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August 6, 2025

The world’s longest marine heat wave upended ocean life across the Pacific

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Samuel Starko, Forrest Research Fellow, School of Biological Sciences, The University of Western Australia

View of the Pacific Ocean from Botanical Beach on Vancouver Island, B.C., in August 2020. (Unsplash/Amanda Batchelor)

More than a decade since the start of the longest ocean warming event ever recorded, scientists are still working to understand the extent of its impacts. This unprecedented heat wave, nicknamed “The Blob,” stretched thousands of kilometres over North America’s western coastal waters, affecting everything from the smallest plankton to the largest marine mammals.

Between 2014 and 2016, when this heat wave occurred, water temperatures soared between two to six degrees C above average.

One would be forgiven for thinking this is no big deal. After all, temperatures fluctuate more than this on land most days. But not so in the ocean, where temperatures are normally much more stable because of the enormous amount of energy it takes to change them.

Although the duration of this multi-year warming event made it the first of its kind, it offers a glimpse into a future with climate change, where heat waves like this will be more frequent.

In our newly published systematic review, we synthesized the findings from 331 scientific studies documenting the ecological impacts of this marine heat wave across ecosystems, all the way from Alaska to Baja California.

Our results offer a stark warning for how profoundly ocean life can be upended by heat waves that are now a dominant signature of climate change.

six maps of the west coast of north america showing the intensity of the ocean heat wave using colours from yellow to red. The heat-wave areas grow larger before dissipating in the last map — Maps demonstrating the formation and progression of the 2014-16 marine heat wave. The colours indicates marine heat wave intensity, which measures how many degrees the water is above average conditions at any point in time.
(Jennifer McHenry)

Species on the move

One of the most common responses to this extreme event was that marine species moved into places where they are not normally found as they searched for cooler water. Most headed north.

In total, we identified 240 species that were found outside of their normal ranges. More than 100 of these were found further north than they had ever been recorded before, with some moving up to 1,000 kilometres.

These species on the move included everything from fish and invertebrates to seabirds and marine mammals. But species don’t all have the same discomfort level with warm water, and some species are more mobile than others. So, marine communities didn’t simply pick up and move together to avoid the heat.

Instead, marine heat waves like this one are causing a massive reorganization of ocean life, as new predators, prey and competitors intermingle for the first time. The newcomers have the potential to alter food webs and displace local species with far-reaching consequences.

crabs seen washed up on a beach — Pelagic red crabs washed up on a California beach in June 2015.
(Dirk Dallas), CC BY-NC

Heatwave effects on linked species and fisheries

One of the key lessons from this heat wave is that impacts on one species can have effects that ripple throughout entire ecosystems. For example, the shifting availability of key forage fish like anchovies and sardines contributed to mass die-offs of starving seabirds and whales.

Warm, nutrient-poor waters also triggered unprecedented blooms of toxic algae. This led to the closure of Dungeness crab fisheries on the West Coast that cost local economies tens of millions of dollars.

Widespread ecological disruption

The marine heat wave also transformed coastal habitats, including kelp forests and seagrass beds. Kelp forests, sometimes called rainforests of the sea, were impacted along several thousand kilometres of coastline.

In some cases, local extinctions of these habitats have persisted for years following the event, with sustained impacts on the critters that rely on them. We still don’t know whether these changes represent permanent losses or whether any of these ecosystems will be able to recover.

two images of the same beach area, one with kelp in the water, one without — Aerial imagery showing the disappearance of a kelp forest on Vancouver Island, B.C., following the 2014-16 marine heat wave.
(Shorezone/Samuel Starko)

Diseases flourished in the warmer waters. The previously abundant sunflower sea star was hit particularly hard. Warmer waters likely increased the susceptibility of this species to an ongoing epidemic. This led to losses severe enough to have it listed as a critically endangered species.

Similarly, increases in seagrass disease contributed to declines in the health and abundance of the habitats these plants create.

the body of a large starfish on a rock underwater with some of its arms detached. — A sunflower sea star showing signs of sea star wasting disease, which is likely made more prevalent by warmer water.
(NOAA Fisheries West Coast/Janna Nicols), CC BY-NC-ND

Preparing for warmer water

Our review highlights how we are unprepared to respond to these challenges in real time.

With marine heat waves becoming more prevalent, we need to prepare for what is coming. Climate models indicate that these events will only get stronger as greenhouse gas emissions continue to warm our planet.

Global ocean temperatures have continued to rise over the decade since The Blob, with several years since being declared the hottest on record in the ocean, only to be surpassed the following year.

Actions such as restoring lost habitat or reducing additional stressors, like overfishing, may help ecosystems cope with some of these shocks. However, these benefits may be limited and offer only a temporary solution to a problem that is worsening.

Our review demonstrates how unpredictably these heat waves can unfold across marine ecosystems and how widespread their impacts can be. In the face of such drastic change, climate adaptation measures will only get us so far.

To stave off the worst impacts of heat waves driven by climate change, governments and industry must urgently reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The 2014-16 marine heat wave was a warning. The question now is whether we will listen.

Samuel Starko receives funding from the Forrest Research Foundation, the Australian Research Council and Revive & Restore. During this research project, he also received funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and Mitacs.

Julia K. Baum receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and Fisheries and Oceans Canada. A Professor at the University of Victoria, she is affiliated with the Bamfield Marine Sciences Centre’s Kelp Rescue Initiative.

– ref. The world’s longest marine heat wave upended ocean life across the Pacific – https://theconversation.com/the-worlds-longest-marine-heat-wave-upended-ocean-life-across-the-pacific-260792

August 6, 2025

Why bolstering post-secondary education for former youth in care is a wise investment

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jacquie Gahagan, Full Professor and Associate Vice-President, Research, Mount Saint Vincent University

Providing access to post-secondary education costs an average of $85,000 to $100,000 over four years, while incarcerating a single youth can cost $300,000 to $500,000 per year.
(Joshua Hoehne/Unsplash)

As we move closer to the start of the fall term, returning to school is often a source of conversation and excitement.

Thinking about post-secondary education, and discussing what attending a new institution will be like or what program one will major in, is related to building a future that often hinges on educational attainment and income.

However, what is often missing from back-to-school conversations is the reality that approximately 50 per cent of youth who have experienced living in care in Canada do not complete high school, and even fewer attend post-secondary institutions.

The implications of a lower level of educational attainment can include a higher likelihood of poverty — including homelessness, food insecurity, worse health outcomes and fewer employment opportunities — and an increased interaction with criminal justice systems.

Barriers for youth aging out of care

In Canada, youth who age out of the child welfare system are among the most vulnerable members of society and require specialized, integrated government system planning.

Despite their resilience, many of these young people face overwhelming barriers and systemic discrimination. Without sustained support, many fall through the cracks. This is not a reflection of individual failure, but of a system that criminalizes vulnerability instead of fostering opportunity.

To address the needs of this population, Canada must shift from punitive responses toward meaningful investments in education and equity-focused policy change and supports for youth from care, prioritizing learning from those with lived experience.

Supports must be of a “wraparound” nature — meaning they are uniquely tailored and intensive, designed for people with complex needs and taking an approach that draws on and affirms young people’s identities, cultural contexts and strengths.

Systemic neglect has consequences

Research shows youth with care experience are drastically over-represented in Canada’s justice system and are 20 times more likely to be involved with it compared to their peers.

This is not coincidental — it is the result of systemic neglect, the school-to-prison pipeline and the absence of support at critical transition points.

When youth age out of care, often as young as 18, they are expected to navigate adulthood with no family network, limited life skills and inadequate financial supports. The result is a predictable cycle of poverty, homelessness and criminalization.

The cost of this approach is staggering. Incarcerating a single youth can cost $300,000 to $500,000 per year, with total public expenditures exceeding $1 million per youth over the course of a justice-involved life.

Seeking better outcomes

These resources are spent on reacting to crisis, not preventing it. In contrast, providing access to post-secondary education — including tuition waivers, housing supports and mentoring — costs an average of $85,000 to $100,000 over four years.
The difference is not just financial. Youth who access education are far more likely to achieve stable employment, experience better health outcomes and contribute positively to their communities.

Education is not a luxury, it is a fundamental right and a powerful tool for interrupting intergenerational cycles of trauma. Yet fewer than 10 per cent of former youth in care in Canada complete a post-secondary credential.

This low rate is not due to lack of ability or ambition, but rather reflects the lack of targeted, consistent supports. Provinces that have implemented tuition waiver programs are beginning to see the transformative potential of this approach. Despite this, access remains uneven and supports are still insufficient.

Just and fiscally responsible approach

The criminalization of youth from care is a policy failure and reflects a societal willingness to spend more on punishment than prevention. Canada, like many other OECD countries, has a practical incentive to reverse this trend. Making early and data-driven investments in education, mental health services and housing for youth aging out of care is not only more humane, it is also a fiscally responsible and socially just approach.

By shifting public investment from incarceration to education, Canada can reimagine the future for thousands of young people. These youth deserve the same chances we would want for any child: a fair start, a quality education and the opportunity to thrive. It is time to stop criminalizing care-experienced youth and start investing in their potential.

Strong economic returns

Investment in education, housing and mental health for youth leaving care has been shown to reduce justice involvement and lead to strong economic returns. A review by Ontario’s Advocate for Children and Youth found that extending support for youth aging out of care leads to long-term economic and social benefits.

In Ontario, every dollar invested in extended care from ages 21 to 25 could yield $1.36 million in savings or earnings over a lifetime through improved educational attainment, reduced reliance on social benefits, lower rates of criminal justice involvement and increased contributions through taxes.

Similarly, a more recent Québec study estimated that raising the age of care from 18 to 21 would cost $146 million but generate up to $254 million in benefits.

Investing in education for youth from care is a cost-effective, humane and socially responsible alternative to allowing justice involvement to become their default path.

How we can all benefit

The current punitive system invests heavily in the costliest outcomes — justice involvement — while underfunding pathways that foster resilience, success and societal connection and contribution.

A national commitment to educational equity for youth from care is a sound fiscal strategy and a transformational approach to ensure all youth in Canada can benefit from post-secondary education.

As a society, we all benefit from this approach.

Susan McWilliam, PhD, Outcomes & Evaluation Consultant, Mental Health & Addictions, IWK Health Centre, Halifax, co-authored this story.

Jacquie Gahagan receives funding from CIHR, SSHRC, RNS.

Dale Kirby receives funding from SSHRC.

El Jones receives funding from North Pine Foundation.

Kristyn Anderson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why bolstering post-secondary education for former youth in care is a wise investment – https://theconversation.com/why-bolstering-post-secondary-education-for-former-youth-in-care-is-a-wise-investment-261926

August 6, 2025

Teenagers no longer answer the phone: is it a lack of manners or a new trend?

Source: The Conversation – France – By Anne Cordier, Professeure des Universités en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication, Université de Lorraine

Teenagers can seem to have their phones glued to their hands – yet they won’t answer them when they ring. This scenario, which is all too familiar to many parents, can seem absurd and frustrating, or even alarming to some. Yet it also speaks volumes about the way 13-to-18-year-olds now connect (or fail to connect) with others. If smartphones are ever-present in the daily lives of adolescents, this does not mean they are using their devices in the same way adults do.

This reluctance to “pick up the phone” isn’t just a generational trait: it signals a deeper transformation in communication practices, social norms and digital etiquette.

There is actually much more to this muted approach to communication than the cliché of the “unreachable” teen. The social, affective and emotional dynamics at play among this age group are all worth deciphering.

Controlling the conversation

“I never answer calls unless it’s my mum, or an emergency, like a surprise test at school, or a friend who freaks out about something,” says 15-year-old Léa with a laugh. Behind this seemingly trivial comment lies a deeper change than meets the eye. Phones, long considered the quintessential voice tools designed for live conversation, are now used less and less to actually make calls.

For teenagers, voice calls are no longer the default mode of communication. Instead, they are becoming the exception, used in very specific contexts, like emergency situations, moments of distress or when immediate comfort is required. In all other cases, texting is the preferred option. The reason isn’t laziness: written communication – text messages, voice notes, or DMs on Snapchat and Instagram – offers a completely different relationship to time, emotions and self-control.

Picking up the phone means being available here and now, with no safety net, and no delay. For many teenagers, this immediacy is perceived as stressful, a loss of control. There is no time to think about what you want to say. You might stammer, say too much or too little, express yourself poorly, or get caught off guard.

Written communication, by contrast, allows for greater control, offering options like drafting, deleting and rewriting, postponing, and smoothing things over. It is easier to communicate effectively when you can first remain silent.

The desire for control over time, words and emotions is not just a teenage whim. It reflects a broader way of navigating social relationships through screens, one in which every individual grants themselves the right to choose when, how, and how intensely to connect.

In this context, phones become a flexible interface that connects and protects. It provides connections with possible escape routes.

“When I see ‘Dad mobile’ pop up on my screen, I will let it ring. I don’t have the energy to answer a barrage of questions. I’d rather just text him after he hangs up,” says 16-year-old Mehdi.

This type of reaction doesn’t necessarily imply rejection or indifference: it is more about the need for space, deferring the exchange, managing it according to one’s own emotional resources in the moment.

Ironically, phones have become tools to avoid talking. Or more precisely, tools to decide when and how to let the voice in – all in the name of maintaining balance in relationships.

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The right to remain silent

Not picking up is no longer deemed rude and has become a choice: a deliberate way to set boundaries in a hyperconnected world where everyone is expected to be reachable – at any time, and through all sorts of channels.

For many teenagers, not answering, either immediately or at all, is part of a deliberate strategy to disconnect, which is seen as a right worth defending.

“Sometimes I leave my phone on silent mode on purpose. That way, I can have some peace,” says Elsa, 17.

This strategy speaks to a desire to regain control of one’s time and attention. Where previous generations may have seen the phone as a promise of connection and closeness, today’s teenagers sometimes experience it as a source of pressure.

In this new way of managing one’s availability, silence is a form of communication in itself. It does not necessarily signal rejection: rather, it seems like an implicit norm where availability is no longer assumed. It must be requested, negotiated and constructed.

As Lucas, 16, explains: “My friends know I won’t answer right away. They send a Snap first, like, ‘you up for a call?’ If not, forget it.”

This ritual highlights a change in attitude. Calling someone out of the blue can feel like a breach of digital etiquette. By contrast, waiting for the right moment and checking in first before calling turn out to be signs of respect.

This means that the phone is no longer just a communication tool. It’s becoming a space for relationship building where silence, far from being a void, is seen as a necessary breath of fresh air, a pause in the flow, and a right to privacy.

Politeness 2.0: time for an update

“Is voice calling considered rude now?” a father wonders. For many adults, the absence of a voice reply is viewed as an affront and a breach of basic communication rules. From a teenager’s point of view, though, not picking up does not mean rejection: it just highlights the emergence of new codes of conduct.

These codes redefine the contours of what could be called “digital politeness”. Where a phone call was once seen as a gesture of care, it may now be perceived as intrusive. Meanwhile, responding via message offers structure, time to think and a chance for clearer expression, and also the option to defer or sidestep without causing open conflict.

It is not that teenagers lack empathy. They simply express it differently, in more subtle, asynchronous ways. With peers, they share unspoken rituals, like texting before calling, sending emojis to articulate mood or availability, and implicit rules on when is a good time to talk. What some adults interpret as coldness or distance is, in fact, another form of attention.

As long as we are willing to accept these new perspectives and discuss them without judgment, it is possible to view this transformation not in terms of a breakdown of social ties, but as a subtle reinvention of the ways we relate to one another.

Reinventing connections

Rather than viewing this silence on the phone as a crisis in communication, perhaps we should see it as an opportunity to reinvent the way we talk to each other. Tensions can be defused, and a calmer form of communication can be built with teenagers, if adults acknowledge that the rules have changed and that this is no big deal.

It might start with a simple, honest conversation about preferences: some teens prefer texts for practical info, voice messages for sharing emotions (to say, for example, you are thinking of them) and a call only in emergency situations. Putting these preferences and habits into words and agreeing on them is already a way of connecting, and building trust.

Before calling, one might want to send a quick message asking if the person is free to talk, moving away from a logic of command and control and into that of shared availability.

It’s equally important to learn to embrace silence. Not replying immediately (or at all) isn’t necessarily a sign of rejection or disinterest. Sometimes it is just a way to breathe, refocus, and protect one’s mental space. It is a form of self-respect.

Finally, it is also worth reflecting on our own habits: what if we, as adults, explored new ways to show we care – ways that don’t necessarily involve making a phone call? An emoji, photo, or a short or delayed message can be just as meaningful. Attention does not always have to come in the form of a ringtone.

Bridging the generation gap does not mean returning to landline phones, but rather learning to understand each other’s codes, desires and routines. After all, what teenagers are asking us is not to communicate less, but to communicate better.

Anne Cordier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Teenagers no longer answer the phone: is it a lack of manners or a new trend? – https://theconversation.com/teenagers-no-longer-answer-the-phone-is-it-a-lack-of-manners-or-a-new-trend-262718

August 6, 2025

Somalia’s education crisis: why so few children attend school and what could be done to change that

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Abdifatah Ismael Tahir, Honorary Research Fellow, Global Development Institute, University of Manchester

Around 98 million children and youth in sub-Saharan Africa are out of school, accounting for nearly 40% of the global out-of-school population. This is disproportionately high, considering that the region accounts for roughly 15% of the world’s population. In simple terms, “out-of-school children” is defined as those within the age bracket for primary or lower secondary education who are not enrolled in either level.

One of the primary barriers to access is conflict. This is particularly evident in Somalia, which has endured violence and upheaval since the collapse of its central government in 1991. Various armed groups, including clan militias and al-Shabaab militants, have vied for control over the capital, with devastating consequences.

At present, nearly 3 million children and youth are out of school in Somalia out of an estimated 7.6 million school-age population. As the epicentre of conflict and displacement, Mogadishu experiences profound disruptions to educational access. Less than 23% of children eligible for primary education are enrolled, according to 2020 government statistics. Only 17% progress to secondary education.

I am a scholar of urban geography with a research focus on urban politics and governance. My co-researcher and I sought to examine the historical, social and economic factors over and above conflict contributing to the high number of out-of-school children in Mogadishu.

We found that public education is both limited and unevenly distributed. Government-run schools make up only 4% of the total number of schools in the city. These few public schools are disproportionately located in areas dominated by major clans, leaving minority communities and conflict-displaced populations with limited access to formal education.

A key barrier is the prohibitive cost of schooling. Equally important are entrenched cultural dynamics in areas populated by minority clans, where formal education, particularly for girls, is often undervalued in favor of technical skills or small-scale entrepreneurial training passed down through generations. Much like Somali society’s historical resistance to colonial education through Islamic schooling, many minority communities today rely on vocational skills as strategies of autonomy from dominant clans that control political and economic power and often restrict their access to opportunity.

By narrowing our focus to Mogadishu, our study offers a more detailed and localised understanding of the educational barriers within the city. It highlights the everyday choices, institutional fragmentation, and socio-religious imperatives that reproduce exclusion in ways that other studies have overlooked. It contributes to a more nuanced analysis of Somalia’s educational challenges, supporting the development of more targeted and effective policy recommendations and interventions.

The findings

Our qualitative study was conducted in two stages. We started with a review of academic literature, government and non-governmental reports and education policy documents. The aim was to trace the historical and structural causes of exclusion. This was followed by 21 semi-structured interviews with families of out-of-school children, teachers, education officials and policymakers at both regional and federal level.

Our findings suggest that the reasons children are out of school in Mogadishu are complex and deeply structural. On one level, we found that formal education is largely inaccessible. Government-funded public education is limited by the small number of schools and by its uneven distribution. Formal private school fees on the other hand range from US$120 to US$300 per year. This is far beyond the reach of most households, whose average monthly income stands at US$350.

Though no official statistics exist, anecdotal evidence suggests that hundreds of thousands of children are enrolled in Qur’anic schools, also known as madrassas. This is because madrassa instruction is culturally embedded and widely trusted. Many families also rely on madrassas because the fees are lower or negotiable and they offer flexible arrangements, such as discounted fees or waivers.

However, these institutions typically exclude academic subjects such as science, mathematics and language.

Families must choose between two parallel systems – formal and Islamic – that are neither harmonised nor mutually reinforcing. In many cases, children complete madrassa instruction without acquiring basic literacy or numeracy skills, stalling their educational progression.

This two-track education system goes back to the colonial era. There was resistance to western-style schools introduced in the 1930s which were seen as a foreign influence and religious dilution.

Spatial inequality and social identity also exclude people. Peripheral districts and neighbourhoods where minorities are concentrated suffer from underinvestment in educational infrastructure. These areas may be absent from national and municipal development plans. Some existing schools lack adequate sanitation facilities, libraries, and trained teaching staff.

For internally displaced persons, tenure insecurity and legal ambiguity further limit access to public services, including education.

What needs to happen

This situation is not unique to Somalia, but the scale of exclusion in Mogadishu is alarming. Education is more than academic instruction – it offers safety, structure and hope. When children can’t go to school, the consequences are profound: increased poverty, higher crime and weakened social cohesion.

The solution requires more than constructing classrooms. Based on our research and policy analysis, we propose some recommendations.

With a federal budget of only US$1 billion, the options are limited. For a start, the government should authorise madrassas to provide education up to grade 6 and repurpose primary schools into secondary institutions.

Flexible madrassas and mobile classrooms have shown notable resilience in times of crisis. In Hodan district of Mogadishu, Qur’anic schools adapted to the influx of the internally displaced by extending hours and reducing fees. These locally embedded systems should be formally recognised. They also deserve direct national support to ensure quality and alignment with strategic education goals.

Many community-run schools currently operate outside public planning and budgeting frameworks, yet they deliver critical services. In Somaliland, some schools have been financed through zakat (charitable donations) and diaspora contributions. Mogadishu should adapt this model.

While Islamic education enjoys broad legitimacy, its narrow curriculum constrains students’ prospects. This calls for a hybrid curriculum blending Qur’anic instruction with core academic subjects: literacy, numeracy and science. This has proven successful in pilot schools in Puntland state.

Finally, school construction and rehabilitation efforts should go to historically underserved districts first.

Mogadishu’s out-of-school children are not invisible. They are the future of the city. Including them requires more than donor-led programmes or technical solutions. It requires a political commitment to equity. This means formally recognising community efforts, bridging religious and secular traditions, and investing where it is needed most.

The research was supported by Education Above All (EAA), a global foundation based in Doha, Qatar, dedicated to ensuring equitable access to quality education, especially for vulnerable and marginalized populations. EAA was not involved in the research design, data analysis, interpretation of findings, or the writing of this paper, and holds no influence over its content or conclusions.

– ref. Somalia’s education crisis: why so few children attend school and what could be done to change that – https://theconversation.com/somalias-education-crisis-why-so-few-children-attend-school-and-what-could-be-done-to-change-that-261721

August 6, 2025

Namibia’s forgotten genocide: how Bushmen were hunted and killed under German colonial rule

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Robert J. Gordon, Emeritus Professor, University of Vermont and Research Associate, University of the Free State

The genocide of Namibia’s Ovaherero and Nama people by German colonial forces (1904-1907) is widely documented. But much less is made of what came next – the genocide of the country’s Bushmen, also known as the San.

In 1992, anthropologist Robert J. Gordon published a book, The Bushman Myth and the Making of a Namibian Underclass, about these indigenous people of Namibia and how they were hunted and turned into servants by German colonisers.

Now it has been thoroughly revised and has been republished as The Bushman Myth Revisited: Genocide, Dispossession and the Road to Servitude. We asked him five questions.

Why a revised, rewritten book?

Today, most Bushmen still live a life of servitude in their own country. Local San and human rights activists encouraged me to bring out an updated and inexpensive version, which the University of Namibia Press has just published. The original editions were published in the US, making them virtually unobtainable in Namibia, where they needed to be read and discussed.

Since the first edition, an extraordinary number of books on German colonialism have been published, including my own. These inspired the use of key concepts in the book like platzgeist, where a particular zeitgeist (spirit of the times) is anchored in a specific place (platz) that makes people engage in activities they might not normally do.

What was life like for indigenous people before colonialism?

The Kalahari Basin in southern Africa is one of the world’s richest ethnographic zones (areas with distinct cultures). The region is home to some of the oldest languages still in existence and the genetic diversity found in the zone indicates that it is home to one of the world’s original ancestral populations.

“Bushman” is used as a blanket term encompassing more than 200 ethnic groups. There is no “typical Bushman”; rather, they constitute a miscellany of fluid groups. “Bushman” is preferred by many local communities, possibly as a form of resistance against officialdom’s categorisation of them as San and “Marginals”. The term “San” is found only in one language, Khoekhoegowab, and means the same as Bushman.

I see them as convivial with a strong ideology of sharing. Colonial power is based on controlling access to what people desire, like money or livestock. Bushmen lived as hunter-gatherers, roaming across the landscape. They had a different concept of property, desiring neither money or livestock; they were uncontrollable and so they were treated as animals and subject to annihilation.

What was the genocidal platzgeist?

First, some background. Today’s Namibia was a German colony called German South West Africa from 1884. The 1904-1907 genocidal Herero-Nama war was decisive, as Germany sought to create a German haven by encouraging settlers.

The north-east arc of the territory, stretching from Otavi to Gobabis with Grootfontein as the epicentre, served as a magnet, with a newly completed railway line, mines, vast agricultural potential and accessible land. In Grootfontein alone, the number of settler farms increased from 15 in 1903 to 175 by 1913. Almost all these cattle ranches were on land occupied by Bushmen.

Settlers were soon in trouble. By 1911, the Namibian press headlines screamed “Bushman Plague”. Two factors fed the panic. First, the killing of a policeman and a few white farmers. And second, Bushman activities, allegedly “brigandage” or banditry, were hindering the flow of sorely needed migrant contract workers from the Owambo and Kavango regions to work on the newly discovered Luderitzbucht diamond fields. The Chamber of Mines wanted the area “sanitised”.

Accordingly, the German governor ordered that Bushmen could be shot if they were believed to be attempting to resist arrest by officials or settlers. Over 400 anti-Bushman patrols covering some 60,000km² were deployed from 1911 to 1913.

But settlers and officials considered these measures inadequate. Settlers continued to terrorise Bushmen without as much as a slap on the wrist. “Bushman hunts” continued until the South African takeover of the territory in 1915 when the country became known as South West Africa.

We don’t know how many Bushmen died, but as I explain in my book, official estimates put Bushmen numbers in 1913 at 8,000-12,000. In 1923 it was 3,600. This gives an indication of the magnitude of the killings.

What oiled the genocide was the settler platzgeist. The dominant ethos was one of besiegement, of being threatened by unpredictable external forces. The farmers, attracted by generous government support and subsidies, were mostly discharged soldiers, ill-trained in farming, lacking crucial local knowledge, and schooled in racist arrogance. The situation bred insecurity, fear and hyper-masculinity.

Bushmen, with their reputed ability to camouflage themselves and to track and hunt using poisoned arrows for which there was no known antidote, epitomised their worst nightmare as they sought to establish overlordship on their isolated farms. Believed to be like predatory game, Bushmen had to be exterminated as a group. This was genocide.

What happened after the genocide?

Repression continued under South African rule from 1915 until independence in 1990, although it was less extreme. The possession of Bushman bows and arrows was made illegal. Bushmen were steadily dispossessed of their territory to make way for game reserves and settler farms.

As late as the 1970s, the administration was still thinking of relocating 30,000 Bushmen to the proclaimed artificially created Bushmanland, which constituted 2% of the territory they had once occupied.

The vast majority remained in their traditional areas now under the overlordship of settler farmers, where they sank into a situation of servitude. With Namibia’s independence, the situation worsened. New labour laws set a minimum wage, making it uneconomical to keep Bushmen workers. And many farmers switched to game farming or sold to black farmers who preferred to hire their kinsfolk.

The result was that Bushmen were forced into communal areas or peri-urban informal settlements, where they eke out a precarious living.

Where does this find these people today?

Bushmen are currently found in varying states of servitude, doing largely menial labour in the north and north-eastern regions, where they were once the ancestral inhabitants. The government is trying to assist Bushmen, mainly with welfare grants and a few overcrowded resettlement farms.

Search “Namibian Bushmen” on the internet and one is bombarded with glamourised images of Bushmen in traditional dress demonstrating hunting and tracking. Such narratives, largely the result of tourism boosters, reinforce the myth of the “pristine” Bushmen. The history of genocide and servitude is airbrushed out.

Robert J. Gordon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Namibia’s forgotten genocide: how Bushmen were hunted and killed under German colonial rule – https://theconversation.com/namibias-forgotten-genocide-how-bushmen-were-hunted-and-killed-under-german-colonial-rule-261267

August 6, 2025

How states are placing guardrails around AI in the absence of strong federal regulation

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anjana Susarla, Professor of Information Systems, Michigan State University

The California State Capitol has been the scene of numerous efforts to regulate AI. AP Photo/Juliana Yamada

U.S. state legislatures are where the action is for placing guardrails around artificial intelligence technologies, given the lack of meaningful federal regulation. The resounding defeat in Congress of a proposed moratorium on state-level AI regulation means states are free to continue filling the gap.

Several states have already enacted legislation around the use of AI. All 50 states have introduced various AI-related legislation in 2025.

Four aspects of AI in particular stand out from a regulatory perspective: government use of AI, AI in health care, facial recognition and generative AI.

Government use of AI

The oversight and responsible use of AI are especially critical in the public sector. Predictive AI – AI that performs statistical analysis to make forecasts – has transformed many governmental functions, from determining social services eligibility to making recommendations on criminal justice sentencing and parole.

But the widespread use of algorithmic decision-making could have major hidden costs. Potential algorithmic harms posed by AI systems used for government services include racial and gender biases.

Recognizing the potential for algorithmic harms, state legislatures have introduced bills focused on public sector use of AI, with emphasis on transparency, consumer protections and recognizing risks of AI deployment.

Several states have required AI developers to disclose risks posed by their systems. The Colorado Artificial Intelligence Act includes transparency and disclosure requirements for developers of AI systems involved in making consequential decisions, as well as for those who deploy them.

Montana’s new “Right to Compute” law sets requirements that AI developers adopt risk management frameworks – methods for addressing security and privacy in the development process – for AI systems involved in critical infrastructure. Some states have established bodies that provide oversight and regulatory authority, such as those specified in New York’s SB 8755 bill.

AI in health care

In the first half of 2025, 34 states introduced over 250 AI-related health bills. The bills generally fall into four categories: disclosure requirements, consumer protection, insurers’ use of AI and clinicians’ use of AI.

Bills about transparency define requirements for information that AI system developers and organizations that deploy the systems disclose.

Consumer protection bills aim to keep AI systems from unfairly discriminating against some people, and ensure that users of the systems have a way to contest decisions made using the technology.

a mannequin wearing a device across the chest with four wires attached to circular pads attached to the torso — Numerous bills in state legislatures aim to regulate the use of AI in health care, including medical devices like this electrocardiogram recorder.
VCG via Getty Images

Bills covering insurers provide oversight of the payers’ use of AI to make decisions about health care approvals and payments. And bills about clinical uses of AI regulate use of the technology in diagnosing and treating patients.

Facial recognition and surveillance

In the U.S., a long-standing legal doctrine that applies to privacy protection issues, including facial surveillance, is to protect individual autonomy against interference from the government. In this context, facial recognition technologies pose significant privacy challenges as well as risks from potential biases.

Facial recognition software, commonly used in predictive policing and national security, has exhibited biases against people of color and consequently is often considered a threat to civil liberties. A pathbreaking study by computer scientists Joy Buolamwini and Timnit Gebru found that facial recognition software poses significant challenges for Black people and other historically disadvantaged minorities. Facial recognition software was less likely to correctly identify darker faces.

Bias also creeps into the data used to train these algorithms, for example when the composition of teams that guide the development of such facial recognition software lack diversity.

By the end of 2024, 15 states in the U.S. had enacted laws to limit the potential harms from facial recognition. Some elements of state-level regulations are requirements on vendors to publish bias test reports and data management practices, as well as the need for human review in the use of these technologies.

a Black woman with short hair and hoop earrings sits at a conference table — Porcha Woodruff was wrongly arrested for a carjacking in 2023 based on facial recognition technology.
AP Photo/Carlos Osorio

Generative AI and foundation models

The widespread use of generative AI has also prompted concerns from lawmakers in many states. Utah’s Artificial Intelligence Policy Act requires individuals and organizations to clearly disclose when they’re using generative AI systems to interact with someone when that person asks if AI is being used, though the legislature subsequently narrowed the scope to interactions that could involve dispensing advice or collecting sensitive information.

Last year, California passed AB 2013, a generative AI law that requires developers to post information on their websites about the data used to train their AI systems, including foundation models. Foundation models are any AI model that is trained on extremely large datasets and that can be adapted to a wide range of tasks without additional training.

AI developers have typically not been forthcoming about the training data they use. Such legislation could help copyright owners of content used in training AI overcome the lack of transparency.

Trying to fill the gap

In the absence of a comprehensive federal legislative framework, states have tried to address the gap by moving forward with their own legislative efforts. While such a patchwork of laws may complicate AI developers’ compliance efforts, I believe that states can provide important and needed oversight on privacy, civil rights and consumer protections.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration announced its AI Action Plan on July 23, 2025. The plan says “The Federal government should not allow AI-related Federal funding to be directed toward states with burdensome AI regulations … ”

The move could hinder state efforts to regulate AI if states have to weigh regulations that might run afoul of the administration’s definition of burdensome against needed federal funding for AI.

Anjana Susarla does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How states are placing guardrails around AI in the absence of strong federal regulation – https://theconversation.com/how-states-are-placing-guardrails-around-ai-in-the-absence-of-strong-federal-regulation-260683

August 6, 2025

Philadelphia is using AI-driven cameras to keep bus lanes clear – transparency can help build trust in the system

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Murugan Anandarajan, Professor of Decision Sciences and Management Information Systems, Drexel University

More than 150 Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority buses across Philadelphia are equipped with cameras that detect vehicles blocking bus lanes. Han Zheng via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority piloted a new enforcement tool in Philadelphia in 2023: AI-powered cameras mounted on seven of its buses. The results were immediate and dramatic: In just 70 days, the cameras flagged over 36,000 cars blocking bus lanes.

The results of the pilot gave the transportation authority, also called SEPTA, valuable data into bus route obstruction and insights into the role of technology to combat these problems.

In May 2025, SEPTA and the Philadelphia Parking Authority officially launched the program citywide. More than 150 buses and 38 trolleys across the city are fitted with similar artificial intelligence systems that scan license plates for possible violations. The system uses AI-powered cameras that use computer vision technology to spot vehicles blocking bus lanes and scans license plates to identify the vehicles breaking the rules. If the system flags a possible infraction, a human reviewer confirms it before a fine is issued: US$76 in Center City, $51 elsewhere.

This rollout comes as SEPTA faces a $213 million budget shortfall, with imminent service cuts and fare hikes.

I’m a professor of information systems and the academic director of LeBow College of Business’s Center for Applied AI and Business Analytics at Drexel University. The center’s research focuses on how organizations use AI, and what that means for trust, fairness and accountability.

In a recent survey the center conducted with 454 business leaders from industries including technology, finance, health care, manufacturing and government, we found that the use of AI is often rolled out faster than the governance needed to make sure it works fairly and transparently.

That gap between efficiency and oversight is especially common in public-sector organizations, according to our survey.

That’s why I believe it’s important for SEPTA to manage its AI enforcement system carefully to earn public trust, while minimizing risks.

Fairness and transparency

When cars block a bus lane, they clog traffic. The resulting delays can mess up a person’s day, causing missed connections or making riders late for work. That can leave riders with the feeling they can’t rely on the transit system.

So, if AI enforcement helps keep those lanes clear, it’s a win. Buses move faster, and commutes are quicker.

A promo video for the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority and Philadelphia Parking Authority’s new camera system that detects cars blocking bus lanes.

But here’s the issue: Good intentions don’t work if the system feels unfair or untrustworthy. Our survey also found that more than 70% of the surveyed organizations don’t fully trust their own data. In the context of public enforcement, whether it’s transit agencies or parking authorities, that’s a warning sign.

Without trustworthy data, AI-powered ticketing can turn efficiency into costly mistakes, such as wrongly issued citations that must be refunded, lost staff time correcting errors, and even legal challenges. Public confidence matters here because people are most likely to follow the rules and accept penalties when they see the process as accurate and transparent.

Furthermore, this finding from our survey really caught my attention: Only 28% of organizations report having a well-established AI governance model in place. Governance models are the guardrails that keep AI systems trustworthy and aligned with human values.

That’s troubling enough when private companies are using AI. But when a public agency like SEPTA looks at a driver’s license plate and sends the driver a ticket, the stakes are higher. Public enforcement carries legal authority and demands a higher level of fairness and transparency.

The AI label effect

One may ask, “Isn’t this ticketing system just like red-light or speed cameras?”

Technically, yes. The system detects rule-breaking, and a human reviews the evidence before a citation is issued.

But simply labeling the technology as AI can transform how it’s perceived. This is known as the framing effect.

Just calling something AI-driven can make people trust it less. Research has shown, whether a system is grading papers or hiring workers, that the exact same process draws more skepticism when AI is mentioned than when it isn’t. People hear “AI” and assume the machine is making judgment calls, so they start looking for flaws. Even if they think that AI is accurate, the trust gap never closes.

That perception means public agencies need to align AI-based enforcement with transparency, visible safeguards and easy ways to challenge mistakes. These measures increase trust in AI-based enforcement.

We’ve seen what can go wrong, and how quickly trust can erode, when an AI-based enforcement system malfunctions. In late 2024, AI cameras on Metropolitan Transportation Authority buses in New York City wrongly issued thousands of parking tickets, including nearly 900 cases where the drivers had actually followed the rules and parked legally.

Even if such errors are rare, they can damage public confidence in the system.

Build trust into the system

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the international body setting AI policy standards across dozens of countries, has found that people are most likely to accept AI-driven decisions when they understand how those decisions are made and have a clear, accessible way to challenge mistakes.

In short, AI enforcement tools should work for people, not just on them. For SEPTA, that could mean the following:

–Publishing clear bus-lane rules and any exceptions, so people know what’s allowed.

–Explaining safeguards, like the fact that every bus-camera violation is reviewed by Philadelphia Parking Authority staff before a ticket is issued.

–Offering a straightforward appeals process with management review and a right to appeal.

–Sharing enforcement data, such as how many violations and appeals are processed.

These steps signal that the system is fair and accountable, helping shift it from feeling like a ticketing machine into a public service that people can trust.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

Murugan Anandarajan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Philadelphia is using AI-driven cameras to keep bus lanes clear – transparency can help build trust in the system – https://theconversation.com/philadelphia-is-using-ai-driven-cameras-to-keep-bus-lanes-clear-transparency-can-help-build-trust-in-the-system-262180

August 6, 2025

Iron nanoparticles can help treat contaminated water – our team of scientists created them out of expired supplements

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ahmed Ibrahim Yunus, Ph.D. Candidate in Environmental Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology

Scientists used pharmaceutical waste to create a new material with interesting properties. Mitrija/iStock via Getty Images

Today, approximately 1,800,000 acres of land in the United States is used for landfill waste disposal. In terms of volume, the U.S alone generated over 290 million tons of solid waste in 2018, an amount equivalent to about 235,000 Olympic-size swimming pools, assuming an average solid waste density of a half ton per cubic meter.

Roughly 9% – about 26 million tons – of this waste is made up of iron and steel. These are resources with a stable market value used in various civil infrastructure projects. As a team of environmental engineers, we wanted to know whether we could use iron-rich waste to produce iron oxide nanoparticles – a useful tool for combating water pollution and building engineering hardware.

All about nanoparticles

Iron oxide nanoparticles consist of iron and oxygen atoms and, because of their size, they exhibit unique physical and chemical properties. They are extremely small, typically at the nanoscale – one-billionth of a meter – in diameter.

The iron oxide nanoparticles we synthesized were a distinctive group called magnetite and maghemite. Initial studies have shown that nanoparticles in this group could help drugs get to the right part of the body, make batteries in electric vehicles more efficient and improve sensors for detecting toxic gas, as well as sound and motion.

Because these nanoparticles are made of iron, they’re both magnetic and stable. Their tiny size gives them a large surface area relative to their volume, allowing them to grab pollutants in water. Additionally, their magnetic nature makes them ideal for building extremely small and thin electrical components.

In our work, we wanted to find a new way to produce them using waste materials. In our newest study, published in the RSC Sustainability journal, we developed an eco-friendly method to synthesize iron oxide nanoparticles from expired over-the-counter iron supplements. This approach not only gives value to discarded products but also supports a more sustainable and circular method of production.

The research process

To conduct our study, we used a method called hydrothermal carbonization to produce these magnetic nanoparticles. We were able to source a large amount of expired iron supplements from a local health care center.

The hydrothermal carbonization process uses a turbocharged version of the kind of pressure cooker you might have in your kitchen. For our recipe, we combined 20 grams each of expired iron supplements and water in a specialized pressure reactor. We then cooked the mixture at 527 degrees Fahrenheit (275 degrees Celsius) for six to 12 hours. Under this intense temperature and pressure, the supplements broke down, which produced tiny – 10- to 11-nanometer – particles.

The end product included a solid charcoal-like material called hydrochar, which made up about 20% to 22% of the product. The hydrochar consisted of the iron oxide nanoparticles and graphite, a carbon-rich material that gave the hydrochar its charcoal-like look. The rest became gas and a dark, tarlike liquid separate from the hydrochar.

Hydrothermal carbonization is not the only method used to make iron oxide nanoparticles. There are other conventional methods such as coprecipitation, which involves mixing chemicals to form solids. Another method is pyrolysis, where materials are heated in the absence of oxygen. And finally, gasification, which heats materials in the presence of oxygen.

These methods usually require a higher energy input, around 1,292 to 1,832 degrees Fahrenheit (700 to 1,000 C), or harsh salt chemicals. In contrast, hydrothermal carbonization, the method we used, is water-based and can happen at a low temperature.

A diagrom showing the research process -- in the first column, the creation of the particles from expired supplements, in the 2nd, three tests the researchers run, and in the third, potential applications including sensors, semiconductors, treating water — Initial research shows that nanoparticles created from iron clears some pollutants from wastewater. After creating the nanoparticles, researchers test them using a variety of scientific techniques. The nanoparticles have several potential future applications in the technology field.
Ahmed Yunus

We compared our hydrothermal carbonization process’s energy use with other methods and found it had the lowest environmental impact.

From polluted water to clean

The iron oxide nanoparticles we created are very useful for water treatment. They are particularly good at removing oil and heavy metals such as lead, cadmium, zinc and chromium from water. These are pollutants known to cause serious health issues, including cancer.

You can either mix them with polluted water or allow the water to pass through them, similar to a common household filter.

To test their performance, we mixed our iron oxide nanoparticles in wastewater samples containing methylene blue dye, a common pollutant in textile and manufacturing wastewater. We found they removed over 95% of the dye, and because the particles are magnetic, we could remove them from the treated water using a magnet so they didn’t contaminate the water.

Two vials of water, one a bright blue and one more clear. — Water polluted with methylene blue cleared up after treatment with iron oxide nanoparticles over 48 hours, and the nanoparticles attach to a magnet.
Yunus et al., 2025

Depending on the type of pollutants in the water, iron oxide nanoparticles can sometimes be reused after they’re heated again.

Moving forward

We produced a small amount of these nanoparticles in the lab for this study. However, large quantities of iron waste are sent to landfills. These include materials such as steel sludge and metal scraps. So in theory, many more of these nanoparticles could be produced in the future. If produced in large enough quantities, large water and wastewater plant filtration systems could use these particles to treat much larger amounts of water.

But landfill waste isn’t all one type of waste. Iron-rich waste may be contaminated with other materials, making its sourcing, sorting and recycling both resource-intensive and costly. To scale up this technology sustainably, researchers will need to first overcome these challenges.

On the bright side, economists predict that alternative metals, including iron oxide nanoparticles, may help meet production demands for future technologies and artificial intelligence. These nanoparticles can be used to manufacture high-performance computing components. These components include magnetic memory storage and semiconductors found in our everyday technologies.

Lots of the critical metals currently used are expensive, scarce or geopolitically sensitive: cobalt, nickel and lithium. As a result, our team is starting to explore how this hydrothermal carbonization-based method can be scaled and applied to other types of waste materials.

Our long-term goal is to expand the tool kit for sustainable nanoparticle production while continuing to address both environmental challenges and materials demands for future innovations.

Ahmed Ibrahim Yunus receives funding from Georgia Tech Renewable Bioproduct Institute and the United States Department of Energy. This research project was headed by Dr. Samuel Darko while supported by Dr. Yongsheng Chen and Dr. Joe F. Bozeman III.

Joe Frank Bozeman III receives funding from the Georgia Institute of Technology’s Renewable Bioproduct Institute.

– ref. Iron nanoparticles can help treat contaminated water – our team of scientists created them out of expired supplements – https://theconversation.com/iron-nanoparticles-can-help-treat-contaminated-water-our-team-of-scientists-created-them-out-of-expired-supplements-260364

August 6, 2025

History shows why FEMA is essential in disasters, and how losing independent agency status hurt its ability to function

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Susan L. Cutter, Distinguished Professor of Geography and Director of the Hazards Vulnerability & Resilience Institute, University of South Carolina

FEMA workers help residents who lost homes in the 2025 Los Angeles wildfires apply for aid. Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

When the head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s urban search and rescue team resigned after the deadly July 4, 2025, Texas floods, he told colleagues he was frustrated with bureaucratic hurdles that had delayed the team’s response to the disaster, acccording to media reports. The move highlighted an ongoing challenge at FEMA.

Ever since the agency lost its independent status and became part of the Department of Homeland Security in the early 2000s, it has faced complaints about delays caused by layers of bureaucracy and red tape, leaders at the top with little experience in emergency response, and whiplash policy changes.

Now, the Trump administration is cutting jobs at FEMA and talking about dismantling the agency, which would push more responsibility for disaster response to the states.

Yet, federal emergency management is crucial in America.

I run the Hazards Vulnerability & Resilience Institute at the University of South Carolina and for years have worked with states and communities facing hazards and disasters. To better understand FEMA’s value, let’s take a look back at how the nation responded to disasters before the agency existed, and what history reveals about when FEMA was most effective.

Disaster response without the US government

Before 1950, disaster relief and response were not considered a federal responsibility. When a hurricane, flood or tornado hit, community members and humanitarian groups, such as the American Red Cross or Salvation Army, brought in food, shelter and medical aid and solicited charitable donations to help people rebuild.

State and local governments had primary responsibility for disaster response. But mostly people relied on family, neighbors and charity.

Three men ride on the outside of a car going through floodwater all around it. — The water stretched for miles during the Great Mississippi River Flood. This highway, between the cities of Mounds and Cairo, Ill., was flooded on March 25, 1927.
Archival Photography by Steve Nicklas, NOS, NGS.

Federal aid was approved on a case-by-case basis. War Department guidelines in 1917 stated that aid would be allowed only if a senior military officer certified that responding to the disaster would exceed local and state resources.

Then the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 and the 1930s Dust Bowl gave new meaning to the concept of disaster in America.

In 1927, the Mississippi River broke through its levees, submerging more than 1 million acres of land across seven states. An estimated 700,000 people were displaced from their homes and workplaces.

Rows of tents with people sitting in front of them. — Thousands of people displaced by the 1927 Mississippi River flood stayed in tents set up by the federal government, like at this refugee camp on high ground in Vicksburg, Miss.
Historic NWS Collection/NOAA via Wikimedia Commons

Herbert Hoover, then U.S. commerce secretary, was given full authority to create, coordinate and carry out the federal relief effort. The Red Cross set up camps using tents provided by the War Department. Coast Guard and Navy boats rescued people stranded by flooding. But the response drew criticism for the lack of direct federal money to help flood survivors and the treatment of Black sharecroppers and laborers.

A few years later, the droughts of the Dust Bowl era began destroying crops in the Great Plains, causing widespread damage.

Federal disaster aid begins to take shape

After the flood, the federal government began to formalize its role in disaster management.

Flood control projects became a federal responsibility with the passage of the Flood Control Act of 1928. President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal provided emergency relief to farmers in the Great Plains and set up the Soil Conservation Service to help them reduce the effects of future droughts. These were among the first disaster mitigation policies at the federal level.

A farmer tends a young tree. — A farmer in Pratt, Kan., tends to trees planted as part of a Soil Conservation Service effort to help prevent soil from blowing during the Dust Bowl.
AP Photo

There was little coordination among agencies, however. Various aspects of disaster relief and recovery were handled by the departments of Defense, Agriculture, and Housing and Urban Development and the Small Business Administration. Each had its own rules and requirements.

In 1950, Congress passed the Federal Disaster Relief Act, establishing the first permanent authority for federal disaster relief.

The act gave the president the responsibility to determine how aid would be distributed and which agencies would be involved. The legislation also broadened the federal mission to include disaster preparedness and mitigation and formalized the process for issuing presidential disaster declarations.

The creation of FEMA

By the 1970s, large-scale disasters such as hurricanes Betsy (1965) and Camille (1969), and the fragmented disaster response, led the National Governors Association to call for a single comprehensive emergency management agency. Its report provided the blueprint for President Jimmy Carter’s 1979 executive order that established the Federal Emergency Management Agency, or FEMA.

The new agency became the home for emergency management within the executive branch. It was intentionally designed as an independent federal administrative agency that could work across federal agencies to support state and local governments in times of crisis.

People around a table, several with government agency logos on their clothes. — FEMA Director James Lee Witt, second from left, and other federal officials meet with New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman, Sen. Frank Lautenberg and Rep. Marge Roukema to discuss disaster recovery aid following Hurricane Floyd in 1999.
Andrea Booher/FEMA News Photo

FEMA wasn’t created to lead the disaster response. Instead it helps state and local officials by mobilizing federal resources, such as search and rescue, debris removal and funding when a disaster overwhelms the state’s capacity. FEMA could do this quickly because of established federal contracts and its ability to move equipment and responders into the region before a disaster hits.

When things began to fall apart

However, FEMA’s ability to act fast changed after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The agency was restructured as a unit in the newly formed Department of Homeland Security. But the Department of Homeland Security’s focus was on terrorism and law enforcement, not natural disasters.

The loss of autonomy and direct reporting to Congress, unfunded mandates outside the scope of the 1988 Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act, and major increases in the number of large and complex disasters stretched FEMA’s capabilities.

When Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans in 2005, FEMA’s response drew widespread criticism. It was slow to deploy people and supplies and lacked enough experienced responders who knew what to do. Decision-makers were not familiar with new national response plans. Further breakdowns in communications and a lack of coordination among agencies led Congress to declare the Hurricane Katrina response a failure of initiative and agility.

A woman with a Red Cross T-shirt talks to an evacuee holding a baby and sitting on a cot in the Superdome football stadium. The floor is filled with cots and people. — A Red Cross volunteer talks with a woman whose home flooded during Hurricane Katrina in 2005. The Superdome was turned into an evacuation center and drew widespread complaints about cleanliness and safety.
AP Photo/Andrea Booher

FEMA’s reputation improved after the government brought in more experienced leadership and committed to preparedness planning and better response capabilities.

However, the first Trump administration, from 2017 to 2021, reversed those gains. Three different heads of FEMA in four years led to understaffing and conflicting directions.

FEMA had to battle misinformation during Hurricane Helene in 2024, including some amplified by then-presidential candidate Donald Trump.

As Trump took office for the second time in 2025, he and his administration talked about dismantling FEMA and pushing more disaster management to states. Job cuts and resignations at FEMA reduced the number of employees with training and experience vital in disasters. Political appointees to senior roles in the agency and in the Department of Homeland Security lacked emergency management training and experience.

A new policy that all purchases over US$100,000 be personally approved by Homeland Secretary Kristi Noem led to more resignations. For disaster response, a delay in waiting for a signature to work its way up the chain can cost lives.

What now?

Dismantling FEMA and leaving little or no federal coordination of disaster response puts states in a difficult position.

States must balance their budgets every year, and increasingly “rainy day” funds are insufficient to cover unexpected large disasters. As the federal government shifts other financial responsibilities to states, funds will diminish further.

A single disaster can cause hundreds of millions of dollars in damage and require widespread disaster response and then relief efforts. Since 1980, the cumulative cost of weather-related disasters has exceeded $2.9 trillion. With a warming atmosphere producing more intense storms, increasing human and economic harm are likely.

Members of Congress have proposed making FEMA an independent, Cabinet-level agency again. I see some distinct advantages in doing so:

Fewer management layers would enable faster deployment of federal supplies and personnel to assist disaster response.
A streamlined, more nimble agency could cut red tape for disaster survivors needing assistance, meaning delivering relief funding faster and more equitably.
If an independent FEMA had responsibility for recovery beyond its current 180-day reimbursement limits, that could improve long-term recovery efforts, especially if Congress provided permanent funding streams and consistent rules and regulations.

The Trump administration’s efforts to dismantle FEMA are shortsighted in my view. Instead, I believe the best move is to restore FEMA as an independent executive agency as it was originally envisioned.

Susan L. Cutter receives funding from the U.S. National Science Foundation.

– ref. History shows why FEMA is essential in disasters, and how losing independent agency status hurt its ability to function – https://theconversation.com/history-shows-why-fema-is-essential-in-disasters-and-how-losing-independent-agency-status-hurt-its-ability-to-function-262477

August 6, 2025

Trump has promised to eliminate funding to schools that don’t nix DEI work – but half of the states are not complying

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Hilary Lustick, Associate Professor of Education, UMass Lowell

While other presidential administrations have issued ‘Dear Colleague’ letters to schools, the Trump administration is the first to treat the letter like a law that mandates action. iStock/Getty Images Plus

It’s been about six months since the U.S. Department of Education sent a “Dear Colleague” letter to all schools that receive federal funding, warning them that they could risk losing this money if they promote what the department calls “pervasive and repugnant” racial preferences.

The letter, among other things, reversed previous presidents’ positions on how diversity, equity and inclusion influences schools’ disciplinary measures. It advised schools to, within two weeks, begin to eliminate all discipline protocols rooted in DEI, on the grounds that this work is discriminatory against white students.

Trump also issued an executive order, “Reinstating Commonsense School Discipline Policy,” in April 2025, doubling down on the letter.

Trump’s letter and executive order exert an unusual level of influence over how schools can decide the best way to teach and, when necessary, discipline students. It also cuts against recognized research that Black, Latino and Native American students are disciplined more frequently and harshly than white and Asian students.

I am an educational scholar who has spent the past 13 years analyzing school discipline policy. While previous administrations have issued “Dear Colleague” letters to schools, Trump’s is the first that frames itself as though it were law – setting a potential new precedent for the executive branch to issue educational mandates without the approval of the judicial or congressional branches of government.

While all but two states have responded to Trump’s letter, about half of them have said they are not going to comply with its terms – despite the administration’s threat of cutting funding if they do not follow the guidance.

An older man with white hair and a black blazer holds up a folder with paper inside it and faces an older woman wearing a light blue suit. — President Donald Trump displays an executive order on education alongside Secretary of Education Linda McMahon on March 20, 2025.
Associated Press

Understanding DEI in education

Equity-oriented education, or diversity, equity and inclusion, refers to an ideology and programming that intend to ameliorate patterns of racial inequality. In the context of discipline in schools, DEI strategies could include teachers having conversations with children about their behavior, rather than immediately suspending them.

Research shows that these techniques can help reduce racial discipline gaps in academic achievement and disciplinary outcomes.

The Obama administration in 2014 recognized this research in its own “Dear Colleague” letter to schools. The administration advised schools to either reform their discipline practices toward nonpunitive alternatives to suspension or risk being investigated for discrimination.

The first Trump administration rescinded this letter in 2018.

Then, in 2023, the Biden administration released a document along the same lines as Obama’s letter.

Trump’s February 2025 letter grouped all of these recommendations under the banner of “DEI” and argued that such practices are discriminatory, privileging students of color over white and Asian students.

In his April executive order, Trump reiterated that if schools did not eliminate DEI, they would be out of compliance with Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. This act prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color or national origin,

Public school districts regularly have to issue a certificate of compliance to the government showing that their work is in line with Title VI.

While the Trump administration characterizes DEI as “smuggling racial stereotypes and explicit race-consciousness into everyday training, programming, and discipline,” it does not define exactly what constitutes DEI programming.

This puts school districts at risk of losing funding if they maintain any initiatives related to racial equality.

Legal concerns with Trump’s directives

The executive office and members of Congress typically issue “Dear Colleague” letters, which are not legally binding, to advise schools and others on policy.

Yet Trump’s letter was written like a mandate and reinforced by an executive order, which is legally binding.

Some scholars are calling the letter an “overreach” of legal authority.

In the spring of 2025, I analyzed states’ responses to Trump’s letter and executive order.

Two states, Iowa and Tennessee, had not yet provided public responses.

Twenty-three states complied with the administration’s directive by signing the letter as of May 30. Some, like Oklahoma, not only certified the letter but also passed state laws banning DEI policies and programs.

The remaining 25 states refused to certify the letter, asserting that they already complied with Title VI and that their policies are not discriminatory.

In addition, 19 of those 25 states sued the Trump administration over the letter in April, culminating in a court injunction later that month that temporarily released states from having to comply with its demands.

I noticed that many states that refuted Trump’s letter used the same exact words in their responses, signaling a concerted effort to resist Trump’s directives. States that did not sign on to the letter but objected to its intent generally resisted on legal grounds, ethics or both.

A legal argument

Most states that rejected it grounded their refusal to sign Trump’s letter in federal law. They cited the Civil Rights Act and the Paperwork Reduction Act, which protects states from having to file redundant paperwork. Because these states already certified compliance with Title VI, this argument goes, they should not have to do so again under Trump’s directive.

Education commissioners from a few states, including Illinois and Minnesota, also cited specific language used by Betsy DeVos, Trump’s former education secretary in his first term, who supported DEI policies.

Charlene Russell-Tucker, the education commissioner for Connecticut, also pointed out that in order for the federal government to cancel DEI programming, it would have to first legally change the definition of Title VI.

States resisting on other grounds

Some education officials also argued that their DEI work is ideologically necessary for providing supportive learning environments for all students.

Patrick Tutwiler, Massachusetts’ interim education commissioner, wrote in an April 16 letter, for example, that “Massachusetts will continue to promote diversity in our schools because we know it improves outcomes for all of our kids.”

Other officials displayed more subtle resistance. Randy Watson, Kansas’ education commissioner, for example, affirmed the state’s “commitment to comply with all Federal statutes,” including Title VI – but did not explicitly address Trump’s “Dear Colleague” letter.

Similarly, Kentucky informed the Department of Education of its compliance with federal law, while simultaneously encouraging local districts to continue diversity, equity and inclusion work.

Mississippi’s state department of education pointed out that school districts operate independently, so the state cannot force policies on them. However, Mississippi signaled compliance by citing a new state law banning DEI and confirmed that each of its individual school districts have already certified compliance with federal laws.

A middle-aged Black man wears a black blazer and white shirt and stands near a white woman with a navy blue blazer. — Massachusetts Secretary of Education Patrick Tutwiler, seen in Boston on March 7, 2025, is among the state education officials who have pushed back against Trump’s ‘Dear Colleague’ letter.
Jonathan Wiggs/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

More legal pushback

It is not yet clear what might follow the April court injunction, which largely prevented the Department of Education from cutting federal funding to schools that continued their DEI-related programs and policies.

While the Trump administration has made major cuts to the Department of Education, it has not announced that states refusing to certify the letter will lose funding.

This is the first time an administration is issuing such a direct threat to withhold K-12 funding, placing schools in an unknown place, without a clear blueprint of how to move forward.

Hilary Lustick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Trump has promised to eliminate funding to schools that don’t nix DEI work – but half of the states are not complying – https://theconversation.com/trump-has-promised-to-eliminate-funding-to-schools-that-dont-nix-dei-work-but-half-of-the-states-are-not-complying-260479