations, access to protection will continue to depend on where people live.

For families of infants and seniors, that distinction is not abstract. It determines whether immunity is treated as a public good, or as a matter of postal code.

The Conversation

Cora Constantinescu receives funding from bioMerieux, GSK, merck, Pfizer, Sanofi, with funds being transferred to her University organisation

Sophie Webb does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. World Immunization Week: Why postal codes shouldn’t determine RSV protection in Canada – https://theconversation.com/world-immunization-week-why-postal-codes-shouldnt-determine-rsv-protection-in-canada-278717

Why I celebrate Black graduation magic: An anti-racist perspective

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Clare Warner, Director, Equity, Inclusion and Anti-Racism, Student Affairs, McMaster University

There is a rich history of Black graduation ceremonies in the United States focused on celebrating the unique experiences and achievements of Black university students.

In Canada, the tradition gained attention with the University of Toronto’s 2017 celebration.

Since then, annual Black graduation ceremonies have been embraced by many other institutions, including McMaster University, Toronto Metropolitan University and Concordia University.

These optional celebrations are complementary to faculty-based convocation ceremonies where students are awarded their degrees. As in the case of Toronto’s event, many are initiated by students seeking to celebrate their achievements in a culturally affirming way.

Their emergence are part of the introduction of Black-focused programs, services and spaces on Canadian campuses, which according to the available evidence, positively impact the well-being and academic success of Black students.

The principle of ‘Ubuntu’

The celebrations embody the principle of Ubuntu, a South African philosophy about interdependence.

Students, parents and family members are often joined by staff, faculty, alumni and community members in a communal celebration of achievement.

These community celebrations remind graduates they are powerfully networked and supported as they embark on their careers or further studies. They also offer a moment to reflect on the personal, familial and ancestral sacrifices, which have enabled the long-awaited day.

During the celebrations, students are often presented with a Kente Stole. The stole is a scarf-like garment inspired by kente cloth, a vibrant textile created in the 17th century by the Akan people of Ghana drawing on their longstanding traditional weaving practices.

Historically associated with royal gatherings, today kente-inspired stoles are featured in important community celebrations as a symbol of ancestry and cultural pride. Visually stunning, many students proudly wear their stoles during their formal convocation event, reinforcing their undeniable presence and contribution to the university.

Typically, Black graduation celebrations also incorporate cultural attire, music, speeches and awards, which together create the “magic” I’m so fond of.

Accusations of segregation

These celebrations are not without their critics, however, as accusations of segregation are not uncommon. Notably, predominantly white gatherings on campuses evade this criticism because whiteness is often constructed in non-racial terms, preserving for itself the privilege of being seen as simply human.

Accusations of segregation fail to acknowledge that Black graduation celebrations exist in the context of, and are an antidote to, the well-documented barriers Black students experience in the pursuit of higher education.

They are also troubling when situated within the history of segregationist policies in North America and South Africa, which systematically deprived Black communities of vital resources and opportunities as part of state-sanctioned efforts to maintain racial hierarchies.

Fostering belonging

In reality, Black graduation celebrations are inclusive, frequently welcoming non-Black campus allies and graduates’ family members and partners, suggesting accusations of segregation are rooted in ideological opposition rather than evidence.

Other criticisms focus on the potential for Black graduation celebrations to reduce the participation of Black students in their formal convocations.

This claim runs contrary to available evidence that Black-focused programming at Canadian universities increases students’ sense of belonging, which is a prerequisite for greater institutional engagement.

Based on this logic, Black graduation ceremonies are more likely than not to empower Black students to take up space in their formal convocations alongside peers from their programs.

Celebrating Black achievement

Black graduation ceremonies have also attracted negative comments in popular forums like Reddit threads. Amid the deliberations, profiles from different racial backgrounds sometimes demand equivalent ceremonies in the name of fairness.

This stance is disappointing because it denies the necessity of celebrating Black achievement in a world plagued by a specific, longstanding and deeply entrenched anti-Blackness. It’s also illogical because Black graduation celebrations do not occur at the expense of other communities.

Celebrating Black achievement does not preclude other, also valid, celebrations of success — which can and often do co-exist.

In fact, as is so often the case with innovation born out of Black resistance and creativity, Black graduation celebrations provide both precedent and a model for culturally grounded recognition events and celebrations on campuses.

Repairing reputations, building bridges

It would be a mistake to judge Black graduations as a single celebratory day, as their impact far exceeds one day. Months-long in the planning, they can nurture cross-campus relationships as departments and faculties collaborate in support of the proceedings.

It’s not an exaggeration to say Black graduation ceremonies, which symbolize inclusion, can enhance a university’s reputation among prospective students.

For enrolled students, Black graduation ceremonies provide motivation to continue working towards that long-awaited moment of proudly crossing the stage in the presence of community.

They also have less visible, but no less meaningful, effects. As an outward-facing symbol of institutional commitment to Black students, Black graduations contribute to the repair or enhancement of a university’s reputation with local Black communities. This can lead to meaningful partnerships with community organizations and attract donors who want to augment support for Black students.

Overall, Black graduation ceremonies demonstrate how far we have come since the days of discriminatory admission policies, which excluded Black students from some programs in higher education in Canada. They represent progress and should be a source of pride for universities.

The Conversation

Clare Warner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why I celebrate Black graduation magic: An anti-racist perspective – https://theconversation.com/why-i-celebrate-black-graduation-magic-an-anti-racist-perspective-279917

Here’s what to expect from the first Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kyla Tienhaara, Canada Research Chair in Economy and Environment, Queen’s University, Ontario

Delegates from more than 50 countries are gathering in Santa Marta, Colombia, from April 24 to 29 at the first-ever Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels.

The conference’s stated aim is to “initiate a concrete process through which a coalition of committed countries, subnational governments, and relevant stakeholders can…implement a progressive transition away from fossil fuels creating sustainable societies and economies.”

Emissions from fossil fuels are at the heart of the climate crisis. Coal, oil and gas are the largest contributors to climate change by a wide margin. This has been well understood throughout the three decades of multilateral negotiations at annual Conferences of the Parties (COPs) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

Yet, the words “fossil fuels” do not appear in the text of the 2015 Paris Agreement — the global pact meant to steer the world to a cleaner and safer future. Petrostates and fossil fuel lobbyists have been effectively blocking serious consideration of fossil fuel phaseouts in global talks for decades.

Can the coalition of governments and other stakeholders gathering in Santa Marta make progress where other international efforts have failed? That is the key question for those attending the conference.

How did we get here?

The first mention of fossil fuels in an official UNFCCC output did not arise until the 2023 COP28 conference. The call to transition “away from fossil fuels in energy systems, in a just, orderly and equitable manner” was heralded as the “beginning of the end” of the fossil fuel era.

However, there was backsliding at COP29 in Azerbaijan, marked by controversies over the host’s promotion of fossil fuels. In the end, governments could not even agree to reaffirm the commitment to transition away from fossil fuels made the previous year. Frustration at the lack of progress boiled over at the most recent conference, COP30 in Brazil.

This led a group of countries to sign the Belém Declaration on the Transition Away from Fossil Fuels, with Colombia and the Netherlands co–hosting the first conference to further this initiative.

What should we expect from Santa Marta?

Unlike UN-organized COPs, the conference in Santa Marta is a smaller gathering of 53 countries and the European Union with no official negotiations. It includes an academic conference, a people’s summit and two days of high-level government meetings. Private sector representatives can attend, but only if they are “aligned” with the conference’s objectives and principles.

The main output from Santa Marta will be a report from the co-hosts, based on discussions structured around three pillars. The first pillar focuses on overcoming economic dependence on fossil fuels. It’s particularly relevant for countries in the Global South that face high debt, higher costs of capital and limited capacity to finance their energy transitions.

Many of these countries, including Colombia, rely on fossil fuels as a critical source of revenue to fund social programs. This pillar is essential to ensuring the energy transition is feasible and fair.

The theme of the second pillar is “transforming supply and demand.” On the supply side, the most contentious issue is the phaseout of fossil fuel production. Fossil fuel subsidies, which may increase as governments respond to the current energy crisis, are also up for discussion.

On the demand side, discussions revolve around scaling up renewable energy while ensuring energy security and universal access to energy. The petrochemical sector is also highlighted for its problematic role in driving future demand for oil and gas, which is supported by recent research.

The third pillar covers “international co-operation and climate diplomacy.” One issue where concrete progress could be made is on investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). This mechanism in many international treaties allows foreign investors to sue governments for policies they see as harming their investments.

The conference hosts have identified ISDS as a legal barrier to the energy transition because companies use it to undermine climate action.

In late March, more than 220 experts — including Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz — sent a letter to Colombian President Gustavo Petro urging him to use the opportunity in Santa Marta to build “a coalition of countries working towards a world free of ISDS.” Soon after, Petro announced that Colombia would pull out of the system.

What does it mean for future climate talks?

The Santa Marta co-hosts have stressed that the conference is not meant to be an alternative or replacement for multilateral negotiations. Instead, it’s envisioned as complementary.

The Brazilian COP30 presidency, which is running a parallel process to create a road map for fossil fuel phaseouts that will be delivered at COP31 in November 2026, has indicated that it will consider the outcomes from Santa Marta.

This isn’t the first time governments have experimented with “minilateralism” in the climate policy sphere. Initiatives like the Clean Energy Transition Partnership have proven to be successful. Canada is a member of this partnership and a leader in the Powering Past Coal Alliance, another group of “early movers” coming together on a key issue.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has indicated he values these kinds of coalitions. In a speech to the World Economic Forum in January, he laid out a vision for middle powers like Canada to play a key role in building a new values-based global order.

Santa Marta is a critical moment for the government to begin enacting this vision. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has shown just how fragile global dependence on fossil fuels can be. Accelerating the energy transition could decouple our daily lives from volatile international markets.

Joining the efforts in Santa Marta is an opportunity for Canada to commit to transitioning away from fossil fuels while building environmental and economic resilience.

The Conversation

Kyla Tienhaara receives funding from the Canada Research Chairs program. She occasionally consults for/works with (on a not-for-profit basis) with a number of non-governmental organizations but is not currently working in such a capacity with any group.

Christina Frendo receives funding from Mitacs and the Flight 302 Scholarship (Transport Canada).

ref. Here’s what to expect from the first Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels – https://theconversation.com/heres-what-to-expect-from-the-first-conference-on-transitioning-away-from-fossil-fuels-280894

‘Bombing our little hearts out’ — How Trump taps into America’s enduring appetite for destruction

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ronald W. Pruessen, Emeritus Professor of History, University of Toronto

Donald Trump still has the capacity to shock. The American president’s unauthorized war against Iran finds him in a vicious destructive mode, recently threatening to push Iran “into the Stone Ages” and to end Iranian civilization if Iran did not agree to “unconditional surrender.”




Read more:
Donald Trump’s apocalyptic and profane threats against Iran expose the unhinged language of war


Even as the passing weeks have left Iran still standing, Trump’s words and deeds have already inflicted severe damage on the global economy and regional peace in the Middle East.

Trump’s turn toward a wartime posture is striking, but not entirely unexpected. His second-term conduct shows a growing tendency to push an earlier taste for disruption toward outright destruction — at home and abroad.

He now routinely acts in the belief that those who dare to resist his plans deserve the severest forms of punishment that imperial presidential power can deliver.

But Trump’s conduct is grounded in centuries of American experience. The United States has an enduring tendency toward retribution and destruction.

Trump 2.0

Trump’s scorched-Earth proclivity was obvious before the war with Iran. Warning shots came on Jan. 6, 2021, with the assault on both the Capitol and constitutional provisions for presidential succession. Similarly bold efforts began in 2025.

Globally, Trump has been sweeping away leaders, regimes and multilateral systems, using both military and political weaponry: the special operations extraction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, for example, as well as the launch of illegal attacks on purportedly drug-running fishing boats in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific (now tallying more than 50 obliterating strikes and 163 deaths).

International ravaging has been a hallmark of Trump 2.0: dismantling highly integrated global trading networks; fuelling a surge in military recruits in allied countries like Canada and Denmark/Greenland; denouncing NATO.

There’s been destruction on the home front too: Elon Musk’s DOGE chain-sawed through congressionally authorized agencies and funding, for example, including the Environmental Protection Agency and 5,800 research projects at the National Institutes of Health. The anti-woke Trump administration has eviscerated diversity, equity and inclusion programs in government, the private sector and academia.

Trump has also literally bulldozed the White House East Wing.

American roots

Centuries of American history foreshadow Trump’s strategy of destruction. The precedents are complex for two reasons.

First, American personal and national interests have often mixed admirable aims with a more basic drive for wealth and power — combining genuine pursuits of democracy and civil liberties and ambitions for social welfare and community with less noble impulses.

Second, the scope and settings in which Trump-like behaviour appears have changed dramatically over more than three centuries — from a chain of Atlantic colonies to a continental nation and, ultimately, a global economic, military and cultural power. Yet across these shifting arenas, similar patterns of destructive and tragic outbursts have repeatedly surfaced.

Among countless examples, the most profound involved the treatment of Indigenous populations. White colonial appetites for land and resources always paired negotiation and repression, with superior weaponry leading to episodes of genocidal annihilation when forced migrations and “reservations” were deemed insufficient.

The names of ruthless slaughters pockmark American history: the Apalachee Massacre (Florida, 1704), the Sand Creek Massacre (Colorado, 1864), the Wounded Knee Massacre (South Dakota,1890), among numerous others.

Estimates suggest that in 1492, five million Indigenous people lived in what would become American territory, declining to 300,000 by 1900.

While the histories of Canada, Mexico and broader Latin America are also replete with such tragedies, the evidence of deep and specifically American roots beneath Trump’s virulent destructive impulses is clear.

Slaves and free men

The history of Black Americans is another heinous example of the American capacity for carnage. The experiences of Black slaves and their descendents are soaked in blood.

Prior to the Civil War, estimates suggest the brutality of chattel labour meant life expectancy that was half that of white Americans (21 years versus 43). When freedom came, life remained perilous as violence supplemented Jim Crow segregation laws.

Black homes and businesses burned — the 1921 Tulsa massacre, for example, saw 35 square blocks of Black businesses and residential neighbourhoods destroyed.




Read more:
A forgotten coup in the American heartland echoes Trump


Shotguns and hanging ropes for lynchings also ended lives, stretching from the post-Reconstruction era of the 1880s to 1968.

Racialized people were the most common targets of an American appetite for total destruction — but not the only one. The U.S. Civil War remains one of the most catastrophic in world history, with Union and Confederate deaths now estimated at 698,000.

Destruction abroad

American power in the 20th century saw the periodic unleashing of destructive impulses abroad, some within living memory. Examples include:

No restraints

American episodes of wanton destruction are part of a broader global history marked by the cruelties of many nations and groups.

At the same time, U.S. leaders and citizens have often been guided — if not fully constrained — by countervailing ideals: respect for human rights, adherence to the laws of war and a desire for the security and opportunity that peace provides.

But how strong are those restraints in 2026? And how vulnerable are hard-won ethical and political norms to Trump’s chilling rhetoric and actions, especially alongside Republican conduct in U.S. Congress and a Supreme Court that has weakened limits on presidential power?

Rising gas prices may prove the least of the consequences.

The Conversation

Ronald W. Pruessen has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada

ref. ‘Bombing our little hearts out’ — How Trump taps into America’s enduring appetite for destruction – https://theconversation.com/bombing-our-little-hearts-out-how-trump-taps-into-americas-enduring-appetite-for-destruction-280699

Mandelson vetting: Starmer’s reluctance to engage with the details shows a lack of political leadership

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Stern, Visiting Professor of Management Practice, Bayes Business School, City St George’s, University of London

For all of Keir Starmer’s undoubted abilities, steady nerve and top-level experience in the legal profession, his tenure as prime minister has been fraught with difficulty. This is no doubt partly due to his limited enthusiasm for the (at times banal) realities of political leadership.

It is also due to his reluctance to engage sufficiently with the details of important decisions. At key moments, he has chosen to look the other way and defer to others to execute.

The most recent and consequential example of this is the appointment of Peter Mandelson as ambassador to Washington DC, which we now know was driven primarily by former chief of staff Morgan McSweeney. A quick refresh on recent Labour party history should have been enough to deter this decision. Instead, Starmer outsourced political judgment to others. Now that it has backfired, he is attempting to deflect the blame for his own misjudgments, perhaps not realising – or not accepting – that the buck ultimately stops with him.

He has lost goodwill by removing a range of colleagues, including two cabinet secretaries, two chiefs of staff, and now a top civil servant. He has not focused enough on the detail of policy, but has rather made broad and vague calls for change and asked others to deliver it. Good leaders delegate with clear instructions to people who are capable of fulfilling specific tasks.

A strong sense of leadership from the centre is needed to make the UK government system work. This was understood by the last Labour government with the introduction of the Delivery Unit, a mechanism to provide performance management across key departments.

The Starmer government got off to a false start in the summer of 2024 and has never really recovered. There was misalignment, to put it mildly, between Starmer’s original (and short-lived) chief of staff, Sue Gray, and other colleagues. A clumsily introduced cut to winter fuel allowance had to be reversed, raising no extra revenue but costing a good deal of political goodwill.

There have been other missteps. Starmer sparked anger among some MPs with his speech warning about the UK becoming “an island of strangers”, only to concede subsequently that he was uneasy with that phrase. He was opposed to his own speech.

Welfare reform was necessary until backbenchers rebelled. A harsher line on immigration did nothing to halt Reform’s rise. A seeming reluctance to criticise Israel’s assault on Gaza cost the Labour party support and helped drive the Green party’s new popularity.

And while Starmer did not know and had no particular fondness for Mandelson, he was persuaded McSweeney that he would be the right person to send to Washington DC as a new ambassador. Hence the rushed process to appoint him, and the subsequent political mess that afflicts Starmer now.

All of these suggest a disengagement with the nitty gritty of politics, the consequences of which are now being made clear.

Understanding the job

Amanda Goodall, a professor of leadership at Bayes Business School, has long argued that “domain knowledge” (or professional expertise) is a vital requirement for those in a leadership position. It pays to have someone in charge who understands and has a profound feel for the world in which they are operating.

Credibility among colleagues is established by being good at the core elements of a job and having proven experience. This was always going to be difficult to achieve for a latecomer to politics like Starmer.

In Westminster, Starmer has always been a fish out of water. He has only been a member of parliament since 2015. He emerged as a viable leadership candidate in the aftermath of Labour’s 2019 election defeat. He succeeded as a figure with calm authority, in contrast to the uncertainty created by Boris Johnson and Liz Truss.

Even under the steadier figure of Rishi Sunak, and undermined by the rise of Reform, the Conservative government was doomed to defeat. In July 2024, the quirks of the UK’s voting system gifted Labour a massive 170-seat majority on a vote share of 34% – a “loveless landslide”. The government was never really all that popular even at the outset. A more politically savvy prime minister might have recognised this and led the new government differently.

Starmer became prime minister without ever having established a distinct political identity or programme. He proudly said that there was no such thing as Starmerism, and never would be. That sort of modesty may have been authentic and appealingly British, in a way. But it left the new government without a song to sing.

Politics, it has been said, is “show business for ugly people”. Charisma is overrated, and after Boris Johnson I suspect the country has had enough of performative prime ministers. The PM does not have to be a stand-up comedian or a “celebrity”. But there should be a purpose to what he or she is doing. A more politically engaged prime minister would have weighed up the risks in appointing Mandelson more carefully, and been aware of warnings that the appointment was being “weirdly rushed”.

Effective political leaders have a coherent and compelling story to tell. They strengthen and give credibility to this story when they make important political decisions with conviction and a sense of ownership. This is what Starmer has lacked all along, and it will be his undoing.

The Conversation

Stefan Stern does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Mandelson vetting: Starmer’s reluctance to engage with the details shows a lack of political leadership – https://theconversation.com/mandelson-vetting-starmers-reluctance-to-engage-with-the-details-shows-a-lack-of-political-leadership-281191

AI has crossed a threshold – what Claude Mythos means for the future of cybersecurity

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gerald Mako, Research Affiliate, Cambridge Central Asia Forum, University of Cambridge

The limit of what artificial intelligence can achieve, known as frontier AI, has crossed another threshold. AI can now plan and execute sophisticated cyber operations with minimal guidance at speeds far beyond human capability.

That, at least, is the evidence from an independent test of Claude Mythos Preview, the latest and most advanced model in the Claude family of AI systems, developed by US tech firm Anthropic. Similar to ChatGPT, these can understand and generate human-like text, analyse information, and solve complex problems.

The finance sector is alarmed. It relies on highly interconnected digital systems that are especially attractive targets for sophisticated cyber-attacks. A successful breach could disrupt payments, freeze access to funds, and erode public trust in the banking system.

Major UK and US banks are preparing controlled trials under strict safeguards. They will be granted secure, supervised access to the Mythos Preview model in isolated environments, to evaluate its ability to detect vulnerabilities in their systems while minimising any risk of misuse. It’s a bit like dangerous viruses being examined in high-security laboratories.

The UK’s AI Security Institute, a research organisation within the government’s Department for Science, Innovation and Technology, has already tested Mythos Preview on a demanding benchmark known as The Last Ones. As the name suggests, this series of challenges has been designed as the final hurdle AI systems need to complete before being deemed able to fully automate complex, real-world cyber-attacks from start to finish.

In the controlled test, Mythos Preview autonomously surfaced thousands of “zero day” vulnerabilities – flaws unknown even to the software’s own developers – across every major operating system and popular web browser. Some of these had remained undetected for up to 27 years, even though the software had been carefully checked millions of times.

Under controlled conditions, a skilled human operator would typically need around 20 hours to complete the exercise. In ten independent runs, Mythos achieved full success three times, making this preview version the first AI model to solve the entire attack chain end-to-end.

Video: Bloomberg TV.

The results show genuine autonomous chaining of complex sequential actions. Mythos Preview thus represents a major leap in the ability of an AI to act as a truly autonomous agent, planning and executing complex, multi-step tasks over extended periods with minimal human intervention.

But the significance of this technological breakthrough extends well beyond cyber-attacks. The same capability could soon allow AI to autonomously manage software development, scientific research, supply chains or financial operations. Mythos Preview signals a shift from powerful assistant to genuinely autonomous operator, with wide-reaching implications across many industries.

The dual-use dilemma

Rather than releasing it publicly, Anthropic has so far restricted access through its Project Glasswing, an initiative that gives selected technology companies and critical infrastructure providers including Apple, Google, Microsoft, Cisco and Amazon controlled access to the model.

Anthropic’s stated idea is to “to secure the world’s most critical software” by identifying and fixing security weaknesses in the operating systems, browsers and critical libraries that underpin virtually all modern digital systems, before they can be exploited. Only after that will Mythos see wider deployment as a general-purpose AI system.

Traditional vulnerability management is the process of identifying, assessing and fixing weaknesses in software and systems before attackers can exploit them – a slow, labour-intensive task performed by experts. Mythos could change this process dramatically – in both positive and negative ways.

Its emergence creates a classic dual-use dilemma: the same breakthrough that strengthens cyber defence can also lower the barrier for offensive operations.

On the positive side, it could enable defenders to discover and patch thousands of previously unknown vulnerabilities at unprecedented speed and scale, potentially making critical software far more secure and reducing the window for attacks.

Many current cybercrimes such as ransomware succeed by exploiting known or easily discoverable weaknesses in unpatched systems. These could be significantly reduced if Mythos-class models are widely used for defensive vulnerability discovery.

However, more sophisticated or targeted ransomware attacks – especially those using stolen credentials, social engineering, or already-compromised accounts – are far less likely to be affected, as they often bypass traditional software vulnerabilities altogether.

On the negative side, the same capabilities could dramatically lower the barrier for malicious actors, allowing them to find and chain weaknesses much faster than human teams. This would accelerate sophisticated cyber-attacks if the technology spreads beyond controlled environments.

There is no public evidence that Mythos Preview has reached criminal groups or nation-state adversaries – yet. But the history of cybersecurity technology suggests that well-resourced actors, either state-sponsored or criminal, may develop comparable systems or gain indirect access within the near future.

The future of cybersecurity

In the short term, governments are likely to revise their cybersecurity protocols and incident-response frameworks to incorporate mandatory AI-assisted vulnerability scanning. This would require organisations to continuously scan their systems using AI, rather than relying on occasional human checks.

While this could dramatically improve security by finding flaws faster, it is likely to raise costs significantly and carries the risk of system slowdowns, false alarms, or brief operational disruptions when fixes are applied.

Cyber insurers will almost certainly begin demanding evidence of such defences as a condition of coverage, driving up insurance premiums, while critical-infrastructure operators accelerate deployment of automated monitoring and response systems. This change will impact not only banks and financial institutions, but also critical infrastructure operators in energy, healthcare, telecoms, and transport.

Of course, Mythos is not the final chapter. Future models developed by Anthropic and other leading AI companies are being designed to function as highly autonomous AI agents, capable of independently planning, adapting and executing long, complex sequences of tasks. As well as discovering vulnerabilities, this could mean coordinating large-scale operations or managing sophisticated real-world workflows – all with minimal human guidance.

Moments like this demand both urgency and measured action. Careful governance, international cooperation, and sustained investment in defensive applications will be essential. The genie is out of the bottle – the challenge now is ensuring it serves security rather than chaos.

The Conversation

Gerald Mako does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. AI has crossed a threshold – what Claude Mythos means for the future of cybersecurity – https://theconversation.com/ai-has-crossed-a-threshold-what-claude-mythos-means-for-the-future-of-cybersecurity-281308

How Israel’s history has shaped the way it wages war

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

A little after 2pm on April 8, the Israeli military hit more than 100 targets in Lebanon in just ten minutes. Israel called the attack Operation Eternal Darkness and said it struck Hezbollah command and control centres across Lebanon. The Lebanese government said at least 300 people were killed and 1,000 injured.

The scale of the attack on Lebanon was reminiscent of the early days of the Gaza war in 2023 when Israel retaliated for the October 7 attacks, which killed more more than 1,200 people, with waves of aerial bombardment of Gaza.

Israel has a powerful and lethal army, and it’s been defending itself against attacks from Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran.

But why has it chosen such brutal military aggression?

One historian, Yaron Peleg, believes the answer to this question lies in the early days of Zionism in the 19th century when many Jews who arrived in Palestine were fleeing antisemitism in Europe. In defiance, they began a cultural revolution, emphasising military strength and honouring Biblical Jewish heroes.

Peleg, who is a professor of modern Hebrew studies at the University of Cambridge in the UK and author of the book New Hebrews: Making National Culture in Zion, thinks Israel’s view of itself began to change in the wake of the Holocaust. “There started a really problematic combination of defiance, aggression, and a sense of victimhood  and it’s a very explosive and lethal combination,” he says.

In this week’s episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, Peleg tracks how he sees Israel’s self‑image changed from self‑reliance to aggressive militarism, and how that history helps to explain the way it wages war today.

This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Gemma Ware and Mend Mariwany. Mixing by Eleanor Brezzi and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

Newsclips in this episode from Sky News.

Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript of this episode is available via the Apple Podcasts or Spotify apps.

The Conversation

Yaron Peleg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How Israel’s history has shaped the way it wages war – https://theconversation.com/how-israels-history-has-shaped-the-way-it-wages-war-281194

Has the Strait of Hormuz emerged as Iran’s most powerful form of deterrence?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christian Emery, Associate Professor in International Politics, UCL

One of the US and Israel’s justifications for launching the war on Iran was to ensure the regime in Tehran could never possess nuclear weapons, the ultimate deterrent against external attack. But the main lesson that has been taken from the war, according to some commentators, is that Iran’s own geography already provides it with all the deterrent it needs.

The US-Israeli strikes have inflicted massive damage on Iran’s leadership and have destroyed billions of US dollars worth of military and civilian infrastructure. However, this display of force has proved unable to stop Iran from controlling who enters the Strait of Hormuz, a maritime chokepoint through which around 20% of the world’s oil supply flows.

This has led to the suggestion that Iran could emerge from the conflict with a new blueprint for shielding itself against future threats, regardless of whether it agrees to US demands to dismantle or severely limit its nuclear programme.

Geography is arguably Iran’s greatest strategic asset. The Strait of Hormuz is shallow and narrow, with just two-mile-wide navigable shipping channels. There are also a huge number of coves and inlets along Iran’s southern coastline, providing cover for launching small boats to attack shipping or lay mines, as well as anti-ship missiles and drones.

And there is a vast belt of rugged mountains running from Iran’s north-western border with Turkey all the way down to the Strait of Hormuz. Iran can store, conceal, produce and launch more drones and missiles here than it would ever need to threaten Gulf shipping.

A rural road winding through Iran's Zagros mountain range.
Iran’s Zagros mountain range provides the space to store, conceal, produce and launch the drones and missiles needed to threaten Gulf shipping.
Peter Chovanec / Shutterstock

However, Iran’s capacity to close the strait is not new. For decades, Iran has repeatedly threatened to respond to any external attack by closing the strait. It has also, albeit in a more measured way, demonstrated the capability to make the strait commercially unusable.

In response to Donald Trump’s “maximum pressure” policy across both his first and second terms as US president, Iran has harassed shipping with fast boats, rehearsed loading mines on to vessels, test-fired anti-ship ballistic missiles and even seized a British tanker. These are all classic forms of deterrence signalling.

Multiple analysts had warned of the catastrophic economic consequences of full-scale war with Iran precisely because of Iran’s ability to close the Strait of Hormuz. The only person who seems not to have understood this is Trump.

When pressed in March on whether Trump had been briefed before the war that Iran would seek to block Hormuz, his director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, would not be drawn. But she acknowledged that it “has long been an assessment of the intelligence community that Iran would likely hold the Strait of Hormuz hostage”.

Another challenge to the claim that geography may replace nuclear weapons as Iran’s primary source of deterrence is that its nuclear programme was never a core part of its deterrence. A 2019 report by Chatham House determined that Iran saw its asymmetric capabilities – particularly ballistic missiles and its ability to mobilise its proxy groups in the region – as essential to its national security. Iran’s ability to exercise control of the Strait of Hormuz is another pillar of this strategy.

There is ample reason to believe Iran was engaged in nuclear “hedging” – preserving the option to build a weapon at some point without crossing the line in a verifiable way. But if nuclear deterrence was the core aim, it is unlikely that Iran would have committed to a 2015 nuclear deal that most of the international community argued blocked its path to a bomb.

Regional implications

If a country is attacked, by definition its deterrence has failed. But the perception of restored deterrence can help create conditions for deescalation by justifying an end to the fighting and convincing an adversary that costs can still be imposed. In this sense, Iran’s control of Hormuz may help bring the current war to an end.

Iran’s confidence in having proven its ability to blockade Hormuz may also provide cover for dialling down its nuclear ambiguity posture. And it could compensate for the degradation of its network of proxies that has enabled Iran to project influence across Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Gaza.

The weakening of this so-called “Axis of Resistance” in recent years has reduced (though far from eliminated) Tehran’s ability to raise the regional cost of any direct attack on Iran. And Hezbollah, which is widely considered the strongest group in this proxy network, has paid a high price for defending Iran since the start of the war.

Iran is highly unlikely to abandon its proxies completely. However, it may now conclude that using them as a form of forward deterrence to avoid being directly attacked has manifestly failed and roll back on the strategy. This would be an extremely positive move for regional stability.

Iran’s demonstrated capacity to close the strait is likely to shape the regional order for some time. But Iran is unlikely to be willing to rely on this single pillar of deterrence.

Its sustained missile strikes on neighbouring Gulf states, and damage to critical infrastructure, had already created an appetite for a negotiated end to the conflict among the US’s Arab allies. Trump himself admitted he did not anticipate this reaction.

This makes forcing Iran to suspend its ballistic missile capability extremely difficult in upcoming negotiations, which will leave its neighbours nervous and anxious about their own lack of any deterrence capacities.

The Conversation

Christian Emery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Has the Strait of Hormuz emerged as Iran’s most powerful form of deterrence? – https://theconversation.com/has-the-strait-of-hormuz-emerged-as-irans-most-powerful-form-of-deterrence-281284

How scientists changed their view of insomnia

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Iuliana Hartescu, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, Loughborough University

Ground Picture/Shutterstock

Insomnia may have been torturing humanity since ancient times, but over the last 20 years scientists have made progress in their understanding of chronic sleep deprivation.

Today, sleep deprivation is one of the most widespread reported psychological problems in Britain, with about a third of the adult population in England reporting frequent insomnia symptoms.

Insomnia rarely occurs on its own, which brings us to one of the biggest changes scientists have made in our understanding of chronic sleep deprivation. The vast majority of people with insomnia often have other mental and physical health conditions, like diabetes, hypertension, chronic pain, thyroid disease, gastrointestinal problems, anxiety or depression.

In its diagnostic history, insomnia coupled with another illness or disorder was called secondary insomnia. That meant that insomnia was considered a consequence of those other underlying conditions. As such, until fairly recently clinicians did not generally attempt to treat secondary insomnia.

But in the early 2000s, both research and clinical practice evidence started to indicate that this approach was wrong. Scientists argued that insomnia could precede or long survive a primary condition. Abandoning this distinction between primary and secondary insomnia was a major advance in acknowledging that insomnia frequently was an independent disorder, requiring its own treatment.

What’s more, researchers have been accumulating strong evidence that helping people with their sleeping problems could actually lead to improvements in their other health conditions. Chronic pain, chronic heart failure, depression, psychosis, alcohol dependency, bipolar disorder, PTSD, can all improve for patients if they address their sleeping problems.

Who gets insomnia?

Over the past two decades, we have acquired more rigorous and international data illustrating how ubiquitous insomnia is. Insomnia affects almost everyone, though women, older people, and people of lower socio-economic status are more vulnerable to it.

These groups experience a combination of biological, psychological and social risk factors that expose them to long-term sleep-disruption. For example, women often experience acute hormone fluctuations, pregnancy and birth, breastfeeding, menopause, domestic violence, caregiving roles, higher prevalence of depression and anxiety – all of which can lead to more opportunities for prolonged sleep disruption.

Some current issues in insomnia research include the need to understand different types of insomnia symptoms, and their relationship to health and performance risks. For example, there is evidence that difficulty initiating sleep (as opposed to difficulty staying asleep, or waking up too early in the morning) is associated with an increased risk of depression. Similarly, scientists still have questions on changes in things like brain activity, heart rate, or stress hormones that accompany insomnia. In common with all other mental health disorders, we are still yet to find biomarkers of insomnia.

However, research has helped us understand some things people can do to prevent insonmia episodes progressing to chronic insomnia, which is harder to treat. When insomnia symptoms happen more nights than not, and last for more than three months, then a diagnosis of insomnia disorder, or chronic insomnia, can be made.

Plasticine sheep jumping among clouds
Insomnia keeping you up?
Lizavetta/Shutterstock

One of the most common and harmful habits that develop during periods of insomnia is lying in bed, trying to sleep. Scientists have learned that lying in bed awake leads to perpetual cognitive arousal and, in time, it teaches your brain to stop connecting bed and being asleep.

Thus, if you cannot sleep at night, get up and do something else absorbing, but calming – read, write a list for the following day, listen to calming music or do some breathing exercises. When you feel sleepy again, get back to bed. If you are tired the following day, a well-placed short nap is fine, in the afternoon, for a maximum of 20 minutes. However, one must be careful with daytime sleeping, as it may reduce sleepiness at nighttime, and going to sleep may become even more difficult.

For those who do struggle with insomnia, there are effective treatments recommended. The story of the profound changes from secondary insomnia to insomnia disorder speaks of the power of clinical diagnosis in providing a pathway to treatment.

Cognitive behavioural treatment for insomnia (CBTI) is a package of techniques designed to maximise sleepiness at bedtime. It involves structured steps which aim to modify behaviour and mental activity. There are some predictors of treatment success: shorter duration of insomnia symptoms (years, rather than decades), less depression or pain and more positive expectations towards CBTI. But CBTI is broadly effective across all groups of people with insomnia.

Even so, only a tiny proportion of people reporting insomnia symptoms seek medical help. People may consider insomnia symptoms trivial or manageable, or they may be unaware of the options. It may also be due to the unavailability of treatment options. CBTI remains largely unavailable in clinical practice, mainly due to clinicians’ unfamiliarity with the treatment programme, and limited funding.

This pushes patients towards sleeping tablets, which are not an acceptable long-term solution. Sleeping tablets are associated with significant cognitive and motor impairment, increased risk of falls, dependence, tolerance and withdrawal symptoms, daytime lethargy, dizziness and headaches.

The main truly “new” class of sleeping pills are the dual orexin receptor antagonists (DORAs), which have shown a safety profile in many ways better than the traditional sedatives, especially around dependence concerns. But DORAs are not risk free or “mild” pills. They are relatively new to the market, first approved in the UK in 2022. So we lack long-term data to assess their safety for long-term use in people with insomnia.

A decent alternative is online self-delivered CBTI, on platforms such as Sleepful, which are free to access.

We have made great strides in sleep medicine over the past 20 years for people with insomnia, we just need to realise the potential of such profound changes by providing the right help for those suffering with it.

The Conversation

Iuliana Hartescu receives funding from the Medical Research Council; the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council.

ref. How scientists changed their view of insomnia – https://theconversation.com/how-scientists-changed-their-view-of-insomnia-279585

What a ‘post-antibiotic era’ could mean for modern medicine

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Steven W. Kerrigan, Professor of Precision Therapeutics, School of Pharmacy and Biomolecular Sciences, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

nobeastsofierce/Shutterstock

Antibiotics are one of the greatest breakthroughs in medical history. They turned once-deadly infections into treatable illnesses and made modern healthcare possible. But bacteria are changing, and some of the drugs we have depended on for decades are becoming less effective.

Around the world, infections are becoming harder to treat. This problem is known as antimicrobial resistance. It happens when bacteria evolve ways to survive medicines designed to kill them. It is estimated that drug-resistant infections already cause about 1.27 million deaths every year worldwide.

The World Health Organization has warned that we may be moving towards a “post-antibiotic era” in which common infections once again become dangerous, and even routine injuries or procedures carry serious risk.

A century ago, that was normal. A cut from gardening, a sore throat or childbirth could turn into a life-threatening infection. Doctors had few effective treatments, and infectious diseases such as pneumonia, tuberculosis and diarrhoea disease were among the leading causes of death. The arrival of antibiotics changed that dramatically.

Penicillin, discovered by Alexander Fleming in 1928, marked the beginning of one of the most important revolutions in medicine. Before antibiotics, tuberculosis was one of the world’s deadliest infectious diseases. In 1882, it killed one in seven people living in the US and Europe. Once antibiotics became available, many bacterial infections that had once been deadly could be treated effectively.

Antibiotics not only cured infections, but also made modern medicine far safer. Many procedures rely on them to prevent or treat infection, including caesarean sections, organ transplants, joint replacements and cancer chemotherapy.

Without effective antibiotics, these treatments would become much more dangerous. Fleming himself recognised that risk. When he accepted the Nobel Prize in 1945, he warned that misuse of penicillin could lead to resistance.

Living in a microbial world

The human body contains about 30 trillion human cells, but it also carries tens of trillions of bacteria on the skin and inside the body. Together, these communities form the microbiome, the vast collection of microbes that live in and on us. Many of them are not harmful. In fact, they help digest food, produce vitamins and support the immune system, the body’s defence system against disease.

So life is a finely balanced relationship between humans and the microbial world. But bacteria are ancient and extraordinarily adaptable. They have existed on earth for more than 3.5 billion years and survive in some of the harshest places imaginable, from deep-sea vents to polar ice.

Bacteria multiply very quickly and can also swap genetic material, meaning they can share useful survival traits with one another. Some produce substances that break down antibiotics before the drugs can do any damage. Others alter the parts of their cells that antibiotics are designed to attack.

Some develop tiny molecular pumps that push antibiotics back out of the bacterial cell. Others find alternative ways to carry out the jobs that the drug was meant to block.




Read more:
Bacteria ‘shuffle’ their genetics around to develop antibiotic resistance on demand


These changes happen through random genetic variation, which means natural differences arise as bacteria reproduce. But heavy antibiotic use creates strong evolutionary pressure. When antibiotics kill bacteria that are vulnerable to them, the resistant bacteria are left behind to survive and multiply.

Conditions for resistance

Antibiotics are among the most commonly prescribed medicines in the world, and they are often used when they are not needed. In some countries, they are still prescribed for illnesses such as colds and flu, even though antibiotics do not work against viruses. In the UK, prescribing is more tightly controlled, but inappropriate use and public misunderstanding remain a concern.

Large amounts are also used in agriculture and livestock production. This can further encourage resistant bacteria to emerge and spread.

Across Europe, antimicrobial resistance is now recognised as a major public health threat. The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control estimates that antibiotic-resistant infections cause more than 35,000 deaths each year across the EU and European Economic Area.

Doctors are now seeing infections that are difficult, and sometimes impossible, to treat. Some of the most worrying include methicillin-resistant staphylococcus aureus (MRSA), vancomycin-resistant enterococci (VRE) and carbapenem-resistant enterobacterales (CRE). MRSA can resist several commonly used antibiotics. VRE no longer responds to vancomycin, while CRE can withstand carbapenems, some of the most powerful antibiotics available.

What a post-antibiotic world could look like

If antibiotic resistance continues to rise, the consequences for healthcare could be severe. Many routine medical procedures depend on antibiotics to prevent infection. Without them, surgeries such as hip replacements, organ transplants and some cancer treatments may become too risky to perform.

Even common infections could once again become life-threatening. A simple urinary tract infection could spread into the bloodstream. A skin wound could develop into a severe invasive infection, meaning an infection that spreads deep into the body.

One of the greatest concerns is sepsis, a life-threatening condition in which the body overreacts to an infection and begins damaging its own tissues and organs. Early treatment with antibiotics saves many lives. But when bacteria are resistant, those treatments may fail. That makes sepsis much harder to treat, and in severe cases doctors may have very few options left.




Read more:
Why sepsis is becoming harder to treat in Europe


Healthcare could begin to resemble the pre-antibiotic era, when infection was one of the biggest dangers of everyday life.

Reasons for hope

The situation is serious, but it is not hopeless. Scientists are developing new ways to fight infection. Some researchers are exploring bacteriophages, often shortened to phages, which are viruses that infect and kill bacteria.

Others are working on anti-virulence drugs. Rather than killing bacteria outright, these drugs aim to disarm them by blocking the tools they use to cause disease. The hope is that this may place less evolutionary pressure on bacteria to develop resistance.

Another promising approach is host-targeted therapy. This means boosting the body’s own ability to fight infection, rather than attacking the bacteria directly.

Better diagnostic tests, stronger infection prevention and more careful use of antibiotics could also help preserve the drugs we still have. Antibiotics transformed medicine in the 20th century and saved countless lives. But they were never a permanent victory over microbes.

The challenge now is not just to develop new treatments, but to protect the antibiotics that still work. If we can do that, the post-antibiotic future many scientists warn about may never arrive.




Read more:
Antibiotic resistance could undo a century of medical progress – but four advances are changing the story


The Conversation

Steven W. Kerrigan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What a ‘post-antibiotic era’ could mean for modern medicine – https://theconversation.com/what-a-post-antibiotic-era-could-mean-for-modern-medicine-278231