Latest attack threatening President Trump reflects rising political violence in US

Source: The Conversation – USA – By James Piazza, Liberal Arts Professor of Political Science, Penn State

President Donald Trump speaks at the White House on April 25, 2026, after the cancellation of the annual White House Correspondents Association Dinner. Andrew Leyden/Getty Images)

For the third time in three years, Donald Trump has come under threat by an attacker. Many facts remain unclear after a gunman stormed the Washington Hilton on April 25, 2026, during the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.

As the investigation into the shooting continues, Alfonso Serrano, The Conversation’s politics and society editor, spoke with James Piazza, a political violence scholar at Penn State, about what is driving the rise of political violence in the U.S. and what can be done about it.

This is not the first time Trump has faced political violence. What stands out after the latest attack?

I think the events of April 25 underscore how dangerous this political moment is in the United States. For the past several years – certainly since Jan. 6, 2021 – the U.S. has been experiencing a period of increased political violence, which is generally defined as violence that is motivated by politics or is intended to communicate a political message or achieve a political objective.

Researchers at the Polarization & Extremism Research & Innovation Lab have documented that political violence has increased in the U.S. in recent years. Several recent examples come to mind: the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the U.S. Capitol building; multiple assassination attempts on President Trump; the deadly attacks on Minnesota lawmakers Melissa Hortman and John Hoffman that left Hortman and her husband dead; the attempted murder of Paul Pelosi; the assassination of Charlie Kirk. In my home state of Pennsylvania, Gov. Josh Shapiro was targeted in an attack on the governor’s mansion.

Dozens of police cars line a street.
Law enforcement responds to an incident at the Washington Hilton during the White House Correspondents Dinner on April 25, 2026, in Washington.
AP Photo/Allison Robbert

What’s driving that apparent plague of political violence afflicting the country?

There are several important drivers of political violence at work in the U.S. today, according to my own research and research by other scholars. The United States is currently very politically polarized, meaning that Americans are sharply divided against one another along partisan lines. They are suspicious and hostile toward one another, and this produces a tense and volatile environment for politics and public life. This has produced a “zero-sum” environment in which every election and political contest is a “do or die” moment.

What stands out to me is the moral dimension of polarization in the U.S. Each side views members of the other party not as merely having a different view on politics but rather as evil or immoral. The polarized environment has made political violence more normalized. It has also dampened public backlash against political violence when it occurs. This makes political violence more likely.

Political rhetoric has become much more divisive and violent in nature. This works hand in hand with polarization and helps to further normalize political violence. In particular, when politicians use demonizing or dehumanizing rhetoric to attack their opponents – for example, using words that depict their opponents as subhumanthis fosters extremism and helps motivate extremists to hurt their opponents physically.

Disinformation is also an important driver of political violence. A number of people who have engaged in recent acts of political violence seem to have been motivated by conspiracy theories and other forms of disinformation, often gleaned from social media. Disinformation plays a particularly important role in the context of social media communities, where people are exposed to large amounts of disinformation and are hermetically sealed off from other sources that might challenge their worldview. This facilitates radicalization and has been shown to fuel political violence in some cases.

Finally, I think an important factor is also the current assault on democratic norms and democratic institutions in the United States. U.S. democracy is experiencing pressures that are unprecedented in the modern era. This has had a very damaging effect on Americans’ trust in government, confidence in democratic institutions and value for democratic rule itself.

My work shows that individuals who are skeptical about democracy are much more likely to express support or tolerance for political violence.

A man in front of a podium stands in front of dozens of seated people.
President Donald Trump takes questions at the White House on April 25, 2026, after a shooting incident at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.
Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images

How does this moment of political violence stand out from other violent periods in U.S. history – are we in uncharted waters?

While the U.S. is currently experiencing an uptick in political violence, unfortunately it is not unprecedented. One example would be the highly polarized period in the 1850s in the run-up to the Civil War. In this era, there was a sharp division between abolitionists and advocates of slavery. This culminated in political assassinations, an assault on an abolitionist member of Congress by a pro-slavery member of Congress, and a bloody civil conflict in Kansas between pro- and anti-slavery armed groups.

The early 1900s, right after World War I, saw another increase in political violence due to labor issues and violence by the second generation of the Ku Klux Klan.

Finally, the 1960s also saw a period of intense political violence surrounding opposition to the Vietnam War and backlash to the Civil Rights Movement.

Though there are some unique features about political violence today – namely the influence of social media – I think we can look for some parallels in these early periods of political violence.

Any last thoughts?

I believe it is absolutely critical that both Democratic and Republican politicians – politicians from all sides – unite to condemn this attack and all political violence. Political commentators and influencers can also condemn this and all use of political violence.

Research amply shows that what political elites – politicians, political leaders, media commentators, online influencers – say in the wake of these sorts of events has a huge effect on citizens’ attitudes. Political elites can adopt rhetoric that does not normalize this sort of behavior.

If the message comes from across the political spectrum, it will be that much more effective at reducing the public attitudes that nurture political violence.

The Conversation

James Piazza has received grants from the McCourtney Institute for Democracy at Penn State, a non-partisan research and public events center that sponsors research on democracy.

ref. Latest attack threatening President Trump reflects rising political violence in US – https://theconversation.com/latest-attack-threatening-president-trump-reflects-rising-political-violence-in-us-281513

How principles of self-compassion help fight loneliness in the age of AI

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Li-elle Rapaport, Doctoral Student and Private Practice Therapist, Department of Psychology, University of Manitoba

Amid a rapid, AI-driven technology boom and all the changes it’s entailed, mental health issues due to social isolation have been on the rise. Researchers in social and clinical psychology have documented this shift and coined it the “loneliness epidemic.”

Human connection is imperative to psychological well-being but the world is increasingly disconnected. With technology streamlining our lives, many report growing levels of depression, anxiety and existential dread brought on by the physical and emotional distance it creates between us.

And so psychologists have begun asking: “How do we stay connected to the here and now, and to each other?”

One facet of self-compassion theory — a concept developed by psychologist Kristin Neff that dictates treating ourselves with the same care and understanding as we would our friends — may hold the answer. “Common humanity” promotes the recognition that we are, in fact, not alone since all humans share the same fundamental experiences, emotions and struggles.

The loneliness epidemic

To begin finding a solution to social disconnectedness, it’s important to understand the vehicles that drive it. A 2024 Statistics Canada survey found more than one in 10 Canadians report often or always feeling lonely, a finding that aligns with psychological research on rising social isolation.

At the same time, studies indicate that heavy reliance on digital technologies can both reflect and reinforce this isolation.

Technology, AI and algorithms divide and capture human attention, often limiting exposure to interactions or varied points of view and perspectives. A study by clinical and social psychologists suggests that the motivation to escape everyday life and experience social gratification reinforces the relationship between mental health and AI dependence, especially for people with mental illness.

The more attention spent in the digital world, the less is available to spend with one another.

It’s easy to fall into a pattern of pessimism as we observe technology shifts toward automated entry-level jobs, addictive doomscrolling and students submitting AI-generated homework. These negative emotions, the attention we spend on them and the frustration we feel with ourselves for having these emotions can perpetuate a cycle of self-isolation.

Self-compassion and common humanity are evidence-based tools that can help stop this cycle by shifting attention back to what is important: each other.

Self-compassion and common humanity

According to Kristin Neff, an American education psychology scholar, self-compassion functions on three key tenets: self-kindness versus self-judgment, common humanity versus self-isolation and mindfulness versus over-identification.

Each facet emphasizes intentionality in our actions, both toward ourselves and others.

At its core, mindful self-compassion’s concept of common humanity is the belief that we are connected by familiar human experiences. Personal suffering is part of a shared human condition, for example, and in accepting this truth, we reduce self-judgment and weaken the tendency toward social withdrawal.

Research shows that self-compassion can be exercised like a muscle through interventions that shift awareness of our personal experiences to how these experiences connect us with others.

Appealing to the humanness of our present experiences reduces feelings of isolation and self-judgment and increases life satisfaction. Common humanity addresses our basic human need to belong.

Feeling down about not having plans with others this weekend? You’re not alone in this struggle. It is uniquely human to feel alone and want to self-soothe with a scroll on TikTok. Knowing this, it might be time to take the first step and reach out to that friend and invite them over.

From theory to practice

Demonstrating the principles of self-compassion and common humanity in the presence of others can create a positive feedback cycle. Three action-based practices help exercise control over our attention, centre community, empathize and attend to our “why.”

Invest in community. Allowing technology to seep into all corners of life is not inevitable. Self-compassion teaches that while this is human, we have the power to change our actions as an act of compassion. It is our choice to bring our attention back to the present.

This may mean making an explicit choice to unplug instead of following the urge to respond; leaning into sharing imperfect experiences and mutual not-knowing; talking something through instead of Googling it immediately; practising collaboration over outsourcing thinking.

Practise empathy. Excessive tech or AI use can leave us feeling depleted and disconnected. In order to interrupt the cycle of overusing technology, notice these emotions without judgment rather than feeling guilt and avoiding the guilt through more tech use.

To ground yourself, ask: “What do I need right now?” You may find your response involves uniquely human experiences: food, a cup of tea, calling a parent, fresh air or a walk.

Centre your ‘why.’ Think about why you choose to connect with others. Centre this “why” in your day-to-day life.

If you notice yourself opting for AI to write an email, pause for a moment and notice this reflex. It is human to seek shortcuts to preserve energy. Consider what you might gain from writing that email yourself. Notice any discomfort. Know that it’s human to feel it, and choose to write it yourself anyway. Theory suggests you might feel more connected to your people and to your own humanness in the process.

In this context, self-compassion functions as a psychological counterweight to the isolating tendencies of digital life. It helps reorient attention away from performance and productivity and back toward shared human experiences.

The Conversation

Li-elle Rapaport does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How principles of self-compassion help fight loneliness in the age of AI – https://theconversation.com/how-principles-of-self-compassion-help-fight-loneliness-in-the-age-of-ai-276574

Hurdles to a hobby: How climate change and ‘runfluencer’ culture impact our daily jog

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Madeleine Orr, Assistant Professor, Sport Ecology, University of Toronto

Rising global temperatures and air pollution are making it physically harder and unsafe to run outdoors, and some of the digital tools that many runners rely on carry their own environmental costs. (Unsplash/Fellipe Ditadi)

If it feels like everyone around you (physically and digitally) has taken up an affair with running in the past few years, you’re not imagining it. Since 2023, running has been the most uploaded activity on the exercise app Strava, according to their annual Year in Sport reports from 2023, 2024 and 2025.

For many of us, running is one of the most accessible forms of physical activity. It is something we can do on our own or with friends. It requires minimal gear and does not rely on a specialized training facility. All we have to do is lace up and go.

However, the seemingly simple practice of running is entangled with complex environmental dynamics. Rising global temperatures and air pollution are making it physically harder and unsafe to run outdoors, and some of the digital tools that many runners rely on carry their own environmental costs.

Strava’s 2023 Trend Report noted that: 75 per cent of athletes said extreme heat affected their exercise plans, while poor air quality affected 27 per cent. We now have to reckon with the reality that, due to warming temperatures, running will become less accessible and safe.

Add to that the rise of “runfluencers,” running fashion trends and a new market of consumer products designed to help runners cope with heat, and it becomes increasingly clear that the relationship between running, climate change and consumption is wickedly ironic.


Hobbies can bring joy, well-being and focus to our busy lives, but so many of us don’t have one. If you’re ready to replace scrolling with stitching, or hustle with horticulture, The Hobby Starter Kit (a new series from Quarter Life) will help you get going.


The dangers of heat

Running in the heat increases the risk of exertional heat illness and heat stroke. Additionally, running in the heat can increase the risk of acute kidney disease due to insufficient cooling and dehydration during exercise-related heat stress.

For those keen to hit new personal bests, running in hotter conditions can impair performance. For example, an analysis of race data uploaded to Strava identified the average finishing time of the New York City Marathon was approximately 12 minutes slower in 2022 — when the temperature was 23C (plus humidity) — compared to 2021, when temperatures were around 13C.

And that’s just a few of the temperature-related risks associated with summer running. In addition to extreme heat exposure, the safety of summer running is also compromised by smoke and poor air quality.

Runfluencer culture

In addition to the climate-driven shifts affecting our daily jogs, the recent running boom and surrounding culture is also shifting how we run.

As runners adapt to rising heat, poor air quality and smoke-filled summers, the pressure to buy, track and optimize intensifies, further entangling running with the very environmental forces that threaten it.

If your social media algorithm is anything like ours, you might have noticed some targeted ads and sponsored content from “runfluencers” highlighting their new favourite running-related products and apps, such as Runna, a British-based coaching app known for its personalized training plans and AI-assisted pacing.

Runna was first launched in 2022, and its online presence jumped significantly after the app was acquired by Strava in April 2025.

Apps like these can help provide structure and prepare for races. However, they have also faced criticism, with experts noting concerns about the intensity of the AI-assisted training plans in regard to training spikes and risk of overuse injuries. Runna has said they “don’t use AI to generate training plans” but to “monitor a runner’s progress throughout their plan.”

While these apps promise efficiency and personalization, they are part of a wider digital infrastructure with their own environmental footprint. GPS tracking, constant data uploads, cloud storage and AI-assisted analysis all rely on energy-intensive data centres.

As running culture becomes more data-driven and automated, even a traditionally low-impact activity becomes entangled with the emissions and the energy demands of digital technology.

Beyond apps, runfluencers are also using their platforms to share their running esthetic — trying out new shoes, participating in the latest running fashion trends and showing off race day outfits.

That, in turn, promotes a culture that normalizes over-consumption under the guise of self-improvement and dramatically increases the environmental cost of what should be a low-impact activity. Such a focus can make running feel less appealing and appear less accessible.

Staying safe on a run

If you are someone with the flexibility to choose when you participate in races, consider pivoting to springtime training rather than slogging through increasingly risky summer training blocks. Not only will your training runs leading up to the race be cooler, but you can also expect more optimal marathon temperatures (2 to 13C) on race day.

For example, in the Canadian province of Ontario, races like the Mississauga Marathon in April and Toronto’s Sporting Life 10K in May offer runners safer racing temperatures and, potentially, improved performance compared to summer training and fall races.

Think about how you engage with running culture and be a smart consumer. Avoid over-consuming products and programs that you don’t need. Remember, running is one of the most accessible forms of exercise we have. You don’t need a bunch of gear and apps to participate.

As climate change intensifies and summer temperatures continue to rise, running will become less safe on hot days. Runfluencer culture and over-consumption in running fashion are dramatically increasing the environmental cost of what should be a low-impact activity.

To counter these trends, opt for spring races, listen to your body, seek advice from human coaches and pick durable gear over following the latest fashions.

These choices matter not because individual runners are to blame, but because they push back against a running culture that increasingly equates health with optimization, constant consumption and digital surveillance, even as climate change makes the sport itself more precarious.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Hurdles to a hobby: How climate change and ‘runfluencer’ culture impact our daily jog – https://theconversation.com/hurdles-to-a-hobby-how-climate-change-and-runfluencer-culture-impact-our-daily-jog-279537

Coercion isn’t care, and new laws that enforce treatment and confinement are dangerous

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jean-Laurent Domingue, Associate Professor, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

The Supreme Court of Canada has described the right to refuse unwanted medical treatment as “fundamental to a person’s dignity and autonomy, [including] in the context of treatment for mental illness.”

Nonetheless, legislative and policy shift in multiple provinces in the past year threaten this principle — with little meaningful political resistance. It is important to closely examine the conditions and public narratives that have made this renewed use of psychiatric coercion possible.

A legislative and policy shift

In 2025, in an explicit repudiation of harm-reduction principles, Alberta passed legislation enabling the forced treatment of people with addiction disorders on the basis that they are “likely to cause harm.”

Manitoba now allows authorities to detain people for up to 72 hours if, due to intoxication, they are considered a danger or are causing a disturbance.. In British Columbia, the government has opened involuntary care beds inside prisons for mental health and substance use purposes. The province has also expanded its Mental Health Act to allow longer involuntary hospitalization and compulsory treatment for people with substance use issues.

In March 2026, Québec introduced a bill allowing health data sharing and closer co-ordination between police and health services, with provisions to bypass consent for people deemed mentally “altered” or “distrustful” of institutions.

In all four provinces, professionals operating within these coercive frameworks are afforded immunity from legal proceedings.

‘Compassionate intervention’

These examples highlight an acceleration in overt coercive intervention provisions being added to provincial mental health and addictions legislation.

This acceleration, however, is simply a continuation of mental health and addictions legislation across Canada that makes it easier for citizens to be detained, treated and controlled without their consent (for example, Brian’s Law in Ontario, the Nunavut Mental Health Act and the Maureen Breau Act in Québec).

Across Alberta, Manitoba, British Columbia and Québec, parliamentary debates and media coverage consistently portray coercive intervention for addiction and mental health as an act of compassionate intervention.

Even governments with differing ideological orientations — like the NDP versus the Conservatives — converge around the argument that the state has a moral obligation to “protect the most vulnerable.”

This is especially true for people deemed incapable of making rational decisions due to severe addiction or mental health. In legislative debates, the notion of compassion is reinforced through narratives of urgency and failure. Existing harm-reduction strategies are described as insufficient or outdated, necessitating a decisive shift toward more interventionist models.

A disregard for science and ethics

Media coverage amplifies this messaging, emphasizing crisis conditions, public disorder and the visible consequences of addiction or mental health. This coverage legitimizes the need for new legal tools.

Coercion is articulated as care and involuntary treatment is presented not as a restriction of liberty but as a necessary response to incapacity and risk.

This appeal to compassion functions as a unifying political language, enabling cross-partisan support despite differing ideological stances.

By portraying these policies as pragmatic, humane and long overdue, policymakers limit opposition. They also reconfigure the boundaries of acceptable state intervention, illustrating how compassion can be mobilized to normalize coercion. After all, who could be against compassion?

This rhetorical focus on compassion allows governments to sidestep deeper ethical and empirical critiques, including the limited scientific evidence supporting forced treatment and the potential harms associated with it.

In fact, whether administered in closed settings or in the community, there is a striking lack of robust evidence, including an absence of Canadian research, that demonstrates clinical benefits. Instead, research points to significant adverse effects, including deaths due to forced treatments for opiate use, raising serious ethical concerns.

Police-medicine hybridization

Furthermore, this compassion-focused public discourse — and the legislation flowing from it — greatly expands the role of policing in medical matters, often with few limits. At the same time, it extends the reach of medicine and social services into policing.

This growing police–medicine hybridization is concerning for everyone, but especially for groups that have long faced disproportionate psychiatric coercion, including women and Black, Indigenous and other racialized communities.

It also signals a modern return of the asylum — not as a single institution, but as a system of confinement, surveillance and control spread across multiple sectors. Indeed, despite being presented as new, recent and proposed legislative changes are anything but. Forced detention, incarceration and treatment reflect older, deeply rooted correctional approaches with origins dating back at least to the 17th century.

These legislative developments do not suggest a novel policy response. Instead, they reconfigure longstanding patterns of confinement and control under the guise of compassion. If left unchallenged, they will normalize coercion as care and erode fundamental rights in the name of protection.

Canadian legislators should resist responding to complex social and health crises with coercive measures that lack a sound scientific basis and risk doing more harm than good.

The Conversation

Jean-Laurent Domingue is a Registered Nurse in Ontario, and receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Law Commission of Canada.

Axel Ounis is affiliated with the federal liberal party.

Emmanuelle Bernheim receives funding from the Canada Research Chair program, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Law Commission of Canada.

ref. Coercion isn’t care, and new laws that enforce treatment and confinement are dangerous – https://theconversation.com/coercion-isnt-care-and-new-laws-that-enforce-treatment-and-confinement-are-dangerous-280193

Here’s how Canadian households can recession-proof finances as economic uncertainty climbs

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Chetan Dave, Professor of Economics, University of Alberta

Canada’s economic policy uncertainty index has climbed back to levels not seen since the COVID-19 pandemic, a sign that a more volatile period may be taking hold. Income inequality hit a record high last year, and youth unemployment reached 14.6 per cent in September 2025, its highest point since 2010, excluding the pandemic.

Most Canadians have had relatively little experience with major economic downturns. Since the early 1990s, Canada has largely been spared the boom-and-bust cycles common in the United States. The country avoided the worst of the 2008 global financial crisis, and until COVID-19, had not experienced a major economic shock in a generation.

In that long stretch of time, Canadians have grown accustomed to relative stability, which makes the current moment feel especially disorienting. We are, as the saying goes, living in “interesting times,” and that is rarely good news for prices, employment prospects, government budgets, business investment or productivity.

Many Canadian households are carrying a fair amount of debt while facing inflation and rapid changes in job markets. What is a typical Canadian household to do? As an economist, I have some practical advice to offer.

Why uncertainty is rising

This ongoing economic angst has several overlapping sources that are both global and domestic in nature.

Geopolitical conflicts, including the ongoing war involving the United States, Israel and Iran, are increasing the costs of everyday items like food and gas. These disruptions ripple through global supply chains, feeding into higher input costs for Canadian businesses and, ultimately, higher prices for consumers.

At the same time, tariff disputes led by the U.S. are causing inflationary pressure and discouraging long-term business investment. This, in turn, weighs on productivity and wage growth.




Read more:
Food prices are already high in Canada. Will the Iran war make them worse?


Some governments have responded to these shocks with industrial policies, attempting to support or protect specific sectors such as clean energy, manufacturing or technology. However, some economists warn against this approach, arguing that governments cannot reliably “pick winners” better than markets can.

Political fault lines are also contributing to uncertainty at home. Rising anti-immigration sentiment and the separatist rhetoric in Alberta are adding another layer of social turbulence. Without a social consensus, economic planning becomes more difficult and volatility often follows.

Canada’s safety net has limits

Canada does retain an important advantage: its social safety net. Canada spends roughly 18 to 20 per cent of GDP on public social programs — around the the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) average. That’s below the levels of France, Germany and most Scandinavian countries, but meaningfully above the United States.

Canadians have access to relatively accessible employment insurance by North American standards. The country’s combination of publicly funded health care and income support programs provides important protection during periods of disruption that American households do not have.

But there are limits to that protection. While Canada’s federal net debt-to-GDP ratio stands at 13.3 per cent — the lowest in the G7 according to the International Monetary Fund — the same cannot be said about provincial governments. Large-scale bailouts of households or provinces are not guaranteed because there is no constitutional or statutory requirement for them.

Three things households can do now

Economic theory identifies three ways households can build resilience against a negative income or wealth shock. The first is cutting back spending. This includes spending on both durable goods (such as vehicles or appliances) and non-durable goods (anything with a short lifespan). This can involve delaying large purchases or scaling back discretionary expenses like dining out, travel or subscription services.

The second is shifting spending to lower-cost alternatives, even within the “needs” category. Households rarely have complete flexibility to cut essentials, but they can often substitute within them. This can involve switching to lower-cost brands, using public transit more frequently or seeking more affordable housing options where feasible.

The third — the toughest one of all — is aggressively reducing unsecured debt. Canadian households owe roughly $1.77 for every dollar of disposable income, the highest household debt burden in the G7. Much of that is mortgage debt, which at least builds equity. But revolving debt — credit cards, lines of credit, car loans and the like — carries higher interest rates and greater risk.

Households can do this by paying down the highest-interest balances first, consolidating debts into lower-interest products where possible or redirecting windfalls such as tax refunds toward repayment. Avoiding the accumulation of new high-interest debt is equally important.

Building a buffer

Once those balances are under control, households should build a financial buffer and maintain it even if the economic outlook improves.

A common guideline is saving three to six months of household expenses in case of an emergency. This typically requires setting aside 20 per cent or more of take-home income, depending on household circumstances and obligations.

Canadians have access to several tax-advantaged tools to support this process. The Tax-free Savings Account allows tax-free growth with no restrictions on withdrawals, while the First Home Savings Account offers first-time homebuyers an annual contribution room of $8,000 and a lifetime cap of $40,000. The Registered Education Savings Plan helps families save for post-secondary education.

If you are able to consistently put away funds and invest them based on your risk tolerance, these accounts can significantly improve long-term financial resilience.

Income risk in a changing economy

The harder challenge, of course, is income stability in an age of uncertainty. Canada is primarily a natural resources exporter, and rapid technological change — particularly the rise of artificial intelligence — is reshaping labour markets across other sectors.

Workers face growing uncertainty about which skills will remain valuable and how stable their employment will be.

Because of this, households may need to get creative about diversifying their income sources. This can include investing in additional training or certification programs, developing side income through freelance or contract work, monetizing existing skills through consulting, or building small entrepreneurial ventures.

The current period is unsettling. But households that reduce their debt exposure, build savings and treat the safety net as the partial buffer it actually is will be in a better position to absorb whatever comes next.

The Conversation

Chetan Dave does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Here’s how Canadian households can recession-proof finances as economic uncertainty climbs – https://theconversation.com/heres-how-canadian-households-can-recession-proof-finances-as-economic-uncertainty-climbs-281113

Soil monitoring: what the new EU-wide ‘ground rules’ have in store for Europe

Source: The Conversation – France – By Mickaël Hedde, Directeur de recherche, Inrae

The European soil monitoring directive, adopted by the European Union at the end of 2025, aims to achieve healthy soils by 2050. Brussels’ directive is centred on an environmental DNA based approach. France’s experience in measuring soil quality could be used advantageously, particularly as the best monitoring tools are those that integrate several complementary approaches at the same time.

Since November 2025, the European Soil Monitoring and Resilience Directive requires member states to regularly assess soil biodiversity. It calls for soil microbial diversity analysis (bacteria and fungi) at six year intervals based on environmental DNA or “eDNA”.

Yet, while eDNA is a powerful tool for detecting biodiversity at scale, it is not enough on its own for interpreting observed changes and identifying their causes. This is because bacterial and fungal communities only represent part of the soil biodiversity, which also includes many organisms with crucial and varied ecological roles.

Abundance, biomass and the activity of living organisms – dimensions that cannot be assessed by molecular detection alone also determine how soils function. A graduated approach combining several complementary protocols is therefore required to produce robust and useful indicators for field work.

France’s track record via its soil quality measurement network (Réseau de Mesures de la Qualité des Sols (RMQS) and GIS Sol, constitutes, as such, a benchmark for interpreting results and an established operational framework for monitoring soil biodiversity. This could usefully complement the basis of the European legislation.

Environmental DNA: necessary but not sufficient

DNA works with a molecular approach and, as such, offers advantages in environmental monitoring in other words – broad and standardised biodiversity analysis, strong spatial and temporal comparability. Such methods provide a particularly effective tool for detecting changes in the composition of biological communities.

However, the molecular signatures derived from eDNA do not always allow us to correctly identify the taxa that is present in soil. They may show representativeness biases. They are often poorly correlated with other biological characteristics that are essential for characterising biodiversity and soil ecosystem functioning, such as the abundance of organisms, their biomass, their demographic structure or even their activities. They will thus offer an incomplete and sometimes distorted view of soil health.

However, beyond the simple detection of changes in diversity, monitoring devices must also make it possible to interpret these developments, that is to say, to understand what they imply for soil functionality in agriculture, for example, and to identify their causes. This is what will allow us to assess the effectiveness of public policies and management practices. In this context, reducing biological and ecological soil complexity to this single component carries a risk related to interpretation difficulties.

However, the EU directive stipulates that member states may supplement mandatory indicators with other biological indicators in their national monitoring arrangements, thus opening up the possibility of more integrated approaches.

A support tool for policymaking

Environmental monitoring has two distinct and complementary objectives: detecting changes in the state of ecosystems and attributing these changes to environmental pressures, land uses or management practices. These two dimensions are closely linked by the biological and ecological processes that structure how ecosystems function.

Beyond their scientific scope, the indicators used for monitoring soil biodiversity are instrumental in public decision-making. It is not only a question of identifying the dynamics within biological communities, but also understanding their causes. Therefore, this primarily concerns policymakers. The aim is to guide planning and sustainable management practices, identify situations presenting degradation, implement policies to remedy them, and be able to assess their effectiveness.

A monitoring system that would be limited to detecting changes in soil biodiversity without taking into account interpretation and attribution related to environmental pressures would provide a limited basis for evaluating public policies and the implementation of suitable management strategies.

Biodiversity is not just about the number of taxa

Ecological soil functions – such as regulating water and contaminants, providing nutrients, storing carbon, maintaining structure, or supporting biodiversity itself are not static states, but dynamic processes. They are based on the activity of living organisms, their biomass and their functional characteristics (physiology, behaviour), as well as their interactions (competition, symbiosis, parasitism). They are expressed through renewal flows and speeds rather than mere stocks.

In this context, molecular approaches provide valuable information on the presence of organisms, but by themselves do not allow us to assess these dynamic processes or their actual intensity. A correct interpretation of soil functioning therefore requires additional measures as well as interpretation references linking biological indicators to different land use contexts and environmental conditions.

eDNA data is increasingly used for developing new approaches, such as those based on interaction networks, which show how biological soil communities are organised. When these networks are built only on presence or co-occurrence data, they mainly reflect how ecological conditions or environmental niches are shared by different species.

This only provides indirect information on the biological activities at work and on matter and energy flows, which also determine soil functioning. Ecological interpretation requires additional information, particularly on the abundance or biomass of organisms. This is how biological communities can be linked to the ecological processes supporting soil functions.

A graduated and complementary approach

In order to reconcile operational efficiency and ecological relevance, soil biodiversity monitoring benefits from combining several types of approaches, each providing specific information on the condition and functioning of biological communities.

eDNA-based approaches enable broad and standardised detection of microbial biodiversity, and could be extended to other organisms, such as invertebrates.

Other methods are based on direct observation of soil fauna organisms, estimation of their abundance or biomass, or analysis of their functional characteristics. They provide essential information on the biological structure and ecological role of soil communities.

These approaches should not be seen as mutually exclusive, but as complementary tools. They allow us to link the composition of biological communities (taxonomic and functional structure) to the ecological processes that support soil functions. Their combination is, as such, particularly interesting for building a monitoring strategy with different levels of information.

This logic of complementary is already implemented in some existing monitoring tools as it the case in the framework of France’s national soil monitoring network (RMQS) or in the mountain biodiversity observatory Orchamp. These approaches are not meant to be deployed everywhere, but their combination is essential for correctly interpreting the condition and evolution of soil biodiversity.

Suggested guidelines for national implementation of the EU directive

Preserving our ability to understand, explain and take action requires us to recognise that the biological complexity of soils calls for a controlled diversity of monitoring approaches.

With the support of GIS Sol, France is among the nations at the forefront of soil biodiversity monitoring. It has been experimenting with this approach, combining several protocols within RMQS for several years. This experience, which is rare on a European scale, should be the basis for building the country’s future national soil monitoring network.

In addition to the mandatory indicators, the directive enables member states to supplement their own systems with optional indicators. This flexibility gives them the opportunity to set up a monitoring system that’s not only capable of detecting trends in changing soil biodiversity, but interpreting the causes and possibilities for remediation. This finally allows us to assess the implications for public policy.

With this in mind, several principles should be taken into consideration when implementing the EU directive at national level:

  • Do not restrict national soil biodiversity monitoring to a single eDNA-derived measure, which limits our ability to interpret observed changes.

  • Implement a combination of complementary measures in order to link the detection of biodiversity to community structure and ecological processes that support soil functions, with the support of protocols and measures developed across Priority Research Programmes and Equipments (PEPR) Dynabiod and SolsVivants in France, for example.

  • Develop open interpretation frameworks and analytical frameworks to assess whether the observed variations are significant, in order to link biological indicators to land uses and environmental pressures.

  • Take advantage of existing analysis mechanisms, in particular France’s soil quality measurement network supported by GIS Sol, to ensure consistency, comparability and the scientific robustness of any given future national monitoring system.


This article was a collaborative effort by RMQS Biodiversité, several PEPR by SolsVivants, Dynabiod and RNEST and their respective co-authors. Other contributers included: Apolline Auclerc, Nolwenn Bougon, Miriam Buitrago, Philippe Hinsinger, Claudy Jolivet, Antoine Lévêque, Gwenaël Magne, Florence Maunoury-Danger, Jérôme Mathieu, Christian Mougin, Laurent Palka, Benjamin Pauget, Guénola Pérès, Sophie Pouzenc, Sophie Raous, Claire Salomon, Marie-Françoise Slak, Wilfried Thuiller, Cécile Villenave, Quentin Vincent.


A weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get the newsletter!


The Conversation

Mickaël Hedde a reçu des financements de différents organismes français (OFB, ANR, ADEME) et de l’Union Européen (Horizon Europe) pour mener ses recherches au sein de l’INRAE.

Antonio Bispo est directeur de l’unité de recherche INRAE Info&Sols basée à Orléans. Il a reçu des financements de différents organismes français (Ministères, OFB, ANR, ADEME, Région Centre Val de Loire) et de l’Union Européen (Horizon Europe) pour mener ses recherches. L’unité de recherche pilote, pour le compte du GIS Sol (www.gissol.fr), les programmes nationaux d’inventaire et de surveillance des sols, elle gère également le système national d’information sur les sols.

Claire Chenu est membre de l’Association Française pour l’Etude des Sols (AFES), membre correspondant de l’Académie d’Agriculture et membre de l’Académie des Technologies. Elle co-préside le Comité Scientifique, Technique et d’Innovation du Réseau National d’Expertise Scientifique et Technique sur les Sols (CSTI RNEST). Elle a reçu des financements Européens (en particulier European Joint Programme SOIL) pour mener des recherches au sein d’INRAE et AgroParisTech

Flavien Poincot est ingénieur à l’Acta qui accompagne, anime et représentante le réseau des 19 instituts techniques agricoles, organismes de recherche appliquée travaillant pour l’ensemble des productions agricoles, animales et végétales.

Jérôme Cortet est membre de la Société française d’Écologie Évolution (SFE2) et de l’Association française pour l’Étude du Sol (AFES). Il co-préside actuellement le Comité Scientifique Technique et d’Innovation du Réseau National d’Expertise Scientifique et Technique sur les Sols (CSTI RNEST). Il a reçu des financements de différents organismes français (ANR, ADEME, Région Occitanie) pour mener ses recherches au sein du Centre d’Écologie Fonctionnelle et Évolutive, laboratoire rattaché à l’Université de Montpellier Paul-Valéry

ref. Soil monitoring: what the new EU-wide ‘ground rules’ have in store for Europe – https://theconversation.com/soil-monitoring-what-the-new-eu-wide-ground-rules-have-in-store-for-europe-280610

Mopane worm and termite sales relieve poverty in rural South Africa – studies explore the impact

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ndidzulafhi Innocent Sinthumule, Associate Professor, University of Johannesburg

Larvae of the mopane moth (Gonimbrasia belina), on a mopane tree (Colophospermum mopane). By SAplants – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, CC BY

South Africa’s Limpopo province borders Zimbabwe, Botswana and Mozambique. It is one of the poorest provinces in the country. This is due to a combination of historical underdevelopment, a high unemployment rate, heavy reliance on government grants and a rural-based economy with limited industrial diversification.

It’s an interesting place for a geographer like me. My work brings together the themes of traditional ecological knowledge, environmental geography, conservation and society. My research looks at sustainable environmental outcomes by recognising the role of local culture, sacred sites and community practices in managing natural resources in southern Africa.

In two recent studies I explored how local communities in Limpopo are commercialising the harvesting of local insects to manage extreme poverty.

In one I explored the process involved in the commercialisation of mopane worms. Mopane worms (Gonimbrasia belina) are a nutritious, high-protein seasonal delicacy for many communities in Limpopo.

In a similar study, I turned to the harvesting and commercialisation of termite alates in Limpopo.

These resources are important for food security and poverty relief. Mopane worms and alate termites offer both high-quality nutrition and substantial income-generating opportunities for rural households. Both foods are traded in local and regional, formal and informal markets.

This enterprise is largely driven by unemployment, economic hardship, and the need for cash income in rural areas.

My research shows clearly that these resources play an important part in rural households and it’s important to manage them sustainably. One way of ensuring this happens is to tap into local knowledge.

As a separate study I did shows, traditional knowledge can help manage scarce resources by integrating customary rules, taboos and seasonal monitoring to prevent over-exploitation.

Mopane harvesting and trade

The mopane worm study took place in June and July 2023 in Muyexe and Nsavulani villages, Mopani District, Limpopo. The area is dominated by mopane woodlands, trees which are the main food of mopane worms (caterpillars). These villages have not benefited from development in the past and people depend heavily on natural resources for survival.

The processing of mopane worms (from harvesting to a marketable commodity) involves a series of traditional, manual steps to ensure quality. They are degutted (squeezing the caterpillar to remove stomach contents or frass), washed, boiled and dried to allow them to be stored for long periods. They are then graded and sold at home or in towns.

Dried cooked mopane worms.
By Mark Marathon, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

I chose 161 households in Muyexe village and 82 households in Nsavulani village as respondents, and interviewed villagers using a questionnaire. The questions covered:

  • the socio-economic profile of respondents

  • the availability and procurement, processing, marketing, trading and livelihood benefits of mopane worms.

The study found that most of the harvesters in Muyexe (69%) and Nsavulani (59%) villages were women. Almost all processed the worms at home. They collected the worms for both household consumption and trade. Those who traded worms reported making between R1,000 (US$54) and R3,000 (US$163) per season. There are two mopane seasons in Limpopo: November to January and April to May.

The study found that 55% of households in Muyexe village and 70% in Nsavulani village derived income only from mopane worm sales. (Individuals were under 60 and didn’t qualify for a social grant, or administered grants for children, nor for themselves.) Although the income earned from the sale of mopane worms is seasonal, communities appreciate it. Commercialising mopane worms contributed significantly to rural livelihoods. It is a crucial source of food security and cash income. This helps alleviate poverty and improves the lives and livelihoods of those involved in the business.

Termite harvesting and trade

Termite alates.
Tim Cowley, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

In a similar study, I turned to the harvesting and commercialisation of termite alates in Limpopo. I interviewed 71 respondents in Thohoyandou and Sibasa towns (who came mainly from villages), as well as Mukula and Tshidzivhe villages, and found that these insects were harvested to eat at home and to sell.




Read more:
My formula for a tasty and nutritious Nigerian soup – with termites


Women of all ages were more involved than men in this enterprise, making up 75% of the respondents. Almost half had secondary education and 23% had tertiary education; 63% were self-employed. The majority lived below the upper bound poverty line of R1,558 (about US$95) per person per month. About 31% of the traders indicated that over the selling season (October to December), alates contributed up to 100% of the income in their households.

Management for the future

While commercialisation puts pressure on resources, traditional rules and local management protect the trees. In the study on traditional ecological knowledge, I found that the communities imposed rules that:

  • prohibited cutting of green branches

  • restricted harvesting during specific seasons to allow for maturity

  • prohibited tree damage during the mopane worm harvest.

Traditional ecological knowledge regulated the timing of harvest, protected host tree health, and ensured long-term livelihood security for local communities.

This shows that integrating local traditional ecological knowledge into harvesting practices is crucial for managing these resources sustainably.

Management strategies should be integrated into local and regional planning efforts. Efforts should also be made to communicate these strategies to relevant authorities to foster cooperation and raise awareness about the importance of mopane trees for all user groups.

To ensure the sustainable future of this woodland species, I recommend that the government work with traditional leaders and communities to support and enforce existing traditional practices.

The Conversation

Ndidzulafhi Innocent Sinthumule does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Mopane worm and termite sales relieve poverty in rural South Africa – studies explore the impact – https://theconversation.com/mopane-worm-and-termite-sales-relieve-poverty-in-rural-south-africa-studies-explore-the-impact-280926

What to know about sex trafficking as Pittsburgh hosts the NFL draft

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mary Burke, Professor of Psychology, Carlow University

Events that draw large crowds can create opportunities traffickers may try to exploit. AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

With the NFL draft taking place in Pittsburgh and an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 people expected to attend the events downtown and on the North Shore, conversations about sex trafficking have resurfaced – as they often do when major events draw large crowds to a city.

But how much of what people believe about trafficking and big events is actually supported by evidence? Mary Burke, a psychology professor at Carlow University who studies this intersection, breaks down what the data shows.

Burke partners with local nonprofit groups that fight human trafficking, such as Eden’s Farm. The organization offered three community training sessions ahead of the NFL draft that focused on recognizing the signs of exploitation, understanding grooming tactics and strengthening prevention strategies.

With Pittsburgh hosting the NFL draft, what does research show about how large events can influence sex trafficking activity?

Researchers have not found conclusive evidence that large events such as the NFL draft, the World Cup or other similarly sized, temporary events cause an increase in sex trafficking. However, experts do believe the crime of sex trafficking is underestimated in general due to a number of factors. Because so much effort goes into concealing trafficking, the crime goes unreported and undetected more often than it’s discovered. The true scale of the problem is likely much larger than the data reflects.

Large events that draw crowds even on a smaller scale than the draft, such as motorcycle rallies and large business conferences, often create opportunities traffickers may try to exploit, according to a 2016 study by researchers at Carnegie Mellon University.

Also, we do see an increased demand for commercial sex with events that draw a large male audience. Some of this demand is met through consensual means and some through force, fraud and coercion, which is the definition of sex trafficking.

Closeup of a large, yellow countdown clock for the NFL Draft.
One common misconception about trafficking is that it usually looks like kidnapping.
AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

How are organizations like Eden’s Farm working on the ground to prevent trafficking during the draft?

Eden’s Farm as well as the Social Impact Institute and Carlow University have led training. The hope is that this will equip citizens and those on the ground – law enforcement, ride share drivers and hotel and restaurant employees, for example – to know how to identify and respond to potential trafficking situations.

Additionally, these groups teach the public how to recognize signs of exploitation, how grooming works and how to strengthen online safety. The training also help families, educators, service providers and community members prevent people they know from being trafficked.

What are common misconceptions people have about sex trafficking during events like this?

One of the most common misconceptions about sex trafficking is the idea that trafficking includes abduction or physical captivity. While kidnapping can occur, many trafficking situations are carried out through psychological coercion rather than physical force. Victims may be controlled through grooming, fraud, intimidation, fear of retaliation against loved ones, or deep emotional dependency on the trafficker.

This translates into a victim not appearing to be restrained physically, which can make identification of a person in distress more difficult.

A wide shot of a parking lot and stage with a stadium behind it.
Research shows an increased demand for commercial sex with events that bring a large male audience.
AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

What signs should the general public look for that might indicate trafficking is happening?

This is tricky, as some of the indicators would be revealed through conversation, rather than observation at a distance. With that said, people should be on the lookout for patterns of control – for example, someone who does not seem to be able to speak freely or move about freely, has money or identification that is controlled by another person, or appears fearful.

In our training, we explain how to become aware of signs that someone is being pressured into commercial sex through manipulation rather than overt violence or consent. No single sign is definitive on its own, but there are some common situational red flags the public can take notice of regarding potential victims: They are coming and going from a hotel room at unusual hours with multiple different people, they are dressed in a way that seems inconsistent with the weather or setting, or they don’t seem to know basic details about where they are or where they’re going.

What are some prevention strategies Pittsburgh could adopt?

For this event and going forward, trafficking prevention should include a city- and county-level plan that can be implemented in relevant agencies. Pennsylvania’s plan focuses on prevention through public awareness and training, especially by equipping transportation workers and the public to recognize and report trafficking.

Prevention plans could include recommendations for the service and hospitality industries that require staff training on recognizing trafficking indicators, such as signs of coercion or restricted movement, and how to report to law enforcement or 911 for a rapid response. There are also a variety of ways to report suspected sex trafficking activity through the National Human Trafficking Hotline. When businesses and service workers interact with people who may be trafficking victims, they should do so in a way that is sensitive, nonjudgmental and doesn’t put the person in danger.

For example, a hotel employee who suspects a guest may be a trafficking victim shouldn’t confront the trafficker directly or make a scene – instead, they should know how to quietly offer help or alert the right people without escalating the situation or making the victim feel ashamed or accused.

The Conversation

Mary Burke is also the Director of the Social Impact Institute.

Rachel Seamans volunteers with the Social Impact Institute and Eden’s Farm.

ref. What to know about sex trafficking as Pittsburgh hosts the NFL draft – https://theconversation.com/what-to-know-about-sex-trafficking-as-pittsburgh-hosts-the-nfl-draft-278641

Justice Department’s effort to strip citizenship from naturalized Americans could face widespread judicial pushback

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Cassandra Burke Robertson, Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Professional Ethics, Case Western Reserve University

Dozens of immigrants from 18 nations take the oath to become U.S. citizens on Jan. 27, 2025, in Topeka, Kan. AP Photo/John Hanna

The Justice Department has identified 384 foreign-born Americans whose citizenship it wants to revoke as “the first wave” of such measures, according to recent reporting by The New York Times. These cases are being assigned to prosecutors in 39 U.S. attorney’s offices across the country.

The administration has ordered Department of Homeland Security staffers to refer upward of 200 denaturalization cases per month to the Justice Department as part of its crackdown on immigration, compared to an average of 11 cases per year between 1990 and 2017.

This shift comes as the Justice Department faces a severe staffing crisis, having lost nearly 1,000 assistant U.S. attorneys in resignations and firings. The strategy of distributing cases to regional offices appears designed both to increase capacity and to work around the expertise gap created by staff departures.

As we document in recent research, denaturalization risks becoming a tool of political control and intimidation. The lack of any statute of limitations in civil denaturalization gives prosecutors what the Supreme Court in 2017, in Maslenjak v. United States, warned against: “nearly limitless leverage” over naturalized citizens – creating permanent vulnerability for over 20 million naturalized Americans.

A brief history

Denaturalization is different from deportation, which removes noncitizens from the country. With civil denaturalization, the government files a lawsuit to strip people’s U.S. citizenship after they have become citizens, turning them back into noncitizens who can then be deported.

The government can only do this in specific situations. It must prove someone “illegally procured” citizenship by not meeting the requirements, or that they lied or hid important facts during the citizenship process.

The Trump administration’s “maximal” enforcement approach, outlined in a June 2025 Justice Department memo, means pursuing any case where evidence might support taking away citizenship, regardless of priority level or strength of evidence. As our earlier research documented, this has already led to cases like that of Baljinder Singh, whose citizenship was revoked based on a name discrepancy that could easily have resulted from a translator’s error rather than intentional fraud.

For most of American history, taking away citizenship has been rare. But it increased dramatically during the 1940s and 1950s during the Red Scare period characterized by intense suspicion of communism. The United States government targeted people it thought were communists or Nazi supporters. Between 1907 and 1967, over 22,000 Americans lost their citizenship this way.

Everything changed in 1967 when the Supreme Court decided Afroyim v. Rusk. The court said the government usually cannot take away citizenship without the person’s consent. It left open only cases involving fraud during the citizenship process.

After this decision, denaturalization became extremely rare. From 1968 to 2013, fewer than 150 people lost their citizenship, mostly war criminals who had hidden their past.

A man dressed in a suit and tie speaks and points his right index finger.
Sen. Joseph McCarthy appears at a March 1950 hearing on his charges of communist infiltration at the State Department.
AP Photo/Herbert K. White

How the process works

In criminal lawsuits, defendants get free lawyers if they can’t afford one. They get jury trials. The government must prove guilt “beyond a reasonable doubt” – the highest standard of proof.

But in most denaturalization cases, the government files a civil suit, where none of these protections exist.

People facing denaturalization get no free lawyer, meaning poor defendants often face the government alone. There’s no jury trial – just a judge deciding whether someone deserves to remain American. The burden of proof is lower – “clear and convincing evidence” instead of “beyond a reasonable doubt.” Most important, there’s no time limit, so the government can go back decades to build cases.

As law professors who study citizenship, we believe this system violates basic constitutional rights.

The Supreme Court has called citizenship a fundamental right. Chief Justice Earl Warren in 1958 described it as the “right to have rights.”

In our reading of the law, taking away such a fundamental right through civil procedures that lack basic constitutional protection – no right to counsel for those who can’t afford it, no jury trial, and a lower burden of proof – seems to violate the due process of law required by the Constitution when the government seeks to deprive someone of their rights.

The bigger problem is what citizenship-stripping policy does to democracy.

When the government can strip citizenship from naturalized Americans for decades-old conduct through civil procedures with minimal due process protection – pursuing cases based on evidence that might not meet criminal standards – it undermines the security and permanence that citizenship is supposed to provide. This creates a system where naturalized citizens face ongoing vulnerability that can last their entire lives, potentially chilling their full participation in American democracy.

The Justice Department memo establishes 10 priority categories for denaturalization cases. They range from national security threats and war crimes to various forms of fraud, financial crimes and, most importantly, any other cases it deems “sufficiently important to pursue.” This “maximal enforcement” approach means pursuing not just clear cases of fraud, but also any case where evidence might support taking away citizenship, no matter how weak or old the evidence is.

This creates fear throughout immigrant communities.

About 20 million naturalized Americans now must worry that any mistake in their decades-old immigration paperwork could cost them their citizenship.

A 2-tier system

This policy effectively creates two different types of American citizens. Native-born Americans never have to worry about losing their citizenship, no matter what they do. But naturalized Americans face ongoing vulnerability that can last their entire lives.

This has already happened. A woman who became a naturalized citizen in 2007 helped her boss with paperwork that was later used in fraud. She cooperated with the FBI investigation, was characterized by prosecutors as only a “minimal participant,” completed her sentence, and still faced losing her citizenship decades later because she didn’t report the crime on her citizenship application – even though she hadn’t been charged at the time.

A woman accepts a small American flag handed to her from a man across a counter.
A woman receives a U.S. flag after passing her citizenship interview in Newark, N.J., on May 25, 2016.
AP Photo/Julio Cortez

The Justice Department’s directive to “maximally pursue” cases across 10 broad categories – combined with the first Trump administration’s efforts to review over 700,000 naturalization files – represents an unprecedented expansion of denaturalization efforts.

The Trump administration’s strategy of distributing denaturalization cases across 39 U.S. attorney’s offices – many now staffed by less-experienced prosecutors handling unfamiliar constitutional terrain – may prove counterproductive.

These cases will come before dozens of federal judges, creating opportunities for multiple courts to rule against the policy. This pattern has already been seen with the administration’s detention policy: Federal courts have systematically rejected the administration’s attempt to drastically expand immigrant detention without hearings, with immigrants prevailing in 350 out of 362 cases decided by over 160 judges nationwide.

Denaturalization cases raise even more serious constitutional concerns and could face similar widespread judicial pushback.

The Supreme Court, in Afroyim v. Rusk, was focused on protecting existing citizens from losing their citizenship. The constitutional principle behind that decision – that citizenship is a fundamental right which can’t be arbitrarily taken away by whoever happens to be in power – applies equally to how the government handles denaturalization cases today.

The Trump administration’s directive, combined with court procedures that lack basic constitutional protections, risks creating a system that the Afroyim v. Rusk decision sought to prevent – one where, as the Supreme Court said, “A group of citizens temporarily in office can deprive another group of citizens of their citizenship.”

This is an updated version of an article originally published on July 10, 2025.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Justice Department’s effort to strip citizenship from naturalized Americans could face widespread judicial pushback – https://theconversation.com/justice-departments-effort-to-strip-citizenship-from-naturalized-americans-could-face-widespread-judicial-pushback-281413

The Russian resistance no one is talking about

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Oula Kadhum, Leverhulme Trust Early Career Fellow in the Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London

You could be forgiven for thinking everyone in Russia either supports the war in Ukraine or is too scared to do anything about it. A dominant narrative is that Russian civil society is passive, complicit or has been quashed to the point of being neutralised.

Some elements of this may be true. Following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russian citizens criticising the war or expressing an anti-war position have faced severe prison sentences. These fall under expanded war censorship laws that target the spread of alleged “false information” or the “discrediting of the army”. But this is not the full picture.

For the past two years, I have been researching Russian anti-war resistance. This has involved conducting interviews with activists and other people who left Russia following the outbreak of war and are now scattered across the world. Instead of disappearing into exile, many of these people are mobilising to voice their opposition to the war and resist the regime in Moscow.

Some exiled Russians are sending money and letters of solidarity to political prisoners in Russia and their families. Others have coordinated legal aid to support anti-war defendants inside Russia and are lobbying western governments to distinguish between the Kremlin and Russian civil society.

At the same time, elite exiled Russian opposition figures including Garry Kasparov, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Vladimir Kara-Murza, have worked to form the Platform for Dialogue with Russian Democratic Forces. This is a consultative body in the parliamentary arm of the Council of Europe that, established in 2026, aims to give Russia’s opposition an international voice.

During my research, I have also come across exiled Russians who have been running independent Russian-language media through Telegram channels and YouTube. Though in recent months, Russia’s telecommunications regulator, Roskomnadzor, has severely restricted access to these platforms. It has done so in an attempt to censor outside information and force Russians to adopt the state-controlled Max app.

I have encountered instances of anti-war Russians abroad helping people inside the country escape mobilisation by offering shelter and safe routes out of Russia. One of my interviewees, a 22-year-old Russian now living abroad, had even established transnational networks across Europe, the Caucasus and Russia to help criminally prosecuted anti-war Russians flee the country before standing trial.

Indigenous diaspora networks have also informed local communities in regions of Russia where there are large ethnic minority populations such as Tuva, Tatarstan, Buriyatia and Chelyabinsk about the realities of the war. These include the use of underage soldiers and heavy recruitment from ethnic minority regions.

But they also include the extent of Russian and Ukrainian casualties, which Russia’s government has provided almost no official data on. The Center for Strategic and International Studies, an American thinktank, said in early 2026 that Russian forces had suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties since the start of the war.

These Indigenous networks have posted videos on platforms such as Instagram, YouTube and Facebook, as well as messages on Telegram and Signal, to counter official state narratives about the war. Moscow has justified its war in Ukraine by saying it is protecting Russian-speaking citizens there, standing up to western expansionism and returning Russia to its former great power glory.

Meanwhile, anti-LGBTQ+ laws introduced in December 2022 have prohibited any perceived propaganda about non-traditional relationships in Russia. This was followed by a Russian supreme court decision in 2023 to designate the “international LGBT movement” as an extremist organisation. This ruling has made any association or support for LGBTQ+ communities a criminal offence.

In response to this clampdown, exiled Russians have stood in solidarity with LGBTQ+ compatriots inside the country who have faced discrimination. My research has uncovered cases of people providing shelter and safe routes out of the country, creating digital safe spaces for Russian LGBTQ+ communities and lobbying for the protection of these communities in European countries.

Russian resistance

Russians do not fall into a single, neat, complicit mass. Since the start of the war, a diverse resistance movement has worked to counter the Kremlin’s authoritarian practices and propaganda. It reflects a broader variety of voices, values and stances than is currently possible in Russia, offering a crucial insight into the future political aspirations and hopes of ordinary Russians.

This movement will not overthrow the Russian government. But the ability to deliver regime change should not be the only measure of resistance. The movement is challenging the narrative that all Russians support the war, while also helping keep democratic political ideas alive for Russians inside the country for when change becomes possible.

As one of my respondents told me: “We have to stay in touch with supporters in Russia and plan for transition. There will be no time to strategise, so the plan has to happen now. We try to do as much as possible to be prepared.”

The resistance of exiled Russian dissidents matters not just for understanding Russia today. It also tells us how opposition survives in authoritarian regimes more broadly, highlighting the role that diasporas can play in sustaining democratic civil society transnationally.

Dissent does not disappear when it is crushed at home. It relocates, adapts and reconfigures across borders.

The Conversation

Oula Kadhum receives funding from The Leverhulme Trust

ref. The Russian resistance no one is talking about – https://theconversation.com/the-russian-resistance-no-one-is-talking-about-257501