When courtroom fashion serves as a calculated legal strategy

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jason Wang, Postdoctoral Fellow, Modern Literature and Culture Research Centre, Toronto Metropolitan University

As American journalist E. Jean Carroll walked into a Manhattan courtroom for her civil trial against Donald Trump on April 25, 2023, she was dressed for a specific audience: the jury.

As detailed in her newly published memoir, Not My Type: One Woman vs. a President, her wardrobe was an intentional recreation of her mid-1990s style — right down to a bob haircut. Her outfits were a time capsule, embodying the woman she was when Trump sexually assaulted her.

This was a calculated legal tactic. Her goal, in her own blunt words in an interview with journalist Katie Couric, was to make herself more “fuckable” in the jury’s eyes. This was a direct rebuttal to Trump’s infamous dismissal of her initial accusation: “She’s not my type.

Carroll’s stark admission highlights a judicial truth that extends far beyond her case. In high-profile trials, the courtroom is as much a stage as a forum of law. Every garment becomes evidence in the trial of public perception.

Perception and credibility

This battle over perception can be understood through French philosopher Jacques Rancière’s concept of the “distribution of the sensible,” the implicit system that determines what counts as visible or audible, who gets to speak, and whose words carry weight. In a courtroom, these very rules create a hierarchy of credibility — shaping not only what is said, but whose version of events is believed.

Despite instructions to focus solely on facts, jurors are inevitably influenced by a cascade of non-verbal cues. Every suit, dress and accessory is freighted with semiotic meaning, signalling authority, vulnerability, power — or even innocence or guilt.

Carroll understood this intimately. Where reporters framed the courtroom as a legal battleground, she referred to it as “the runway” in her memoir. She catalogues her choices with precision: “navy-blue Zara suit with ballet skirt,” “Jimmy Choo navy-blue pumps,” “chocolate-brown silk Oscar [de la Renta] dress.”

Appearance was not peripheral for Carroll, it was paramount to her testimony. “How I look is the very centre of the case,” she asserted. By embodying her past self, she made the alleged victim viscerally present, a silent yet powerful appeal to the jury’s empathy.

Performance of conformity

A sartorial, or outfit-driven, strategy also played out at the trial of five former Canadian junior hockey players in London, Ont. During the trial from April 22 to June 13, 2025, the five defendants presented a unified front through their co-ordinated grammar of slim suits and narrow ties.

The details mattered. Slim tailoring narrowed the torso and thin ties drew tidy vertical lines, muting athletic bulk to produce a controlled, less imposing silhouette.

Likely guided by their legal team, this esthetic borrowed from earlier fashion registers. The suits recall the mod style of the 1960s — a subculture popularized by The Beatles that, as British media theorist Dick Hebdige argued, used style to communicate an anti-establishment identity.

But oppositional styles rarely remain oppositional. As British fashion scholar Elizabeth Wilson pointed out, radical looks are often commodified, stripped of subversive meaning and absorbed into mainstream fashion.

In that London courtroom, the language of rebellion was repurposed as a tool for assimilation. Sharp cuts and uniform knots worked to erase hockey-rink masculinity, recoding the body as orderly, institutional and non-threatening.

Order and the yuppie

This strategy fits a long tradition: fashion conformity signals credibility and social alignment.

Its modern model is the 1980s yuppie effect: Through discreet branding, muted palettes and immaculate tailoring, the yuppie “power suit” produced authority through sameness.

Where sporting masculinity might advertise physical force, this yuppie esthetic signals status via cultural capital and managerial poise. The co-ordinated suits thus functioned as a collective cultural alibi — conformity presented as credibility.

This was not merely a plea for respectability, but a calibrated performance of what Australian sociologist R.W. Connell termed “hegemonic masculinity” — a legitimized, elite form of male power that derives its authority from status and control rather than physical aggression.

The goal was to construct an appearance of order, making allegations of violent transgression seem incongruent with the persona on display.

Inherited privilege

This strategy of wardrobe conformity stands in sharp contrast to the fashion approach taken by Luigi Mangione, accused of killing Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare.

In his first court appearance on Feb. 21, 2025, he appeared in a dark green cable-knit sweater, white collared shirt, pale khakis and sockless penny loafers, as men’s fashion magazine GQ documented.

This is the esthetic of what American economist Thorstein Veblen termed “conspicuous leisure.” The sprezzatura (studied carelessness) serves as sartorial proof of a body so exempt from drudgery that it need not concern itself with mere comforts. Its elegance appears innate and effortless.

His preppy esthetic — with its old-money Ivy League polish — projected an elite status that commands automatic respect. It suggested his privilege was a guarantee of character.

The hockey players’ suits were a plea for entry. Mangione’s ensemble was a claim of birthright. One is earned; the other, inherited.

Dressing for culture wars

Mangione’s fashion narrative surged from the courtroom into America’s culture wars, turning him into a polarizing “folk hero.” This is the ultimate manifestation of Rancière’s “distribution of the sensible” in the wild: a fierce public battle over who gets to define what his image means.

The internet’s fascination with Mangione, dubbing the suspect a “hot assassin” or an online sex symbol, reveals just how his perceived credibility was deeply intertwined with desirability and rooted in class performance.

For his supporters, Mangione’s preppy elegance did not signal guilt, but became a show of esthetic resistance. He was recast not as a privileged defendant, but as a glamorous avenger taking on a reviled health insurance system.

In this final, chaotic stage of the courtroom’s visual economy, his fashion was politicized. The esthetic became an empty vessel to be filled with the public’s own fears, frustrations and ideological fantasies.

The sartorial brief

In our hyper-visual age, case after case, the courtroom is a stage where clothing does the arguing. Fashion assigns credibility, stirs sympathy and tilts the scale of belief.

Consider the outcomes: Carroll walked away with US$88.3 million; the five hockey players walked free. Mangione, draped in country-club casuals, hangs in the balance, his fate buoyed by a public captivated by his fashion spectacle.

Each in their way, through their outfits, presented silent testimony to the watching world. Riveted, the world could not look away.

The Conversation

Jason Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. When courtroom fashion serves as a calculated legal strategy – https://theconversation.com/when-courtroom-fashion-serves-as-a-calculated-legal-strategy-264007

Adding more green space to a campus is a simple, cheap and healthy way to help millions of stressed and depressed college students

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Chanam Lee, Professor of Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning, Texas A&M University

Green space at schools can benefit generations of students. AzmanL/E+ via Getty Images

Stress on college students can be palpable, and it hits them from every direction: academic challenges, social pressures and financial burdens, all intermingled with their first taste of independence. It’s part of the reason why anxiety and depression are common among the 19 million students now enrolled in U.S. colleges and universities, and why incidents of suicide and suicidal ideation are rising.

In the 2024 National College Health Assessment Report, 30% of the 30,000 students surveyed said anxiety negatively affected their academic performance, with 20% at risk for symptoms that suggest severe psychological distress, such as feelings of sadness, nervousness and hopelessness. No wonder the demand for mental health services has been increasing for about a decade.

Many schools have rightfully responded to this demand by offering students more counseling. That is important, of course, but there’s another approach that could help alleviate the need for counseling: Creating a campus environment that promotes health. Simply put, add more green space.

We are scholars who study the impact that the natural environment has on students, particularly in the place where they spend much of their time – the college campus. Decades of research show that access to green spaces can lower stress and foster a stronger sense of belonging – benefits that are particularly critical for students navigating the pressures of higher education.

Making campuses green

In 2020, our research team at Texas A&M University launched a Green Campus Initiative to promote a healthier campus environment. Our goal was to find ways to design, plan and manage such an environment by developing evidence-based strategies.

Our survey of more than 400 Texas A&M students showed that abundant greenery, nature views and quality walking paths can help with mental health issues.

More than 80% of the students we surveyed said they already have their favorite outdoor places on campus. One of them is Aggie Park, 20 acres of green space with exercise trails, walking and bike paths and rocking chairs by a lake. Many students noted that such green spaces are a break from daily routines, a positive distraction from negative thoughts and a place to exercise.

Our survey confirms other research that shows students who spend time outdoors – particularly in places with mature trees, open fields, parks, gardens and water – report better moods and lower stress. More students are physically active when on a campus with good walkability and plenty of sidewalks, trails and paths. Just the physical activity itself is linked to many mental health benefits, including reduced anxiety and depression.

Outdoor seating, whether rocking chairs or park benches, also has numerous benefits. More time spent talking to others is one of them, but what might be surprising is that enhanced reading performance is another. More trees and plants mean more shaded areas, particularly during hot summers, and that too encourages students to spend more time outside and be active.

A bird’s eye view of the turquoise lakes and greenery at Aggie Park.
Aggie Park, a designated green space on the campus of Texas A&M University, opened in September 2022.
Texas A&M University

Less anxiety, better academic performance

In short, the surrounding environment matters, but not just for college students or those living or working on a campus. Across different groups and settings, research shows that being near green spaces reduces stress, anxiety and depression.

Even a garden or tree-lined street helps.

In Philadelphia, researchers transformed 110 vacant lot clusters into green spaces. That led to improvements in mental health for residents living nearby. Those using the green spaces reported lower levels of stress and anxiety, but just viewing nature from a window was helpful too.

Our colleagues discovered similar findings when conducting a randomized trial with high school students who took a test before and after break periods in classrooms with different window views: no window, a window facing a building or parking lot, or a window overlooking green landscapes. Students with views of greenery recovered faster from mental fatigue and performed significantly better on attention tasks.

It’s still unclear exactly why green spaces are good places to go when experiencing stress and anxiety; nevertheless, it is clear that spending time in nature is beneficial for mental well-being.

Small can be better

It’s critical to note that enhancing your surroundings isn’t just about green space. Other factors play a role. After analyzing data from 13 U.S. universities, our research shows that school size, locale, region and religious affiliation all make a difference and are significant predictors of mental health.

Specifically, we found that students at schools with smaller populations, schools in smaller communities, schools in the southern U.S. or schools with religious affiliations generally had better mental health than students at other schools. Those students had less stress, anxiety and depression, and a lower risk of suicide when compared with peers at larger universities with more than 5,000 students, schools in urban areas, institutions in the Midwest and West or those without religious ties.

No one can change their genes or demographics, but an environment can always be modified – and for the better. For a relatively cheap investment, more green space at a school offers long-term benefits to generations of students. After all, a campus is more than just buildings. No doubt, the learning that takes place inside them educates the mind. But what’s on the outside, research shows, nurtures the soul.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Adding more green space to a campus is a simple, cheap and healthy way to help millions of stressed and depressed college students – https://theconversation.com/adding-more-green-space-to-a-campus-is-a-simple-cheap-and-healthy-way-to-help-millions-of-stressed-and-depressed-college-students-251461

Parks are public spaces – but private event organisers are muscling in

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian Mell, Professor in Environmental & Landscape Planning, University of Manchester

Tens of thousands of fans streamed into Manchester’s Heaton Park this summer to see Oasis return home. Over 400,000 people attended across five nights of the much-hyped reunion tour.

But the joy came at a price. For more than eight weeks, large parts of Heaton Park were fenced off and heavily secured, restricting everyday use. Families, dog-walkers and runners were displaced, and the effects rippled far beyond the park gates.

The park regularly hosts food festivals and the music festival Park Life, but Oasis was of a different scale. The concerts effectively turned much of the park into a private venue, accessible only to ticket holders and staff. Residents complained of overcrowded trams, gridlocked roads and children struggling to get home from school. What is usually Manchester’s largest green space became, in some people’s minds, a no-go zone for two months.

Local governments insist such events bring much-needed revenue. Manchester City Council has not reported a specific fee for Oasis to use Heaton Park, although it has been said that around £25,000 has been allocated to fund local projects. (At time of publication, the council had not replied to our request for clarification about the fee.)

Pubs and restaurants thrived on concertgoers, and taxi drivers got a ready-made source of customers who would pay whatever it took. The city itself basked in the global spotlight of a high-profile homecoming.

Yet the downsides for locals were obvious: noise, antisocial behaviour, litter and congestion, as well as the general fatigue of not being able to go about their daily business. Afterwards, many felt the grass and grounds had been left in a poor state, raising questions of how much – if any – of the fee would be reinvested in the park itself.

This fuels scepticism: a multi-million pound tour gives the council a relatively small fee, while thousands of locals absorb the inconvenience. In my view, people are right to wonder whether public parks should be used to support these enterprises.

The Oasis shows tap into a wider debate about the use of public parks for festivals and events. Why is a space designed for community relaxation doubling up as a mega-venue? Why not use a stadium or arena purpose-built for huge crowds? And why don’t local councils charge far greater fees to permit such events, and properly enforce penalties for any damage?

Heaton Park is not unique. Sefton Park in Liverpool and Finsbury Park in London have hosted major festivals including Africa Oye and Wireless for over a decade respectively, provoking annual complaints about noise and disruption. Each time, local councils stress the economic upside, while residents question whether public green spaces are being commercialised at their expense.

Why councils say yes

In my experience, many local authorities simply feel they cannot afford to say no. Years of budget cuts mean councils must “sweat” every asset they own. Large parks, especially those with capacity for mass gatherings, are among the few resources left to monetise.

Cultural prestige also matters. Hosting a band like Oasis in their hometown generates pride and attention that no council will want to turn away.

But if parks are to be used in this way, the terms should be stronger. The reported £25,000 fee is minimal when set against the profits of a five-night run: 80,000 people paying £100 or more each over five nights adds up to around £40 million in revenue. (In fact, many people paid hundreds and even thousands of pounds to attend the Oasis gigs.)

Councils could charge significantly more, with some of the revenue ring-fenced to fund park management and improvements, and contracts that cover damage to the park.

So, did Oasis ruin Heaton Park? Not exactly. The concerts were a cultural phenomenon for Manchester and a source of joy for thousands of fans. But they also highlighted how public parks are being commercialised to plug council finances, often with limited benefit to those who most need them.

If local authorities continue to hire out green spaces to private promoters, they should rethink the terms. At the very least, residents deserve more input, and a fairer share of the rewards.

The Conversation

Ian Mell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Parks are public spaces – but private event organisers are muscling in – https://theconversation.com/parks-are-public-spaces-but-private-event-organisers-are-muscling-in-262063

The US has deployed warships near Venezuela in a cartel crackdown – but direct military action is unlikely

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amalendu Misra, Professor of International Politics, Lancaster University

The US is ramping up its fight against Latin America’s drug cartels. Washington has deployed several naval warships into southern Caribbean waters, alongside over 2,000 marines. A guided missile cruiser, the USS Erie, and a nuclear-powered fast attack submarine, the USS Newport News, are also reportedly due to arrive in the region soon.

These moves take place as the Trump administration escalates pressure on the Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro, who has now accused the US of plotting to oust him from power.

Donald Trump has long called Maduro “one of the largest narcotics traffickers in the world”, saying he heads the Venezuelan Cartel of the Suns. The US recently doubled the reward for Maduro’s arrest to US$50 million (£37.1 million).

When asked about the possibility of direct military action in Venezuela, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt remarked: “President Trump has been very clear and consistent. He’s prepared to use every element of American power to stop drugs from flooding into our country and to bring those responsible to justice.”

Latin America is no stranger to US military interventions and regime changes. Washington sponsored covert and overt military operations in the region, from Chile to Brazil and Guatemala to Grenada, that led to regime changes in the second half of the 20th century.

So the presence of a US military submarine and guided missile cruiser close to its territorial waters has justifiably rattled Venezuela’s leadership. Maduro has called on his countrymen and women to join nationalist militias, declaring: “no empire will touch the sacred soil of Venezuela”. And Venezuela’s navy has deployed warships and drones to patrol the coastline.

The Trump administration has said little about its intentions. But most analysts agree the US is not preparing to invade Venezuela. The naval build-up is much more likely to be an attempt to get Latin American governments to take stronger action against drug traffickers.

Falling in line

Cracking down on transnational drug cartels has become a defining theme of Trump’s second presidency. Shortly after returning to office in January, he issued an executive order formally designating eight of them “foreign terrorist organisations”.

This included six organisations based in Mexico: the Cartel del Golfo, Sinaloa Cartel, Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, Carteles Unidos, La Nueva Familia Michoacana and Cartel del Noreste. It also included the Mara Salvatrucha (more commonly known as MS-13), which originated in California, and the Venezuela-based Tren de Aragua.

A White House statement at the time said: “The Cartels have engaged in a campaign of violence and terror throughout the Western Hemisphere that has not only destabilized countries with significant importance for our national interests but also flooded the United States with deadly drugs, violent criminals, and vicious gangs.”

In August, Trump then signed a secret directive ordering the Pentagon to use military force against these cartels. The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, has gone on record defending this directive. He said on August 7 that it allows the US to “use other elements of American power, intelligence agencies, the Department of Defense, whatever … to target these groups if we have an opportunity to do it.”

There are several legal issues associated with direct US military action in Latin America, which reduce the prospect of any such assault taking place. It would violate the sovereignty of countries there, while launching strikes without congressional approval or a UN mandate would risk breaching domestic prohibitions.

For instance, there are debates over whether murder charges could be brought against US service members acting outside of a congressionally authorised armed conflict if they were to kill civilians or criminal suspects who pose no imminent threat.

Whether or not the US military is brought directly into the fight against the cartels will become clearer in the weeks and months ahead. However, there is some evidence that the mere threat of US military intervention is hardening the stance of some countries in the region towards criminal groups.

The Mexican president, Claudia Sheinbaum, for instance, has said “her government will cooperate with the US to fight drug trafficking”. To avoid any unilateral military strike against cartels that might undermine Mexican sovereignty, Sheinbaum has deployed tens of thousands of national guard troops across the country to stem the flow of drugs towards the US.

Maduro has more recently also pledged to send 15,000 Venezuelan troops to the border with Colombia. And he thanked Colombia for sending 25,000 military personnel to the border to tackle “narco-terrorist gangs”. The Colombia-Venezuela border is porous and has long been a key transit point for drug traffickers and smugglers.

Further south, in Paraguay, there is official support for Trump’s anti-cartel policies. Taking a leaf from Washington’s rule book, the Paraguayan president, Santiago Peña Palacios, has designated the Cartel of the Suns a foreign terrorist organisation.

Elsewhere in Latin America, El Salvador’s leader, Nayib Bukele, has been a trusted ally of the US in its battle against drug cartels. Bukele has been successful in curbing the power and influence of MS-13, putting most of its members behind bars in the country’s high-security prison.

El Salvador is also incarcerating kingpins and criminals deported from the US. If the increasingly focused US pressure is successful, it may be just a matter of time before all countries in Latin America fall in line with Trump’s war on drug cartels.

The Conversation

Amalendu Misra is a recipient of British Academy and Nuffield Foundation Fellowships.

ref. The US has deployed warships near Venezuela in a cartel crackdown – but direct military action is unlikely – https://theconversation.com/the-us-has-deployed-warships-near-venezuela-in-a-cartel-crackdown-but-direct-military-action-is-unlikely-264054

Why menopause may be even tougher for autistic people – and what needs to change

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aimee Grant, Senior Lecturer in Public Health and Wellcome Trust Career Development Fellow, Swansea University

shutterstock New Africa/Shutterstock

When we first set out to explore autistic experiences of pregnancy, another topic kept surfacing in the personal accounts we recieved: menopause. Again and again, autistic people described how difficult this life stage had been and how little support they had received.

So we expanded our focus and our new review reveals a stark reality. Autistic people may face more severe menopause symptoms, struggle to access to care and are routinely dismissed by healthcare professionals.

Menopause technically only lasts one day, which marks 12 months since the person had their final menstrual period. But the menopause transition – including the years of perimenopause before and post-menopause after – is often a much longer and more disruptive phase of life.

Menopause typically occurs between the ages of 45 and 55, but it can happen earlier.

During the menopause transition, a range of symptoms are common. This includes changes affecting the urogenital system such as physical changes to the shape of genitals, vaginal dryness, urinary incontinence and pain during sex.

Other symptoms include hot flushes, night sweats, depression and changes to mood, memory and concentration. Some people have mild menopause symptoms, but for others they can be severe and extremely disruptive.

Our review

We pooled all of the research on autistic menopause which included evidence from eight studies. This small number of studies in itself demonstrates how much more research is needed to better understand autistic experiences of menopause. We also included evidence from publicly available blogs about autism and the menopause.

In our review, we found that most autistic people didn’t know what was happening to them when symptoms began. They hadn’t had access to information that spoke to their needs or experiences. Often, they couldn’t find any at all.

Many turned to online forums and peer support groups. These could be helpful, but they said they would have preferred information from a more trusted source, like a doctor or nurse.

We found that while the symptoms autistic people reported were similar to the general population, they sometimes experienced them more intensely.

Sensory sensitivities seemed to increase for some. This in turn sometimes led to more frequent and extreme meltdowns, which are moments of overwhelming distress where people might scream, cry, pace or physically remove themselves from a situation.

Mid section of woman with hormone patch on her belly.
Hormone replacement therapy is often used to treat menopause symptoms.
Cultura Creative/Shutterstock

Fatigue was also a major issue. While it’s common for all menopausal people to be more fatigued, some autistic people found this change difficult to navigate. This became particularly challenging for those who mask their autism – that is, who consciously hide or manage their autistic traits to avoid negative reactions from others.

Many said that during menopause, masking became harder or even impossible. They felt more exhausted and more socially awkward than before.

Many described changing their day-to-day routines to reduce fatigue, including doing less to allow more time to rest. When this didn’t sufficiently control their symptoms, some decided to seek medical help. Those who didn’t try to get help often reported previous negative interactions with healthcare, so didn’t trust that they would get support.

Few people mentioned hormone replacement therapy (HRT), even though it’s the gold standard for managing menopause symptoms.




Read more:
Autistic people’s experiences of periods are under-researched – here’s why that needs to change


Overall, we found autistic people received little support for menopause from the healthcare system. Almost all autistic people reported negative experiences.

That shouldn’t be acceptable, especially when we know that autistic people face worse health outcomes on almost every measure, including an increased risk of early death and higher rates of suicide.

Autism diagnoses in people who were assigned female at birth often happens later in life. This has been linked to increased masking. For many, diagnosis leads to periods of reflection on difficulties earlier in life.

That matters because this self reflection and changing identity can be life-changing, but only if professionals recognise the signs and support people to access both diagnostic and menopause-related care.

What needs to change

A rethink is needed on how to better support autistic people through menopause. Healthcare professionals need better training. Autism-specific information and resources must be co-designed with autistic people.

Peer support should be properly evaluated too. In our review, some people said they had found informal support groups incredibly helpful. But they were also unsure whether the information being shared was accurate.




Read more:
Everyone isn’t ‘a little bit autistic’ – here’s why this notion is harmful


Peer support has been used in the NHS, including for breastfeeding. But peer support services don’t always get enough funding and support from health professionals, and services aren’t always designed in a way that means they can provide support that makes a difference.

Peer support shouldn’t be a cheap or tokenistic solution. For it to work, it needs proper investment.

There’s still so much we don’t know about how autistic people experience menopause and it remains an under-researched area. What we do know is that menopause has significant effects on health and wellbeing. The fact that menopause symptom severity may be higher for autistic people means that providing adequate support is essential.

The Conversation

Aimee Grant receives funding from the Wellcome Trust and UKRI. She is a non-executive director of Disability Wales.

Harriet Axbey and Rebecca Ellis do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why menopause may be even tougher for autistic people – and what needs to change – https://theconversation.com/why-menopause-may-be-even-tougher-for-autistic-people-and-what-needs-to-change-259423

Working together with your child’s new school can make their first weeks easier

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Poppy Gibson, Lecturer in Primary Education, The Open University

Arlette Lopez/Shutterstock

If your child is putting on their school uniform for the first few times, and learning their way from the school gate into their reception class, they’re going through what education researchers like me call a transition.

As we move through life, we undergo several key changes like this, both in education and in our adult lives. Key transitions in childhood include starting nursery, beginning school, and moving from primary to secondary school. As an adult, you may have been through many further transitions, such as starting a new job or moving into a new home.

But thinking of the start of school as one single event – one transition – doesn’t really capture the enormity of this new stage in your child’s life. A better perspective would be to expand the single word “transition” into the recognition of a number of multi-dimensional transitions, or changes, for both your child and for you. And thinking in this way may be helpful for both of you in coping with this change.

For children starting primary school, these multiple transitions may involve things such as a change in routine and their understanding of the world as they have to leave the house and travel to an unfamiliar place.

Their experience of food will be changing as they try new foods in their school, and perhaps have to eat with different rules than they have at home. Clothing changes, too. They may need to wear a uniform made of materials they haven’t felt before and that don’t feel comfortable or familiar.

Perhaps the biggest transition is being away from you for hours at a time. This is especially the case for those children who may not have attended a pre-school setting, or went to nursery part time. It is paramount, therefore, that transitions maximise the involvement of parents and carers.

Research has shown that transitional experiences have an effect on children’s attainment and wellbeing. Having a positive transitional experience can result in children developing positive attitudes, and they may learn valuable skills for embracing future change.

If we accept that transitions are multiple and have a ripple effect on a child’s life, we can take care to support all areas that will be affected. These include the child’s relationships, culture, routines, environment, perceptions and aspirations. This holistic understanding emphasises the importance of adopting collaborative approaches with children and families during transitional planning.

Fostering a purposeful partnership

The key to positive transitions is a strong partnership between home and school. Teacher-child and teacher-family relationships should be prioritised and nurtured. Having trust, respect and open channels of communication are the building blocks for future success.

Parent meeting teacher
The partnership between families and schools is really important.
Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

It can be helpful to see the transitional period as your child begins school as the start of a purposeful partnership between you and your child’s teacher. You can meet as equal experts in your child’s welfare and support.

Teachers and support staff should welcome children in with the message: “We want you here; you belong here.” Teachers must be trusted for their professional knowledge, and well supported by their school to be lifelong learners where regular training is provided. Through mutual respect, teachers can offer care and the love of learning to help children develop both academically and socially.

It is perfectly normal if you feel nervous about your child starting a new school. Trust your judgment and knowledge of your child, and feel free to speak up when things do not seem to be going well, or if your child’s needs could be better met.

Parents need to be their child’s advocate, ready to communicate and share on the child’s behalf – especially as they may not fully be able to explain their own needs.

You could consider helping your child create a poster about themselves to give to their teacher. What do they love to do? Is it playing outdoors, or building with blocks? Do they have a favourite book or toy? Are there any things that scare your child or make them nervous? What are some things that make them feel better if they are upset?

Prioritising your child’s voice is crucial, and this could help their new teacher gain a quicker insight into who they are.

The Conversation

Poppy Gibson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Working together with your child’s new school can make their first weeks easier – https://theconversation.com/working-together-with-your-childs-new-school-can-make-their-first-weeks-easier-247024

Eight seconds and dropping? How to make the most of short attention spans

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian, Professor of Clinical Neuropsychology, University of Cambridge

We are regularly bombarded with information about a steep drop in attention spans. Based on its own data in 2015, Microsoft reported that the average attention span had dropped from about 12 seconds for millennials to eight seconds for gen Z.

And as the new Premier League season kicked off, UEFA introduced a new “eight seconds rule” stating a goalkeeper cannot hold the ball for more than eight seconds or the opposing team wins a corner kick. Coincidence? The rule was introduced to avoid time wasting. It may be that the mean length of attention needed to kick the ball is on average eight seconds. And perhaps this is also how long viewers can pay attention when nothing’s happening.

But how does attention really work? How can we improve it?

Attention is crucial. Who hasn’t experienced getting distracted in the middle of a conversation and suddenly forgot what they were saying. However, what is sometimes missed is that there are many forms of attention, and not all of them are necessarily diminishing.

The football rule is more closely related to a type of attention called visual scanning. For a goalkeeper, this can be scanning the field to work out who to pass the ball to. There are many studies on visual scanning in football, though not so much on goalkeepers.

One paper studied scanning and performance in English Premier League football players. They found using a ten-second scan time gave players a small but positive performance advantage.
Other studies have shown that within elite football players, the best players, spend more time scanning than others, unless there is an opponent player in close proximity.

avid de Gea of Manchester pictured during the 2018/19 Premier League game between Tottenham Hotspur and Manchester United
Goalkeepers have to scan before they kick the ball.
Cosmin Iftode/Shutterstock

Scanning is a form of attention that allows the footballer to take advantage of a time-limited opportunity, where decisions of who to pass to or where to run to on the field have to be made very rapidly.

This is a type of “hot cognition” – a social and emotional way of thinking, a bit like a gut instinct. It is very different to the “cold” or “rational” cognition involved in the decision making that footballers do with their managers and coaches off the field, where videos of plays are analysed.

In such situations, we are more likely to use “sustained attention”, which is paying attention to something for a sustained period of time. This ultimately requires mental concentration.

Similarly there are other forms of attention, for example “divided attention” or “alternating attention” which involve shifting attention between different things over a sustained period of time. These are typically also used for more cold decisions.

Different parts of the brain are at work when we use different kinds of attention. Hot decisions involve a brain network that includes the ventromedial prefrontal or orbitofrontal cortex, which support emotional regulation and decision making. Cold decisions, on the other hand, involves a different neural network that includes dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, supporting executive functions such as controlling or inhibitions or short-term memory.

Another time we make hot, rapid decisions is with first impressions. Again, the attention used is a type of immediate gut instinct. Unsurprisingly therefore, the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex is an important brain region associated with first impressions.

When we see or meet someone for the first time, we implicitly form an impression of their attractiveness and possibly other traits as well. We may adjust that initial immediate impression later, using more sustained or divided types of attention, as we learn more about the person.

A great example of this is given by Mr Darcy and Elizabeth Bennet in Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, where negative first impressions form immediately. Only later are they corrected to positive impressions as more knowledge is gained about the two protagonists.

Positive first impressions tend to stick with people. Also, if very positive first impressions are accurate, they have been shown to lead long-term relationships, which in some cases may be the “love at first sight” effect.

Motivation improves attention

All this means there isn’t a single brain region involved in “attention” in general. It is possible to get better at one form of attention and worse at another.

For example, Gen Z has the highest daily screen time with many spending 2.5 hours per day on social media – which does require some sustained attention. The eight seconds is therefore more likely to be visual scanning or surfing for something interesting. Young people also spend long periods of time listening to podcasts and are increasingly consuming audiobooks, suggesting they can focus for long periods of time, but may prefer outlets that allow them to multitask. So, if the content is interesting, motivation can improve sustained attention.

I have been told several times by mothers of children and adolescents with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) that they don’t understand why their kids cannot concentrate on their schoolwork when they can spend hours playing computer games. The answer is motivation. When enjoying yourself, time goes by quickly and it is easy to sustain your attention over a long period of time.

This also suggests a solution to improving attention spans. We have to make tasks that require attention more motivating or fun.

Sustained attention

That said, it isn’t just scanning attention that appears to be reducing. There have been a number of studies on how sustained attention is decreasing too. Some psychologists therefore argue that lectures to students should be shorter.

However, a study of medical students found that information presented between 15 and 30 minutes was recalled best, whereas material presented during the first 15 min had the worst retention. So it is possible to hack people’s attention and design lectures in a way that makes them remember the content better?

Interestingly, where the student sat in the lecture hall also had impact on retention. Tests were given immediately following the lecture to students sitting at the front, middle, and back of the lecture hall. They remembered 80%, 71.6%, and 68.1%, respectively. However, where you chose to sit could also reflect your natural motivation for the lecture topic.

Biophysics researcher Neil Bradbury makes a compelling case that students’ motivation and teacher enthusiasm and passion, combined with good quality content and illustrations, are key factors in determining how long a lecturer is able to hold the audience’s attention. Perhaps allowing students to shift attention between listening, viewing and writing could also be useful.

Selecting the content should not be all about cold decision making, you also need to consider hot cognition in putting yourself in the minds of the audience and considering what might interest them the most.

The Conversation

Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

ref. Eight seconds and dropping? How to make the most of short attention spans – https://theconversation.com/eight-seconds-and-dropping-how-to-make-the-most-of-short-attention-spans-263461

Zack Polanski becomes Green party leader – what happens next?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Louise Thompson, Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of Manchester

Zack Polanski is the new leader of the Green party in England and Wales after winning a leadership election promising a programme of “eco-populism”. Polanski beat incumbent leader Adrian Ramsay and his partner on the ticket, Ellie Chowns.

It’s been just over a year since the party celebrated its best ever results in the most recent general election. In July 2024, it doubled its vote share and quadrupled its representation in the House of Commons to four MPs.

The same election saw terrible results for the Conservatives and even for Labour, despite its win, raising questions about whether two-party politics was well and truly over. Since then, as professor John Curtice has vividly described, things have started to look even shakier.

This year’s local election saw a “record-breaking” fragmentation of the vote in which less than a quarter of local council seats went to the two main parties. The Greens now hold over 800 seats in more than 170 different councils, adding to their electoral portfolio – which also includes two members of the House of Lords and three London Assembly members.

While Polanski will be celebrating today, party members will look to him to raise their electoral fortunes even further. The electoral challenge for the Greens in England and Wales is two-pronged.

First, the party needs to maintain its position in the seats it has already secured. Its four MPs have fairly comfortable majorities, the smallest being Chowns’ 5,800 majority in North Herefordshire. Second, and perhaps most importantly, it needs to maximise its success in the 40 constituencies where it came second. All but one of these constituencies were won by Labour, which makes Labour voters the prime targets.

My research has shown how the Green party has followed a policy of “total engagement” in recent years. It takes its parliamentary work very seriously, using any and every opportunity to get its message across, even in lower-priority policy areas.

The goal here is to build credibility with the electorate. Small parties tend to want voters to think they are bigger than they are, so they can present themselves as realistic contenders for taking on the heavy work and responsibility of government. Caroline Lucas did a fantastic job of this, punching well above her weight as the party’s only MP between 2010 and 2024.

Together, the Green MPs have made over 380 contributions in the House of Commons. Chowns in particular has been a prolific backbencher, making 161 contributions, while the previous co-leaders Carla Denyer and Ramsay have been much quieter.

With Polanski sitting in the London Assembly rather than the House of Commons, this will inevitably change. The four Green MPs will collectively have more time on their hands and, with the right direction from their new leader, will have the space to be more strategic in their parliamentary activities.

Outsiders

But the Greens have always acted as something of an atypical party too, keeping one foot outside Westminster. Lucas was regularly involved in activism, joining protesters campaigning against tuition fee increases and fracking and to support refugees, to name just a few. She was even arrested in 2013 after joining a protest against energy firm Cuadrilla in Sussex (she was later cleared of all charges in court).

The new Green MPs have continued in this vein, with Sian Berry joining a peaceful protest against far-right agitators in Brighton last year and Chowns pressing the government to water down anti-protest laws.

The new leadership will need to decide whether this strategy enhances their electoral appeal. Does it highlight the Greens’ distinctiveness from the establishment parties, or does it imply they aren’t responsible enough to manage being a party of significant size? The answer depends on who you ask. Polanski has participated in several protests in the past, so chances are this activism will continue to be a core feature of Green party politics.

An added complication for the Greens is that two other parties are also chasing left-leaning voters. One of these is Reform UK. Although associated with rightwing views on social issues, the party came second in many Labour seats in 2024 and needs to appeal to both sides of the political spectrum.

This may explain why the Greens have focused their efforts on highlighting Reform’s failures. Berry, for instance, recently challenged Nigel Farage and his colleagues to publish a log of all their meetings since entering the Commons, arguing that it would be in the public interest.

The other outside threat is Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana’s new and currently nameless party of the left. While we know little about this party’s policy platform right now, it seems to be veering towards a similarly bottom-up democratic model of organisation which has long been favoured by the Greens – possibly even with co-leaders.

The challenge for the Greens will be to better establish their niche on the left, to ensure they capture voters who are disillusioned with Keir Starmer’s wobbly start. Part of the solution could be to focus on a handful of key policy areas which go beyond the Green party’s niche of environmental issues. At the moment, its MPs take something of a scattergun approach in the Commons, contributing on everything from local buses and universal credit to Ukraine and the Middle East.

Some of the most recent questions asked during Prime Minister’s Questions by Greens hint at the options they might pursue. Ramsay has pushed for a wealth tax on the super rich, and an end to the two-child benefit cap. Both Corbyn and Sultana have, of course, been outspoken on these issues in the past.

If the Greens can’t forge a different path to this new left party, they may have no choice but to consider an electoral pact to avoid splitting the anti-Labour vote right down the middle.

The Conversation

Louise Thompson has previously received funding from the ESRC for research on small political parties.

ref. Zack Polanski becomes Green party leader – what happens next? – https://theconversation.com/zack-polanski-becomes-green-party-leader-what-happens-next-262846

Donald Trump was once India’s best friend. How did it all go wrong?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ian Hall, Professor of International Relations, Griffith University

Just months into President Donald Trump’s second term in office, one of the United States’ most important strategic partnerships is in crisis.

Relations between the US and India are at their lowest ebb in a quarter of a century. Things are so bad that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has reportedly refused to accept calls from Trump for more than two months.

In recent days, Trump labelled trade ties with India a “totally one-sided disaster” and a report emerged that he is no longer planning to visit India later this year for a summit of the Quad partners (India, the US, Australia and Japan).

So bad, so quickly

Things were not meant to happen this way. Many in New Delhi were delighted when Trump won the election last year. Modi congratulated his “friend” on X, along with pictures of the two embracing and holding hands.

India’s foreign minister, S. Jaishankar, told journalists that while other countries might be “nervous” about Trump’s return, India was not.

Feeling confident, Modi went to Washington to meet Trump days after his return to office. The encounter did not go well.

On the eve of the meeting, Modi was embarrassed by distressing images of Indian nationals, handcuffed and shackled, being deported from the US on a military aircraft.

In the Oval Office, he promised to buy more US arms, oil and gas, and asked that Trump not impose punitive tariffs on India. Modi failed to get that commitment.

A few weeks later, Trump announced India would be hit with a 27% tariff – far higher than the 10% imposed on China – unless it could negotiate something better.

Crisis in Kashmir

Begrudgingly, New Delhi began to talk trade. US Vice President JD Vance visited India in late April and both sides made positive noises about a deal. But while Vance was in town, India was engulfed in a new crisis.

On April 22, terrorists killed 26 people – mostly Hindu tourists – in Kashmir, long the site of simmering conflict between India and Pakistan. The Modi government pledged to respond with force, as it had done in the past after similar incidents.

On May 7, India bombed what it claimed were militant camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. A rapidly escalating, unpredictable conflict followed, as both sides used drones and missiles to attack one another.

Alarmed, governments around the world urged the two nuclear-armed states to end hostilities before matters got out of control. Early in the morning on May 10, they did, and agreed to a ceasefire.

Trump anoints himself peacemaker

Before either the Indian or Pakistani governments had a chance to say anything, Trump stepped in to take credit.

On social media, he announced both sides had agreed a deal. The next day he claimed they would soon sit down with him as mediator and find a solution to the Kashmir conflict.

Islamabad was jubilant at this outcome. New Delhi, meanwhile, was furious.

India’s longstanding view is that the Kashmir dispute must be settled bilaterally, without third-party involvement. The US has accepted this position for more than 20 years. Now it appeared Trump was taking a different view.

This put Modi in a bind. Keen to maintain a mutually beneficial partnership and avoid punitive tariffs, he did not wish to upset Trump.

But he could not acknowledge Trump’s claims without setting aside a fundamental principle of Indian policy. So, Modi called Washington and explained he would not accept mediation over Kashmir.

The final straw

Meanwhile, Pakistan saw an opportunity to win favour in Washington and drive a wedge between the US and India.

Recognising that Trump covets a Nobel Peace Prize, Islamabad nominated him for his supposed role in ending the conflict.

Enthused, Trump called Modi on June 17 and asked him to do the same. Worse still, Trump requested Modi stop in Washington on the way back from the G7 summit in Canada, and meet with Pakistan’s military chief, Asim Munir.

According to a recent report, that was the final straw for Modi. He flatly refused both requests. The two men reportedly haven’t spoken since.

Piqued, Trump responded by punishing India for continuing to buy Russian oil by lifting its tariff rate to 50% and postponing trade talks.

New Delhi’s dilemma

Trump’s actions have ordinary Indians seething and demanding action, but the Modi government does not have good options.

Giving in to coercion would make Modi – dubbed by political opponents “Narender Surrender” – look weak. Yet, no other major power can offer India what it needs in terms of markets, investment, technology, weapons and diplomatic support.

With US-India relations strained, New Delhi has been working hard to stabilise its relationship with China, which has been tense since bloody border clashes between the two in 2020.

Modi went to China for the first time in seven years on August 31 to further that aim, shaking hands with President Xi Jinping. But although Xi emphasised the need for amicable ties – he said the “elephant and dragon should dance together” – there is little trust between India and China at present.

Modi has more faith in Russia. In China, Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin reportedly spoke for nearly an hour in Putin’s limousine. And Modi will host the Russian leader for more talks in India later this year. However, Russia remains a pariah in Europe, with limited means to help.

Other countries, like Japan, where Modi stopped off on his way to China, could also help India navigate the current crisis. But they do not have the clout to resolve it.

Unless Modi can find a way to win Trump back, India’s next few years could be very difficult.

The Conversation

Ian Hall has received funding from the Australian Research Council, Department of Defence, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. He is an honorary Academic Fellow of the Australia India Institute.

ref. Donald Trump was once India’s best friend. How did it all go wrong? – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-was-once-indias-best-friend-how-did-it-all-go-wrong-264272

80 years since the end of World War II, a dangerous legacy lingers in the Pacific

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stacey Pizzino, Lecturer, School of Public Health, The University of Queensland

Aerial view of Enewetak Atoll showing nuclear test craters. Gallo Images/Orbital Horizon/Copernicus Sentinel Data 2021

On September 2, 1945, the second world war ended when Japan officially surrendered. Today, on the 80th anniversary, the physical legacy of the conflict remains etched into land and sea.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the Pacific. There, fierce battles left behind sunken warships, aircraft and unexploded bombs. These remnants are not only historical artefacts but toxic time capsules.

They leak fuel, heavy metals and other hazardous substances into fragile ecosystems, threatening biodiversity and, potentially, human health.

This problem is a reminder of the enduring environmental harms of conflict. Toxic remnants of war can damage ecosystems and communities long after the fighting stops.

The Pacific as a dumping ground

World War II in the Pacific involved four years of conflict between Japan and Allied forces. The war began in the region in December 1941 when Japan attacked a United States naval base at Pearl Harbour, Hawaii.

The Pacific conflict included the Battle of the Coral Sea, the Battle of Midway and the Guadalcanal campaign in the Solomon Islands.

Pacific islands became staging grounds for battles. Weapons were stockpiled and hazardous material discarded. Ships and aircraft were sunk. When the war ended, much of this material was simply left behind.

Among the remains are an estimated 3,800 wrecks still lying on the Pacific Ocean floor.

An environmental hazard

As remnants of war degrade, they often leach toxic pollutants into nearby waters and soils. These can build up in marine life, enter the food chain and pose serious risks to both biodiversity.

At Palau, a WWII Japanese ship sank in Koror Harbour and became known as the Helmet Wreck. It contains Japanese depth charges leaking acid into surrounding waters.

Researchers have shown the long-term environmental impacts in the Baltic Sea of unexploded WWII ordnance – bombs, shells and grenades that failed to detonate. An estimated 3000kg of dissolved ammunition chemicals have been found.

Coral reefs and mangroves, which are vital for coastal protection, are especially vulnerable to both chemical exposure and physical damage.

For example, researchers examined the effects off Puerto Rico of unexploded ordnance. They found nearby sea animals contained potentially toxic compounds leaking from the ordnance, which meant the substances had entered the food web.

Human communities on high alert

Unexploded ordnance continues to endanger communities. Just last year, for example, more than 200 bombs were found buried beneath a school in the Solomon Islands.

In places such as Palau, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, these dangers are unearthed regularly. They can be found by farmers working their land, children playing or fisherman working.

Buried bombs, sunken ships and downed aircraft often contain fuel and heavy metals. This includes lead and cadmium which can interfere with the body’s hormone system and cause serious health issues.

Research into the human health impacts of war remains is limited – especially in the Pacific. But existing studies suggest exposure is linked to serious consequences.

For example, parental exposure to wartime contaminants has been linked to birth defects in Gaza and Vietnam.

And a study of Britsh Army ammunition technicians released earlier this year found significantly higher rates of bladder cancer than the general population. This suggests occupational exposure to explosive compounds may pose long-term health risks.

Climate change is increasing the risk

As Earth’s climate warms, extreme weather events are worsening and seas are rising. This is exacerbating the dangers posed by wartime remnants.

For example Cyclone Pam, in March 2015, exposed unexploded WWII ordnance in Kiribati and Tuvalu. Further investigations revealed remnants including high explosive projectiles, mortars and 5,300 rounds of ammunition.

In 2020, a visiting fisherman found an unexploded bomb near Lord Howe Island. Then-Environment Minister Sussan Ley suggested the device may have been shifted by a cyclone or ocean currents.

Similarly, floods and landslides can move these hazards over significant distances, increasing uncertainty around their locations and complicating clearance efforts.

Rising sea levels are threatening to breach one of the Pacific’s most toxic legacies – the Runit Dome in the Marshall Islands. This concrete structure was built in the late 1970s to contain radioactive waste from US nuclear testing decades earlier.

Research shows extreme storms could increase radioactive sediments in the area to up to 84 times higher than normal. There are also concerns cracks in the dome’s surface could lead to contamination of surrounding waters.

Five people in yellow protective clothing stand near the water.
In this 1978 photo from Runit Island, military personnel in protective clothing watch as concrete and soil is used to cover up a crater left by the US after it conducted nuclear tests decades earlier.
Department of Defense/US Army/FPG/Archive Photos/Getty Images

Reflecting on war’s toxic legacy

Despite the risks to people and health in the Pacific, remediation has been slow. The 80th anniversary of WWII offers an opportunity to reflect on the toxic legacy of war – and to act.

The scale of the problem demands coordinated, well-funded action. The work should not just remove dangerous materials, but restore damaged ecosystems and monitor long-term health impacts.

Some support has been offered. It includes Operation Render Safe, a program to remove war remnants led by the Australian Defence Force. But more is needed.

Regional partners – including Australia, New Zealand, Japan and the United States – have a chance to lead. This means investing in environmental cleanup, supporting affected communities and acknowledging historical responsibility.

It also means listening to Pacific voices, who have long called for greater attention to the war’s toxic legacy. Their knowledge, resilience and lived experience must be central to any response.


The authors acknowledge Nixon Panda for his contribution to this article.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 80 years since the end of World War II, a dangerous legacy lingers in the Pacific – https://theconversation.com/80-years-since-the-end-of-world-war-ii-a-dangerous-legacy-lingers-in-the-pacific-264127