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February 10, 2026

Why Christian clergy see risk as part of their moral calling

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Laura E. Alexander, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, University of Nebraska Omaha

A large group of protesters, including clergy, gathered outside St. Paul International Airport in St. Paul, Minn., on Jan. 23, 2026, to demonstrate against the immigration crackdown. Elizabeth Flores/The Minnesota Star Tribune via Getty Image

As Christian clergy across the United States participate in ongoing protests against harsh immigration enforcement actions and further funding for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, many are still pondering the words of Rob Hirschfeld. On Jan. 18, 2026, Hirschfeld, Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of New Hampshire, encouraged clergy in his diocese to “prepare for a new era of martyrdom” and put their wills and affairs in order.

He asserted that “it may be that now is no longer the time for statements, but for us with our bodies to stand between the powers of this world and the most vulnerable.”

Hirschfeld’s words attracted a lot of attention, with clergy generally responding positively, though at least one priest argued that he “did not sign up to be a martyr” and had a family and church relying on him.

Other clergy have willingly faced arrest for their advocacy on behalf of immigrants, seeing it as a moral calling. Rev. Karen Larson was arrested while protesting at the Minneapolis airport. She stated that when people are being separated from their families and taken to unknown detention centers, “this is our call” to protest on their behalf.

As a scholar of religious ethics, I am interested in how Christian clergy and thinkers consider personal risk when they feel called to engage in social action.

Ethics of risk

There are many examples of Christian leaders who have taken on risks out of a religious and moral obligation to provide spiritual care for people in need or advocate for oppressed communities.

Most data on the risks that clergy face in their roles as religious leaders comes from studies of religious leaders in institutional settings, such as hospitals or prisons.

Scholarship on clergy and chaplains in medical settings points to a professional obligation to take on risks. Similar to medical providers who often see risking exposure to infection as part of their professional responsibility, many clergy and chaplains in medical settings understand their vocation to include such a risk.

A bespectacled Black priest reads from the Bible at a patient's bedside in a hospital. — Clergy often have to set their own fears aside.
mediaphotos/iStock / Getty Images Plus

Questions about professional risks became particularly acute during the early years of the HIV/AIDS crisis, when researchers were uncertain exactly how the disease was spread and caregivers feared they might acquire HIV through their bedside work.

In her memoir about chaplaincy with HIV patients, Audrey Elisa Kerr notes that Riverside Church in New York continued to organize funerals, ministries and support groups for HIV/AIDS patients despite “terror” in the wider community about contagion.

As a chaplain herself, Kerr says this story of “radical hospitality” inspired her to set aside her own fears and embrace her professional role caring for people who were ill and dying.

Priests and nuns of the Catholic Church who cared for HIV/AIDS patients in the 1980s risked both the fear of contagion and the disapproval of their bishops and communities, since many of the people they cared for were men who had sex with men.

Some felt, however, that they must care for those at the margins as part of their role in the church or their monastic order. Sister Carol of the Hospital Sisters of Saint Francis felt that it was simply her moral duty as a sister to “go where she was needed,” despite potential risk.

Examination of the ethical obligations of chaplains and clergy ramped up during the COVID-19 pandemic when at least some priest, pastors and hospital chaplains felt an obligation to continue visiting patients for spiritual care.

In a reflection from 2020, Rev. David Hottinger, then working at Hennepin Healthcare in Minneapolis, noted that chaplains “felt privileged” to use their professional skills, even though they took on extra risk because they did not always have access to adequate protective equipment.

Risks in other institutional settings are not such a matter of life and death. Because of their professional preaching function, however, clergy in church settings do accept the risk of alienating church members when they feel religiously called to speak about social issues. Rev. Teri McDowell Ott has written about taking risks when discussing LGBTQ+ inclusion and starting a prison ministry.

Risk-taking during social protest

For many clergy, religious and ethical obligations extend beyond their work in institutions like churches and hospitals and include their witness in public life.

Many feel an obligation to preach on issues of moral importance, even topics that are considered controversial and might elicit strong disagreement. It is common for priests and pastors in conservative churches to include messages against legalized abortion in their sermons.

Tom Ascol of the Center for Baptist Leadership urged Baptist pastors to preach about abortion in the lead-up to the 2024 presidential election.

Rev. Leah Schade, a Lutheran minister and scholar, has argued that since 2017, mainline pastors have preached more often on issues like racism, environmental justice or gun violence. Schade says pastors are inspired to speak more bluntly about social issues because of their religious concern for people who are at risk of harm from injustice or government policies.

Some clergy view their moral obligations as going beyond preaching and leading them to on-the-ground advocacy and protest. Rev. Brandy Daniels of the Disciples of Christ denomination examines these obligations in an article on her participation in a group of interfaith clergy in Portland, Oregon. The group was convened by a local rabbi and supported protesters for racial justice in Portland in 2017. In Daniels’ analysis, clergy took on the risk of staying in the middle of protests and facing a violent police response in order to “bear moral witness,” something they were both empowered and obligated to do as religious leaders.

Risking their lives

There are more extreme cases in which clergy who challenged government leaders or policies were killed for their words and actions of protest.

A photo shows a priest raising his hands in blessing, with red and white flowers arranged in front of him. — The official portrait of Archbishop Oscar Romero, displayed in the Metropolitan Cathedral for a memorial service in San Salvador, El Salvador, on March 24, 2018.
AP Photo/Salvador Melendez

In a well-known historical example, Bishop Oscar Romero, canonized as a martyred saint by the Roman Catholic Church in 2018, was assassinated in 1980 after speaking out against human rights violations against poor and Indigenous communities committed by the government of El Salvador. Romero viewed himself, in his priestly role, as a representative of God who was obliged to “give voice to the voiceless.”

During recent protests against ICE in Minneapolis and elsewhere, many clergy risked arrest and bodily harm. Rev. Kenny Callaghan, a Metropolitan Community Church pastor, who says that ICE agents in Minneapolis pointed a gun in his face and handcuffed him as he tried to help a woman they were questioning, said, “It’s in my DNA; I have to speak up for marginalized people.”

On Jan. 23, 2026, over 100 clergy were arrested at the Minneapolis-St. Paul airport as they protested and prayed against ICE actions. Rev. Mariah Furness Tollgaard said that she and others accepted being arrested as a way of demonstrating public support for migrants who are afraid to leave their homes.

In Chicago, ministers have been hit with projectiles and violently arrested. Presbyterian pastor David Black was shot in the head with a pepper spray projectile while protesting outside an immigration detention center in October 2025.

The clergy have told reporters that they feel a particular call to be out in public and to protect and support their vulnerable neighbors against ICE raids, at a time when families are afraid to go to school or work and U.S. citizens have been swept up in enforcement tactics as well.

As I see it, for these and many Christian clergy and ethicists, the call to ministry includes an obligation to express their values of care for vulnerable neighbors precisely through a public willingness to accept personal risk.

Laura E. Alexander receives funding from the Mellon Foundation for research on immigration and religion and was previously a fellow with the Public Religion Research Institute. She is independently affiliated with the Nebraska Alliance for Thriving Communities.

– ref. Why Christian clergy see risk as part of their moral calling – https://theconversation.com/why-christian-clergy-see-risk-as-part-of-their-moral-calling-274820

February 10, 2026

As Jeff Bezos dismantles The Washington Post, 5 regional papers chart a course for survival

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Dan Kennedy, Professor of Journalism, Northeastern University

The ranks of The Washington Post’s newsroom have shrunk since this photo was taken in 2016. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

The Washington Post’s evisceration at the hands of its billionaire owner, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, didn’t have to happen.

Following months of speculation, the Post cut at least 300 of its 800 journalists on Feb. 4, 2026, drastically reducing its international, local and sports coverage and eliminating its photo department and stand-alone book review section. The downsizing followed several decisions by Bezos that drove away hundreds of thousands of subscribers, from killing the Post’s endorsement of Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris just before the 2024 election to announcing that the editorial pages would henceforth be dedicated to “personal liberties and free markets.”

But though those moves inflicted considerable damage, the paper had been floundering ever since Donald Trump’s first presidential term, when Bezos proudly added the slogan “Democracy Dies in Darkness” to its nameplate and the paper achieved both growth and profitability.

While its principal rival, The New York Times, successfully pivoted by rolling out ancillary products such as games, a cooking app and a consumer guide, the Post lost momentum – and was then pushed off a cliff as Bezos, in my view, started placing a higher value on peace with Trump than on making sure that democracy didn’t die in darkness.

I’m a journalism professor and the author of three books about the future of news. I tracked Bezos’ stewardship of the Post during better times in my 2018 book, “The Return of the Moguls: How Jeff Bezos and John Henry Are Remaking Newspapers for the Twenty-First Century.” And I’ve been watching in horror over the past several years as he’s dismantled much of what he built.

The Times, as the nation’s leading newspaper, is unique, and the extent to which other publishers can learn from its example is limited. But if Bezos ever decides he wants to take journalism seriously again, then he might take a look at a handful of large regional papers that have charted a route to sustainability against the strong headwinds that continue to buffet the news business.

5 good examples

Perhaps the most important difference between these papers and the Post – and the hundreds of other shrinking media outlets owned by corporate chains and hedge funds – is that they are rooted in the communities they cover. Whether owned by wealthy people or run by nonprofits, they place service to their city and region above extracting the last smidgen of revenue they can squeeze out.

Although I could add a few to this list, I am mentioning five large regional newspapers as examples of how it’s possible to succeed despite the long-term decline in the economics of journalism.

These papers have an array of ownership models.

The Boston Globe and The Minnesota Star Tribune, both for-profits, were bought in recent years by the billionaire owners of sports teams.

The Seattle Times, another for-profit, has belonged to the same family since 1896.

The Philadelphia Inquirer was acquired by a billionaire and donated to a nonprofit foundation in 2016, making it a leading example of a hybrid for-profit and nonprofit model.

The Salt Lake Tribune, which a billionaire bought from the hedge fund Alden Global Capital, was converted to a pure nonprofit – the first such paper to undergo such a transition.

Also known as major metropolitan dailies, these papers are all smaller than they were during the heyday of the 1970s and ’80s. Although the for-profit papers are privately owned and do not publish financial results, I’ve learned through years of reporting that the generous profit margins that once characterized newspapers have all but disappeared. Still, these papers have maintained substantial staffs and are their regions’ leading, though not sole, news providers.

A copy of The Washington Post in a sales box has a big headline saying: 'Grahams to sell The Post.' — The front page of The Washington Post on Aug. 6, 2013, announced that Jeff Bezos had agreed to buy the newspaper from the Graham family.
Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images

Common themes

It’s hard to identify specific reasons why these papers have succeeded, but a few themes emerge.

The Boston Globe and The Minnesota Star Tribune, for instance, have both expanded into other geographic areas. The Globe has moved into Rhode Island and New Hampshire – with more to come in 2026.

Similarly, the Strib, as The Minnesota Star Tribune is known, now covers news across Minnesota, well beyond its base in the Twin Cities.

The Globe has also balanced experimentation with attention to the basics.

Not long after John and Linda Henry bought the Globe in 2013, they started a separate digital publication called Crux, which covered the Catholic Church. It failed to attract advertisers, and the Globe spun it off; Crux continues under different ownership.

Meanwhile, another Globe-owned startup, Stat, which covers health and medicine, grew into a successful venture during the COVID-19 pandemic.

As for the basics, the Globe charges a premium for its journalism – as much as $36 a month for a digital-only subscription. And though paid digital circulation has stalled over the past year at about 260,000, that’s considerably more than most papers in its weight class.

The Star Tribune, owned by sports mogul Glen Taylor, unveiled a new, paywall-free breaking-news blog in the midst of the sometimes deadly immigration enforcement actions in Minneapolis and St. Paul. The paper also offers unlimited gift links, so that paid subscribers can share stories with others, as well as a family subscription plan.
And it has a nonprofit fund to which donors can make tax-deductible contributions to support the paper’s journalism.

By the way, the idea of setting up a separate nonprofit arm was pioneered by The Seattle Times, although it has become increasingly common.

The Seattle Times recently handed off management of the paper to Ryan Blethen, who represents the fifth generation of his family to serve as publisher. In contrast to formerly family-owned papers such as the Courier Journal of Louisville, Kentucky, and The Des Moines Register, whose large families forced their sale two generations ago, The Seattle Times has actually become more independent: In 2024, the Times bought out Chatham Asset Management, a private equity firm that had controlled 49.5% of the paper.

Chatham also owns the McClatchy chain of newspapers, which includes well-known dailies such as the Miami Herald, The Kansas City Star and The Sacramento Bee.

Nonprofit ownership

In addition to the for-profit model, two other ownership structures have shown promise.

In 2016, H.F. “Gerry” Lenfest donated The Philadelphia Inquirer, which he and a partner had bought just two years earlier, to a nonprofit that was renamed the Lenfest Institute following his death in 2018.

The Inquirer itself is a for-profit public benefit corporation, a designation that eases the standard corporate requirement that it maximize earnings, while the nonprofit helps support journalism at the Inquirer and other news organizations.

The paper has thrived under the new arrangement, with the publisher, Elizabeth Hughes, writing recently that the model could be used to revive the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, on the opposite end of Pennsylvania.

The Post-Gazette’s owners, citing mounting losses, have announced that the paper will shut down in May.

And though The Salt Lake Tribune is the first – and, still, the only – metro daily to embrace a pure nonprofit model, it stands as an intriguing idea that could be emulated elsewhere.

Billionaire owner Paul Huntsman converted the paper to a nonprofit in 2019 after buying it from Alden three years earlier. Executive editor Lauren Gustus said recently that the Tribune is expanding both the size of its news staff and its coverage area, and it’s dropping its paywall in favor of voluntary payments. That’s similar to how nonprofit public radio and television stations support themselves.

A poster boy for decline

The past two decades have not been kind to the newspaper business. More than 3,500 U.S. papers have closed in that period, according to the most recent State of Local News report from Northwestern University’s Medill School. By destroying The Washington Post, the very institution he had previously done so much to build up, Jeff Bezos has transformed himself into the poster boy for that decline.

Yet here and there, in communities across the country, newspapers are reinventing themselves.

There are no easy fixes. But perseverance, innovation and a relentless focus on serving the public are the keys to success, regardless of ownership structure or geography. Bezos could learn from these models.

Dan Kennedy is the co-leader of the What Works: The Future of Local News project at Northeastern University. He is a member of the editorial advisory board of CommonWealth Beacon, a digital news outlet that covers state politics and public policy in Massachusetts. Kennedy is also on the board of the Local Journalism Project, the nonprofit arm of The Provincetown Independent, which is organized as a for-profit public benefit corporation.

– ref. As Jeff Bezos dismantles The Washington Post, 5 regional papers chart a course for survival – https://theconversation.com/as-jeff-bezos-dismantles-the-washington-post-5-regional-papers-chart-a-course-for-survival-275289

February 10, 2026

Why ‘activating’ your vagus nerve has become the latest wellness trend

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katie Edwards, Commissioning Editor, Health + Medicine and Host of Strange Health podcast, The Conversation

The vagus nerve has become the internet’s favourite body part.

On social media, it is everywhere. People hum into their phones, gargle with theatrical enthusiasm, dunk their faces into bowls of ice water and poke at their ears in the hope of “activating” it. Influencers describe it as a hidden master switch for calm, digestion and emotional balance. Some claim that learning to control it can transform everything from anxiety to inflammation.

All of which makes it sound faintly mystical. In reality, the vagus nerve is not a wellness trend. It is a real, physical nerve. And a surprisingly important one.

In the fourth episode of the Strange Health podcast, we turn our attention to the body’s longest cranial nerve and ask a simple question: what does the vagus nerve actually do, and can we really hack it?

To find out, we spoke to Arshad Majid, a professor of cerebrovascular neurology at the University of Sheffield and an expert in vagus nerve stimulation. As he explains, the vagus nerve is one of 12 cranial nerves that emerge directly from the brain. Its name comes from the Latin for “wanderer”, which is fitting. It begins in the brainstem and travels down through the neck into the chest and abdomen, connecting to the heart, lungs, gut and even the liver.

It is less a single-purpose wire and more a busy two-way information highway. Most of its activity involves carrying signals from the body back to the brain, keeping it updated on what is happening internally. It is also part of the autonomic nervous system, which regulates the processes we do not consciously control, such as heart rate, breathing and digestion.

Within that system, the vagus nerve plays a key role in the parasympathetic response, sometimes known as “rest and digest”. When this system dominates, heart rate slows, blood pressure drops and the body shifts into a calmer, more restorative state. That much is well established. What is less clear is how easily we can influence it ourselves.

Despite the explosion of vagus nerve content online, Majid is cautious about claims that it can be switched on like a light. Slow breathing, singing, humming or splashing cold water on the face may indirectly influence vagus nerve activity, but it is not an on-off button and the effects vary widely between people. In some cases attempting to stimulate the vagus nerve can trigger headaches and even depression.

Vagus nerve stimulation is more firmly grounded in medicine. Implanted devices that stimulate the nerve directly have been used for years to treat conditions such as treatment-resistant epilepsy and depression. More recently, researchers have begun exploring non-invasive approaches. Some medical devices stimulate a small branch of the vagus nerve in the ear using gentle electrical pulses.

Majid and colleagues are currently running a major clinical trial investigating whether this kind of non-invasive stimulation can improve arm function in people recovering from stroke by encouraging the brain to rewire itself. If successful, it could transform rehabilitation for many patients.

Despite the online hype, then, scientists are only beginning to understand what this wandering nerve can do and how it might be used therapeutically.

Listen to Strange Health to find out why the vagus nerve has captured so much attention, what the science actually says, and why the next few years of research could reshape how we treat conditions from stroke to depression.

Just maybe hold off on aggressively poking your ear in the meantime.

Strange Health is hosted by Katie Edwards and Dan Baumgardt. The executive producer is Gemma Ware, with video and sound editing for this episode by Anouk Millet. Artwork by Alice Mason.

In this episode, Dan and Katie talk about social media clips via TikTok from drjoedamiani, ayuswellness and prettyspatricia.

Listen to Strange Health via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript is available via the Apple Podcasts or Spotify apps.

Katie Edwards is Commissioning Editor for Health and Medicine at The Conversation in the UK. Arshad Majid receives funding from the National Institute of Health research (NIHR) EME Programme for the TRICEPS trial which is investigating tVNS in stroke recovery.

Dan Baumgardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why ‘activating’ your vagus nerve has become the latest wellness trend – https://theconversation.com/why-activating-your-vagus-nerve-has-become-the-latest-wellness-trend-275246

February 10, 2026

Can Australia build one of the world’s largest data centres?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Bronwyn Cumbo, Lecturer, Transdisciplinary School, University of Technology Sydney

➡️ Click here to read the full interactive

Bronwyn Cumbo receives funding from the Australia Public Policy Challenge Grant for her research investigating possibilities and challenges to establishing New South Wales as a sustainable data centre hub.

Digital Storytelling Team does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Can Australia build one of the world’s largest data centres? – https://theconversation.com/can-australia-build-one-of-the-worlds-largest-data-centres-273703

February 10, 2026

From ‘this machine kills fascists’ to ‘King Trump’s private army’: the art of protest music

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Panizza Allmark, Professor of Visual & Cultural Studies, Edith Cowan University

Alex Kormann/The Minnesota Star Tribune and Michael Ochs Archives, via Getty

In January, over the course of three days, Bruce Springsteen wrote, recorded and released the political protest song Streets of Minneapolis.

The song’s release was a matter of urgency and reflects Springsteen’s fury towards the Minneapolis immigration enforcement operation from the United States Department of Homeland Security with around 2,000 Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers and agents.

Last month, Renée Good and Alex Pretti were killed by ICE in separate incidents. In his lyrics, Springsteen names them as a memorial tribute, “citizens [who] stood for justice”. He refers to ICE as “King Trump’s private army”.

Springsteen marches in the footsteps of protest songs from legendary artists such as Woody Guthrie and Bob Dylan who raised their lyrical voices in a direct response against injustice.

The Dust Bowl migrants

On January 30 Tom Morello, the guitarist with social activist rock band Rage Against the Machine, held a benefit concert to support the families of the Minneapolis ICE shooting victims.

Morello described it as “a concert of solidarity and resistance to defend Minnesota” and against “the rising tide of the state of terror”.

Springsteen was a surprise guest artist. In addition to performing Streets of Minneapolis he played his 1995 song, The Ghost of Tom Joad.

Tom Joad is a character in John Steinbeck’s 1939 novel The Grapes of Wrath, about the Dust Bowl migrants from Oklahoma. During the Great Depression, the Dust Bowl migrants left Oklahoma and travelled west, forced off the land by drought and the intensive farming methods. Springsteen’s song describes “the new world order” where homelessness, policing and inequality prevail.

Woody Guthrie also sang about Tom Joad on his 1940 album Dust Bowl Ballads. Guthrie travelled south to California with migrants who scraped a living working in others’ fields and picking fruit in others’ orchards.

Tom Joad is a working class man who stands up to authority through the call for collective action. Guthrie’s two songs about the character featured on Guthrie’s first and most successful recording, bring national attention to the plight of the Dust Bowl farmers.

Guthrie emblazoned on his guitars the slogan “This machine kills fascists”.

The civil rights movement

When Robert Zimmerman left his parental home in Hibbing, Minnesota, to reinvent himself in New York as Bob Dylan, he achieved his desire to meet Guthrie.

One of Dylan’s very early compositions was The Death Of Emmett Till, which he performed for a Congress on Racial Equality benefit concert in 1962. It didn’t appear on an album until the compilation album Broadside Ballads, Vol.6, in 1972, under his pseudonym Blind Boy Grunt.

Emmett Till was a 14-year-old Black boy who was brutally murdered in 1955 by two white brothers in Mississippi. His murder, and their acquittal by an all white jury, caused public outrage, and became a catalyst of the Civil Rights Movement. Emmett Till has been memorialised in many songs, but Dylan’s focus, with an accusation in the lyrics that the jury “helped the brothers”, is the most well-known tribute.

Dylan went on to write many songs for the civil rights movement and anti-war songs such as Blowin’ In The Wind, Masters of War and A Hard Rain’s Gonna Fall, all on his second album, The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan (1963).

The Vietnam War

In 1970, Neil Young composed Ohio about the murder by Ohio National Guard of four protesters against the Vietnam War on the campus of Kent State University. The song was recorded by Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young but the studio version only appeared on the 1974 compilation, So Far.

The activist rock song became an anthem of the anti-Vietnam War movement. Young’s horror toward the killing of protestors motivated him to write and record the song quickly, with a rush to release it.

The song got radio play, but was banned by some stations for its anti-war sentiments. Within three weeks of the shooting, it reached number 14 on the Billboard charts. The opening lyrics, “Tin soldiers and Nixon coming, we’re finally on our own”, remarks on a heightened state of alert for ordinary people.

Trump’s America

The title of Lucinda Williams’ first overtly political album, 2025’s World’s Gone Wrong, echoes Dylan’s 1993 album, World Gone Wrong.

Music magazine Uncut called it a “compelling, compassionate, state of the nation address”.

The album focuses on the destruction of civil society in Trump’s America. Something’s Gotta Give is a song of anger and disillusionment with America. Black Tears connects present day America to its long history of injustice with the lyrics “400 years is long enough, How long will [Black tears] rain down?”.

Jesse Welles’ song Join ICE is a satirical recruitment song, adopting the tone of a recruitment pitch to expose the abuse of power “If you’re lackin’ control and authority, come with me and hunt down minorities,” he sings.

Popular music, especially in America, has always been bound up with political commentary.

But it hasn’t always been on the side of the oppressed. Written and sung by Staff Sergeant Barry Sadler, The Ballad Of The Green Berets, supporting the United States Army Special Forces in Vietnam, was number one on the Billboard singles charts for five weeks in 1966.

Can a Trump acolyte manage a similar feat about ICE?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. From ‘this machine kills fascists’ to ‘King Trump’s private army’: the art of protest music – https://theconversation.com/from-this-machine-kills-fascists-to-king-trumps-private-army-the-art-of-protest-music-274974

February 9, 2026

Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Keir Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Parker, Lecturer in Politics, University of Glasgow

Scottish politics has a dual nature. It is significantly distinct from politics in the rest of the United Kingdom, with its own dynamics, parties and leaders. But it can still be affected by events down south. And for the Scottish sections of the UK parties – the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Labour and Reform UK – negative perceptions of their UK leaderships can have consequences for their Scottish wings.

This is the situation Anas Sarwar, leader of the Scottish Labour party, finds himself in. In recent weeks the UK government has been engulfed in a scandal surrounding former Labour peer, MP, minister and (most recently) ambassador Peter Mandelson and his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

This has led to his resignation from the House of Lords and the Labour party, the launch of a police investigation and an intense backlash that has put Prime Minister Keir Starmer under pressure. Sarwar has entered the foray in dramatic fashion, summoning the media to a press conference in Glasgow where he called on Starmer to resign.

Why did Sarwar publicly turn on Starmer?

Sarwar’s primary motivation is that his party is struggling badly ahead of May’s crucial Scottish parliamentary elections. The most recent polling shows the governing Scottish National Party (SNP) in a reduced first place, and Labour fighting the radical right Reform UK party for second.

While historically Scotland’s dominant party, Labour lost power to the SNP in 2007 and was then reduced to third place in 2016. But it made a striking comeback in 2024 when Sarwar’s party won the UK general election in Scotland, capitalising on voters’ perception of declining public services under the SNP.

However, following the installation of a Labour government at the UK level, the party’s ratings rapidly declined. Sarwar is concerned that the fallout from the Mandleson scandal will lead to even further losses of support in the polls.

While Starmer’s cabinet has rushed to defend him, Sarwar is, so far, the most high-profile Labour figure to call for Starmer’s resignation. What is especially interesting is that Sarwar has specifically framed his call in Scottish terms, speaking of his loyalty to Scotland and alleging that Starmer’s actions have been detrimental to his party’s prospects in May. He stated that Starmer must go if Scotland is going to avoid another decade of SNP rule.

Was he right to do it?

Sarwar is right that UK Labour’s unpopularity since it took office has damaged the standing of its devolved wings. He also presumably feels very angry his chances of taking power have been ended by this. But the choice to blame Scottish Labour’s failings on Starmer obscures Sarwar’s own responsibility for Labour’s poor standing.

While Starmer is undoubtedly highly unpopular in Scotland, Sarwar has spent the time since the general election steadfastly failing to differentiate himself from the prime minister – despite suggestions during in the 2024 campaign Scottish Labour MPs would serve as an autonomous group at Westminster and pursue an independent line.

This failure is important as it means Sarwar’s Scottish party has been severely discredited by UK Labour’s failings and can no longer serve as the receptacle of anti-SNP protest voting as it did in the general election. Continuing criticism of the SNP’s record now rings much hollower when voters can look at a very similar party in Westminster they don’t perceive as doing any better or even as worse.

What’s behind this row?

Ultimately, this is linked to broader underlying issues in Scottish Labour around the party’s continuing inability to come to terms with its loss of status as the country’s dominant political force and adapt to the politics of the devolution era. The party has consistently failed to take into account how Holyrood-centric Scottish politics has become or the need for policy and messaging differentiation between Scotland and the UK. This is something that Welsh Labour realised in the 2000s.

Sarwar calls for the PM to resign.

The return of a new majority of Labour MPs in Scotland should have been viewed as the next step towards the campaign to win the 2026 elections in Scotland. Instead it seems to have renewed the party’s Westminster-centrism.

Scottish MPs in Westminster have toed the party line, including on policies which are highly unpopular north of the border. This has been exacerbated by frequent campaign misfires, such as the printing and distribution of leaflets with fake quotes endorsing Sarwar and a bizarre series of adverts centred on Sarwar’s life.

Such a personality-centred campaign makes little sense when the party is no longer running neck and neck with the SNP but struggling for second place. Arguably, setting out a strong vision of what Scottish Labour wants Scotland to look like – other than merely a place without the SNP in charge – would leave the party in a much stronger place.

Sarwar’s move will likely not harm his party’s prospects in May, but the move to a more assertive Scottish leadership is very late in the game and much more will be needed for a true turnaround in Scottish Labour’s fortunes.

Jonathan Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Keir Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired? – https://theconversation.com/anas-sarwar-why-did-the-leader-of-scottish-labour-call-for-keir-starmers-resignation-and-has-the-move-backfired-275504

February 9, 2026

Held captive in their own country during World War II, Japanese Americans used nature to cope with their unjustified imprisonment

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Susan H. Kamei, Adjunct Professor of History and Affiliated Faculty, USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Cultures, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Japanese Americans incarcerated at Heart Mountain concentration camp in Wyoming took art classes at the craft shop, using what they could find. Tom Parker, War Relocation Authority, Department of the Interior, via National Archives and Records Administration

With a stroke of a presidential pen, the lives of Izumi Taniguchi, Minoru Tajii, Homei Iseyama and Peggy Yorita irreparably changed on Feb. 19, 1942. On that day, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066, which set in motion their wartime incarceration along with other people of Japanese ancestry who were forcibly removed from their homes in parts of California, Oregon, Washington and Arizona.

To cope with their fear, anger and loss in the turbulent times, they would have to dig deep into their emotional reservoirs of resolve and ingenuity.

Without bringing charges against them or providing any evidence of disloyalty, the U.S. government detained legal Japanese immigrants and their American-born descendants in desolate inland locations during and after World War II, simply because of their ethnicity. Nearly 127,000 people of Japanese ancestry were incarcerated between 1942 and 1947, according to Duncan Ryȗken Williams, director of The Irei Project, which is compiling a comprehensive list of those detained. My grandparents, parents and their families were among them.

As I describe in my book “When Can We Go Back to America? Voices of Japanese American Incarceration during World War II,” they boarded livestock trucks and World War I-era trains guarded by armed U.S. soldiers for destinations that were not disclosed to them. They could only take what they could carry and what they had within themselves.

When the Japanese Americans arrived at temporary detention facilities, euphemistically called “assembly centers,” hastily constructed on fairgrounds, racetracks and other government property, they were shocked to be body-searched, fingerprinted and interrogated. Thousands discovered their living quarters were animal pens or horse stalls. The ones considered lucky were assigned to poorly built barracks. The barracks had only cots, bare light bulbs hanging from the ceilings, and pot belly stoves in the corners; the interiors lacked any partitions.

People stand and sit near beds in an open space with clothes hanging from hooks on the wooden wall. — Japanese Americans incarcerated at assembly centers were quartered in rough barracks.
Clem Albers, War Relocation Authority, Department of the Interior via National Archives and Records Administration

Immediately they scavenged wood from vegetable crates and construction debris they found nearby to create privacy within the barracks units and to make furniture and other household furnishings. Displaced from their livelihoods, education and social structure, with nothing to do, they also quickly organized a wide range of activities, including sports, as well as arts and crafts of all kinds. Their resourcefulness born out of necessity converged with the Japanese aesthetic to make functional items beautiful as they sought to make their temporary quarters more livable.

When the prisoners were transferred to long-term detention facilities run by the War Relocation Authority later in 1942, they brought with them what Delphine Hirasuna, an author and descendant of people who had been incarcerated during the war, calls the “art of gaman.” “Gaman” is a Japanese word meaning the dignity and grace to bear the seemingly unbearable. With this philosophy, they created objects of both utility and beauty.

Delphine Hirasuna speaks in 2014 about how Japanese Americans endured their incarceration with grace and even creativity.

Finding beauty in branches, rocks and shells

At the Gila River and Poston camps located on tribal land in the Mojave Desert, incarcerees found that desert wood could be carved, filed and polished to make partitions, household objects and works of art.

Armed soldiers guarded the barbed-wire perimeters from lookout towers, but as the war wore on, the incarcerees were allowed to venture beyond the camp fences. Izumi Taniguchi, then 16 years old from Contra Costa County, California, recalled getting permission to walk outside the Gila River camp boundaries to while away the time.

He remembered, that some people used the ironwood for sculpting. Minoru Tajii, then 18 years old from El Centro, California, held at the Poston camp, described ironwood as “an oil-rich wood, so when you polish it up it comes out very nice, so we go out and find that and bring it back.”

The Poston “sculptoring department” advertised in the camp newsletter “Poston Chronicle” on Jan. 20, 1943, that “anyone with ironwood wishing to learn how to make figures and notions may bring their materials to the department, 44-13-D, and work under the guidance of sculptoring teachers.”

A stone teapot and cup. — A teapot and cup made out of slate by Homei Iseyama, decorated with depictions of pomegranates and leaves evoking his connection with nature as a landscape gardener and bonsai master.
Gift of the artist’s family via Smithsonian American Art Museum

Homei Iseyama, from Oakland, California, became known for the exquisite teapots, teacups, candy dishes and calligraphy inkwells he carved out of slate stones he found around the Topaz, Utah, camp. Born in 1890, he attended Waseda University in Tokyo before immigrating to the United States in 1914 with dreams of attending art school.

At the Tule Lake camp, located on an ancient lake bed, the incarcerees discovered thick veins of shells that provided material for making art and jewelry. Fusako “Peggy” Nishimura Yorita got very involved in making shell jewelry. As digging for shells became a popular and competitive pastime for the Tule Lake incarcerees, Yorita enlisted her two teenagers and friends to help dig waist-deep holes at sunrise and sift the sand with homemade wire sieves.

A pin with flowers, leaves and a bow. — Peggy Nishimura Yorita composed the flowers and leaves in this corsage pin from shells she found at the Tule Lake concentration camp.
Courtesy of the Bain Family Collection via Densho Digital Repository

A 33-year-old single mother, Yorita sold her shell jewelry to make a little money. She also enjoyed the creative endeavor. She recalled: “I was just making new things all the time. And to me, it … was … a wonderful outlet.”

As the incarcerees were allowed to leave the camps, they were given $25 and a one-way bus or train ticket to wherever they were going to rebuild their lives. Many took with them their handcrafted objects, reminders of how they overcame the physical and mental harshness of their detention years.

A small wooden chest of drawers. — The author’s grandfather, Ayatoshi Kurose, made this small tansu chest out of crate wood for her teenage mother in the Heart Mountain, Wyo., camp.
Courtesy Susan H. Kamei, CC BY-NC-ND

When my mother entrusted to me the fragile small tansu chest that her father made for her in camp out of crate wood, she told me that her father had felt sorry for her that she didn’t have anyplace to store her belongings. To improve the appearance of the wood, my grandfather placed a hotplate on the pieces to deepen the grain. My mother appreciated the care he took to carve traditional Japanese scenes onto the panels with a pen knife. She said the chest represented to her the depth of her father’s love.

Eight decades after Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066, researchers are delving into the traumatic intergenerational impact that the incarceration has had on the camp survivors and their descendants. Memorials such as The Irei Project seek to restore dignity to those who suffered unconstitutional injustices. On Feb. 19, known annually as the Day of Remembrance, Americans can honor them by appreciating their “art of gaman,” testaments to their resilient spirit as they found and created beauty in their wartime environments.

The Mellon Foundation has provided funding to the USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Culture, which is one of Susan Kamei’s academic affiliations. Duncan Ryuken Williams is the director of the USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Culture. She is a researcher for The Irei Project and is a member and volunteer of the Japanese American National Museum.

– ref. Held captive in their own country during World War II, Japanese Americans used nature to cope with their unjustified imprisonment – https://theconversation.com/held-captive-in-their-own-country-during-world-war-ii-japanese-americans-used-nature-to-cope-with-their-unjustified-imprisonment-272989

February 9, 2026

How much longer can Keir Starmer survive?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Farr, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary British History, Newcastle University

When they disintegrate, governments often do so slowly, then quickly. Despite dragooned public statements of support from the cabinet, the government of Keir Starmer gives every appearance of entering that second phase.

In the wake of the scandal surrounding former Washington ambassador Peter Mandelson and his ties to deceased sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, Starmer lost his chief of staff Morgan McSweeney, who had championed Mandelson for the role. Then the PM lost his press secretary, Tim Allan.

Then, in a live press conference, he lost the leader of the Scottish Labour party, Anas Sarwar. Eighteen months ago, Starmer could not have been closer to Sarwar. Now he has cut his national leader adrift and called for Starmer to resign.

Sarwar is not in Westminster. Sarwar has to fight an election in Scotland in May, and Starmer and the Westminster Labour government has been a liability for Scottish Labour for over a year. Sarwar had to act to have any chance of mounting a challenge against the governing Scottish National Party in those elections.

Sarwar’s actions may be be the most impactful, owing to the political momentum he has now so dramatically accelerated. But McSweeney’s resignation is the more significant development. The last line of defence for a prime minister is their chief of staff, and Sweeney was much more than that.

Party leaders and prime ministers have come not to be able to live without them, but so often are forced to. The chief of staff is part human, part metaphor: a conduit, a pressure valve, a lightning rod.

When forced out, their principal rarely lasts long, albeit as much for the related erosion of their authority as prime minister as in what that chief of staff may personally have provided. But McSweeney, a brilliant electoral tactician and party organiser with no experience of government, was also in the wrong job. And Starmer put him there.

The Mandelson scandal

Much of what is taking place is what takes place when governments are old, or infirm, but much is also new, or at least new in effect. To write a rudimentary historical political equation: Marconi plus Profumo equals Mandelson.

The 1912 Marconi scandal revolved around shady share dealing on the part of those around the chancellor of the exchequer, David Lloyd George. The 1963 Profumo affair involved the minister for war sharing his bed with a woman who also shared hers with the Russian naval attache – and in the year of the Cuban missile crisis.

Marconi remains the most serious financial scandal in modern British politics, though Lloyd George survived. John Profumo resigned, but for lying to MPs. No secrets were divulged, but the political establishment was discredited, and the lives of young women were ruined. The Mandelson scandal combines both, and to greater effect. And is still ongoing.

The effect of Epstein continues to corrode. Endless news channel recycling of footage of Starmer and Mandelson roaring with tactile laughter as they approach the cameras at the UK embassy in Washington DC only a year ago has become a visual backdrop to the crisis. The king is now routinely heckled in public over Epstein.

The end of the line?

The history of chiefs of staff is a short one. The first chief, indicative of the move to an increasingly presidential premiership, was Jonathan Powell, who served without personal controversy throughout Tony Blair’s decade as prime minister. Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy provided the political smarts for (another politically dysfunctional) prime minister, Theresa May. They accepted responsibility for the disastrous 2017 general election, but only delayed May’s defenestration.

Harold Wilson had his “kitchen cabinet”, including Marcia Williams, Joe Haines and Gerald Kaufman, who damaged the prime minister by osmosis. Margaret Thatcher was too strong a leader to need one, though she had advisers she relied on.

This is potentially much more damaging for Starmer than for any of his predecessors. It is, almost as much if not more so, McSweeney’s government as it is Starmer’s, and Starmer himself is as much McSweeney’s creation as much as he is his own man. It may have been significant that in his resignation statement McSweeney wrote: “I have always believed there are moments when you must accept your responsibility and step aside for the bigger cause.”

The McSweeney project, born in opposition, was to reclaim the Labour party from the Corbynite left, and present it as a competent and moderate alternative to a chaotic and dysfunctional period of Conservative government. Starmer, effectively, was recruited for this job by McSweeney for that purpose. To that extent the 2024 general election revealed the project to have been completely successful. Hundreds of Labour MPs owed their election to McSweeney. But then, what next?

Starmer, as with Tony Blair and David Cameron, became prime minister without any experience of government. Unlike Blair or Cameron, however, he also had no serious experience of politics: hence his need for, and appointment of, McSweeney.

For Starmer, the prime minister is the monarch’s first minister, first lord of the treasury, head of government, minister for civil service; the country’s representative internationally. He has never fully appreciated that the prime minister is also a politician. If they are not, they will soon be found out.

Political skills are not sufficient, but they are necessary. Ted Heath did not have them either, but he at least knew about governing. Starmer was found out some time ago and now a concatenation of circumstance – Mandelson, Allan, Sarwar, the looming byelection in Gorton and Denton (a formally safe seat that Labour looks set to lose), the May elections in Scotland and Wales and in English councils – has provided the moment.

McSweeney’s departure has probably clarified Starmer’s fate – he has never been weaker. But there is still no obvious alternative. This may provide Starmer with the time during which he hopes personnel changes may help provide a reset.

If this is the end for Starmer, a serious and damaging pattern in British politics and public life will have been reinforced. Since David Cameron stepped down in 2016, no prime minister has lasted more than about three years. The impatience and intolerance of voters with the political classes has increased, and will only increase further.

Starmer’s was always a dual leadership, and then premiership, held with someone who effectively saved him the trouble of thinking. He is now on his own.

Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How much longer can Keir Starmer survive? – https://theconversation.com/how-much-longer-can-keir-starmer-survive-275488

February 9, 2026

Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Kier Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Parker, Lecturer in Politics, University of Glasgow

Why did Sarwar publicly turn on Starmer?

Was he right to do it?

What’s behind this row?

Sarwar calls for the PM to resign.

– ref. Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Kier Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired? – https://theconversation.com/anas-sarwar-why-did-the-leader-of-scottish-labour-call-for-kier-starmers-resignation-and-has-the-move-backfired-275504

February 9, 2026

The most prevalent disability in classrooms may be FASD — and supporting students is vital

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tanya Joseph, PhD Student, Faculty of Education, Queen’s University, Ontario

As I walk into the classroom as a newly graduated teacher, I see children — each with unique abilities, interests and an eagerness to learn. This Ontario classroom was designed to be inclusive — a space where all students, regardless of their needs, can thrive.

Yet, as an educator, I find myself asking: Am I truly prepared to support every child? Have I received the training I need to guide each student on their learning journey including students with disabilities such as Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD)?

Many teachers entering the classroom after graduating from teacher education programs in Ontario will ask similar questions.

In the past, schooling for students with disabilities was accomplished through segregated education. However, in the last 20 years, Ontario has reformed its educational structure to include all students within the general education classroom.

In accordance with Ontario education policies, classroom teaching must be designed for all students and inclusive approaches must be used to mitigate discrimination and exclusion. One way educators seek to meet the needs of many diverse learners is through implementing frameworks like Universal Design for Learning or “differentiated instruction” in their classrooms.

Yet despite expanded teaching approaches and policy changes, a dual system still exists that involves children with disabilities such as FASD being excluded from the rest of the class.

Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder

FASD is a condition that occurs due to maternal alcohol consumption during pregnancy. As a consequence, children are born with brain damage and delays in neurodevelopment.

FASD may be the most prevalent disability in Canadian classrooms. FASD affects between 1.4 per cent and 4.4 per cent of the population in Canada — a prevalence greater than Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), Down Syndrome and Cerebral Palsy combined.

FASD Expert Collaboration Team with the Canada FASD Research Network: Adults with lived experience of FASD speak about their lives and advocacy around FASD.

FASD affects each individual in varied ways, and each person has unique strengths and faces varied challenges. Children with FASD exhibit a range of symptoms and varying degrees of impairment, including difficulties with motor skills, sensory processing, communication, academic achievement, memory, executive functioning, abstract reasoning, hyperactivity and adaptive behaviour.

As children with FASD experience academic difficulties and behavioural challenges, they require multifaceted supports, including instruction tailored to their unique learning profiles, individualized academic interventions and modified curricula aligned with the child’s developmental and ability levels.

Teachers must be responsive to the needs of students with FASD and proactive in providing supports to promote students’ success.

Teacher knowledge of FASD

In teacher education programs, teacher candidates receive training through a combination of coursework and placements. Although courses offered to teacher candidates that reflect special education may be compulsory, explicit instruction on specific disabilities, such as FASD, may be limited.

Currently, there is a lack of research completed in Ontario reflecting how teachers are prepared to support students with FASD. To gain deeper insight into the nature of teacher candidates’ knowledge and understanding of FASD — and their preparedness to teach these students — I collected data using a questionnaire administered to final year teacher candidates graduating in 2024 in a teacher education program accredited by the Ontario College of Teachers (OCT).

In this questionnaire, I examined teacher candidates’ knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, self-efficacy and overall preparedness and readiness to support students with FASD as they enter the profession.

Preliminary findings revealed teacher candidates reported feeling inadequately trained to support students with FASD, and most reported that they had not discussed FASD in their teacher education programs.

Experiences with disabilities were variable and specific knowledge of the needs of students with FASD was limited. While teacher candidates possessed knowledge of strategies to support students with disabilities such as ASD and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, they were largely unaware of the challenges faced by children with FASD.

Further learning opportunities

Although teacher candidates were familiar with Universal Design for Learning and differentiated instruction, they need to be flexible, prepared to advocate for their students and able to adapt these frameworks to the individual needs of students with FASD.

These teachers may face the challenge of supporting a child with FASD in their first year of teaching.

The assumption that teachers are ready upon entering the classroom with the training they receive must be revised. Additional curricular and/or learning opportunities should be provided that are responsive to teachers’ particular contexts to further develop their knowledge and preparation, including around strategies to support a child with FASD.

Resource to support children with FASD

As teacher candidates continue to prepare to support students with FASD in the classroom, it is necessary to review the curriculum taught in teacher education programs to ensure that FASD is discussed with emphasis on the nature of the condition and best practices to support the child.

A valuable resource for both teacher candidates and current teachers in the classroom is the Canada FASD Research Network, which provides evidence-based information on FASD.

This resource includes past and current research completed in Canada, and provides tools and resources for parents/caregivers, educators and professionals who may support individuals with FASD.

An earlier version of this article was published in the Queen’s University Knowledge Forum.

Tanya Joseph does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The most prevalent disability in classrooms may be FASD — and supporting students is vital – https://theconversation.com/the-most-prevalent-disability-in-classrooms-may-be-fasd-and-supporting-students-is-vital-272553