AI could mark the end of young people learning on the job – with terrible results

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vivek Soundararajan, Professor of Work and Equality, University of Bath

VesnaArt/Shutterstock

For a long time, the deal for a wide range of careers has been simple enough. Entry-level workers carried out routine tasks in return for mentorship, skill development and a clear path towards expertise.

The arrangement meant that employers had affordable labour, while employees received training and a clear career path. Both sides benefited.

But now that bargain is breaking down. AI is automating the grunt work – the repetitive, boring but essential tasks that juniors used to do and learn from.

And the consequences are hitting both ends of the workforce. Young workers cannot get a foothold. Older workers are watching the talent pipeline run dry.

For example, one study suggests that between late 2022 and July 2025, entry-level employment in the US in AI-exposed fields like software development and customer service declined by roughly 20%. Employment for older workers in the same sectors grew.

And that pattern makes sense. AI currently excels at administrative tasks – things like data entry or filing. But it struggles with nuance, judgment and plenty of other skills which are hard to codify.

So experience and the accumulation of those skills become a buffer against AI displacement. Yet if entry-level workers never get the chance to build that experience, the buffer never forms.

This matters for organisations too. Researchers using a huge amount of data about work in the US described the way that professional skills develop over time, by likening career paths to the structure of a tree.

General skills (communication, critical thinking, problem solving) form the trunk, and then specialised skills branch out from there.

Their key finding was that wage premiums for specialised skills depend almost entirely on having those strong general foundational skills underneath. Communication and critical thinking capabilities are not optional extras – they are what make advanced skills valuable.

The researchers also found that workers who lack access to foundational skills can become trapped in career paths with limited upward mobility: what they call “skill entrapment”. This structure has become more pronounced over the past two decades, creating what the researchers described as “barriers to upward job mobility”.

But if AI is eliminating the entry-level positions where those foundations were built, who develops the next generation of experts? If AI can do the junior work better than the actual juniors, senior workers may stop delegating altogether.

Researchers call this a “training deficit”. The junior never learns, and the pipeline breaks down.

Uneven disruption

But the disruption will not hit everyone equally. It has been claimed, for example, that women face nearly three times the risk of their jobs being replaced with AI compared to men.

This is because women are generally more likely to be in clerical and administrative roles, which are among the most exposed to AI-driven transformation. And if AI closes off traditional routes into skilled work, the effects are unlikely to be evenly distributed.

So what can be done? Well, just because the old pathway deal between junior and senior human workers is broken, does not mean that a new one cannot be built.

Young workers now need to learn what AI cannot replace in terms of knowledge, judgment and relationships. They need to seek (and be provided with) roles which involve human interaction, rather than just screen-based tasks. And if traditional entry-level jobs are disappearing, they need to look for structured programmes that still offer genuine skill development.

Woman across desk from two people holding a paper document.
‘And I would like to work with some humans if possible.’
Jelena Zelen/Shutterstock

Older workers meanwhile, can learn a lot from younger workers about AI and technology. The idea of mentorship can be flipped, with juniors teaching about new tools, while seniors provide guidance and teaching on nuance and judgment.

And employers need to resist the urge to cut out junior staff. They should keep delegating to those staff – even when AI can do the job more quickly. Entry level roles can be redesigned rather than eliminated. For ultimately, if juniors are not getting trained, there will be no one to hand over to.

Protecting the pipeline of skilled and valuable employees is in everyone’s interest. Yes, some forms of expertise will matter less in the age of AI, which is disorienting for people who may have invested years in developing them.

But expertise is not necessarily about storing information. It is also about refined judgment being applied to complex situations. And that remains valuable.

The Conversation

Vivek Soundararajan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. AI could mark the end of young people learning on the job – with terrible results – https://theconversation.com/ai-could-mark-the-end-of-young-people-learning-on-the-job-with-terrible-results-275352

How Bad Bunny brought activism to the Super Bowl stage

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Belinda Zakrzewska, Assistant Professor of Marketing, University of Birmingham

After days of controversy in which Donald Trump complained about the acts and said he would not attend, and alternative “all-American” entertainment was lined up, Puerto Rican rapper Bad Bunny took to the stage of the much-hyped halftime show of Sunday’s Super Bowl.

Expectations were high, a fact reflected in the unprecedented number of viewers who tuned in. Bad Bunny’s show surpassed 135.4 million views, exceeding Kendrick Lamar’s 133.5 million in 2025 and Michael Jackson’s 133.4 million in 1993.




Read more:
Bad Bunny is the latest product of political rage — how pop culture became the front line of American politics


Media coverage framed the event primarily as a celebration of diversity, fuelling a backlash from Donald Trump supporters and conservative commentators. The criticism targeted Bad Bunny not only for his outspoken opposition to the Trump administration, but also for claims that he was “not an American artist” – ignoring Puerto Rico’s status as a US territory. Bad Bunny’s performance demonstrated how authenticity can be produced through anti-colonial activism.

While authenticity is often regarded as something real, true or genuine, it is defined by a relational quality that can emerge through a person’s behaviour in three ways: through connections to people or place; conformity to, or disruption of, conventions, and consistency between message and action. We look at how Bad Bunny displayed all three at the Super Bowl.

1. Authenticity as connection

This was evident in the presence of sugar cane on stage, a crop that shaped the colonial economies of the Caribbean. Plantations were owned by colonisers and sustained through the violent exploitation of Indigenous people and transatlantic enslaved Africans. By foregrounding sugar cane, the performance exposed the foundations of colonial wealth and reclaimed a symbol of oppression as historical truth rather than romanticised memory.

The presence of Puerto Rican icon Ricky Martin strengthened this sense of connection when he performed Bad Bunny’s Lo Que Le Pasó A Hawaii. Through its lyrics, the song cautions Puerto Ricans against relinquishing their cultural identity amid pressure to assimilate into the influence of the US. Martin’s performance underscored the message, highlighting cultural preservation as an essential form of anti-colonial resistance

Lady Gaga added a powerful layer of symbolism to the performance. Her light blue dress referenced the original 1895 design of the Puerto Rican flag before its shade was darkened to align with the US flag. She adorned it with a red hibiscus, a national emblem of pride and resistance, alongside white flowers. Together, these elements echoed the colours of the Puerto Rican flag. Gaga embodied respect, participation and solidarity rather than segregation or erasure.

2. Authenticity as conformity

Artists often simultaneously conform to and break rules, and Bad Bunny mastered that tension. As a Puerto Rican artist rising within an industry that frequently pressures performers to abandon their roots, he instead created a hybrid cultural space: a Spanish-language Super Bowl halftime show. He operated within the system while disrupting assumptions and expectations that English must dominate and that mainstream icons should fit a narrow cultural mould.

Bad Bunny further disrupted the dominant narrative that reduces “America” to the US, instead acknowledging the full geography of the Americas. After declaring “God bless America”, he proceeded to list countries from the southernmost to the northern regions of the continent.

By naming countries across the Americas, Bad Bunny also inverted the conventional geopolitical hierarchy. The gesture echoed Uruguayan artist Joaquín Torres-García’s famous painting América Invertida (Inverted America) and his assertion that “the south is our north”, challenging the idea that cultural or political legitimacy must flow from the so‑called north, and rejecting the aspiration to emulate it.

3. Authenticity as consistency

Consistency appeared through callbacks to Bad Bunny’s longstanding activism. The lamppost explosion before performing El Apagón directly referenced the 2022 song’s music video, which functions as a documentary critiquing infrastructure neglect and the privatisation of electricity by North American companies. This moment connected entertainment to colonial reality for Puerto Ricans, reinforcing how Bad Bunny refuses to separate his art from the colonial conditions affecting his homeland.

The brief appearance of El Sapo Concho, the unofficial mascot of his latest album, added another layer of symbolic continuity. Nearly driven to extinction through centuries of ecological disruption tied to colonial extraction of resources, the Puerto Rican crested toad has become a visual shorthand for survival against structural harm. Its presence, even for a moment, served as a reminder that colonialism’s impact is environmental as much as cultural, and invoked themes of survival and resistance against imposed systems.

The same idea emerged when Bad Bunny presented a Grammy to a younger version of himself, reinforcing his phrase: “If I’m here, it’s because I always believed in myself.” In a world where people from colonised nations face discrimination, exclusion, oppression and marginalisation, many came to view the culture of their colonisers as a path to transcend those barriers. Thus, Bad Bunny’s gesture reclaimed self-belief as an act of defiance. By centring identity rather than imitation, Bad Bunny asserted that authenticity, not mimicry, is the most powerful form of anti-colonial refusal.

This is America

At the end of the performance, a flashing billboard read: “The only thing more powerful than hate is love.” Bad Bunny held a football inscribed with the words “Together, We Are America”.

This proposed a pan-American ideal anchored in solidarity rather than domination, emphasising collaboration over hierarchy. Hate thrives on isolation, but this act created a unifying vision. Through symbols of collective resilience, Bad Bunny framed authenticity as anti-colonial activism grounded in love, memory and community.

Overall, these visuals were intentional, aligning with years of public statements, music and community engagement. Each element reinforced a consistent narrative of resistance, showing that authenticity is not just performance but the culmination of sustained anti-colonial activism.

By embedding history, symbolism and personal conviction into every moment, Bad Bunny demonstrated that art can be a deliberate vessel for political and cultural action grounded in love, tolerance and inclusion.


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The Conversation

Flavia Cardoso received funding from the Chilean Government (Fondecyt 2016) and the Luksic Foundation in 2022.

Belinda Zakrzewska and Jannsen Santana do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How Bad Bunny brought activism to the Super Bowl stage – https://theconversation.com/how-bad-bunny-brought-activism-to-the-super-bowl-stage-275599

East London is at high risk of extreme flooding – here’s how to limit the damage

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ravindra Jayaratne, Reader in Coastal Engineering, University of East London

The Thames Barrier in east London. Jorge Elizaquibel/Shutterstock

More than 1,000 properties flooded in London in 2021, resulting in insurance losses of more than £281 million. Record-breaking floods continue to hit the UK.

In the capital, 13% of properties have been classed as having a high or medium risk of flooding. Danger-to-life warnings could soon become a reality, especially for people living in east London on low-lying land next to the river Thames.

Boroughs like Tower Hamlets, Newham and Hackney are built on former marshland. These areas would have originally absorbed water naturally, but have been used for urban development. More than 85% of London marshland was lost during the 20th century. London has lost the natural buffer that used to help water drain away. As the sea level rises and storm surges get more prevalent, chances of flooding are greater.

London is one of the most urbanised cities across the world with 78% of land being urban. With significant impermeable surfaces made of concrete, asphalt and rooftops, water is prevented from draining into the ground. Rapid surface water runoff overwhelms drainage systems and surface water runoff flooding is one of the greatest threats to east London.

Large-scale infrastructure like the Thames Barrier and tidal flood defences protect London from large-scale river flooding, but they cannot prevent surface water flooding from local storms. As these structures age, maintenance costs rise. Relying solely on them is a risky strategy for the future, especially as storm surges become more intense due to climate change.




Read more:
Britain is at bursting point and its flood barriers need to be updated


Specialist bodies like the Environment Agency monitor water quality in rivers to reduce infection risks when water is contaminated. However, many parts of east London have Victorian-era sewer systems designed for much lower rainfall, so they are easily overwhelmed. This means the chance of sewage contamination is heightened in these areas. Around 39 million tonnes of untreated sewage are estimated to be discharged into the Thames every year.

East London also faces high levels of deprivation. Many people lack the resources to cope with floods and possible water contamination, often due to being constrained by socioeconomic inequities. High child poverty rates in east London boroughs like Tower Hamlets (47%), Newham (45%) and Hackney (45%) mean that flood preparation is often overlooked.

Aside from strengthening infrastructure and physical barriers, there are natural ways to manage flood risk.

Our research shows that merging nature with urban infrastructure improves the protective capacities and flood resilience of an urban river like the Thames. And initial insights from our ongoing social research show that creative ways of communicating with people can help people better understand – and support – natural flood solutions.

London river, tall buildings and wintry trees on riverside
Planting wetland areas along riverbeds can help improve flood resilience.
Abdul_Shakoor/Shutterstock

Natural barriers

Planting suitable wetland species alongside rivers and roof tops helps delay surface water runoff by up to 90%. Plants absorb water and release it over several hours rather than releasing it immediately like impermeable surfaces such as concrete and tarmac. This slows down the flow of water into the drainage system and reduces the risk of overwhelming the sewers and pollution spills.

In the Netherlands, there are hundreds of green roofs on bus stops. Data shows that each square metre green of roof cover absorbs 20 litres of water, reducing how much water enters the drains. More natural solutions like these can also improve air quality, attract pollinators and provide shade (which prevents the sun from heating up buildings or walkways).

Green roofs on bus stops are now a common sight in some UK cities, including Brighton and Cardiff. Introducing them to east London would be a good first step.

planted green roof on bus stop by roadside, two people sitting under shelter
Green roofs on bus stops in Netherlands.
PixelBiss/Shutterstock

One charity-led initiative, East London Waterworks Park, involves rewilding a former depot. By converting land covered by concrete into swimming ponds, with reedbeds for filtration, this project provides more space to hold floodwater and a place for the local community to socialise and engage with nature.

At the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park in London, an area that used to be a depository for building rubble has been transformed into a large-scale sustainable urban drainage system. This involves the creation of open spaces interspersed with natural features like reedbeds, wetlands and swales (marshy channels) that slow down runoff.

This helps slow down the flow of water into rivers, especially during intense rainfall. Studies show that improved water management at the park has saved 4,000 homes from flood risk since it opened in 2014.

London’s population is increasing. This constrains its resources and exacerbates the effects of increased urbanisation. Socioeconomic inequities raise the level of vulnerability of London’s population. Flood risk is a national security threat, not just an environmental issue.

Including nature in urban resilience plans helps reduce risk and empower people. But policymakers need evidence of which solutions are more effective before they’ll act.


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The Conversation

Ravindra Jayaratne receives funding from the Royal Society, UK.

Maciej Pawlik is affiliated with the Green Party of England and Wales.

ref. East London is at high risk of extreme flooding – here’s how to limit the damage – https://theconversation.com/east-london-is-at-high-risk-of-extreme-flooding-heres-how-to-limit-the-damage-275238

Menopause, hormones and the brain: how hormone therapy could help protect against Alzheimer’s

Source: The Conversation – UK – By George E. Barreto, Associate Professor in Cell Biology and Immunology, Department of Biological Sciences, University of Limerick

adriaticfoto/Shutterstock

As dementia and other neurodegenerative diseases become more common worldwide, researchers are searching urgently for ways to protect the brain as we age. One area attracting growing attention is hormones, particularly the role of hormone therapy during and after menopause.

This interest is partly driven by the fact that women develop Alzheimer’s disease more often than men, especially after midlife, suggesting that hormonal changes around menopause may influence long-term brain health.

Our research has focused on tibolone, a synthetic form of hormone therapy prescribed to relieve menopausal symptoms such as hot flashes and poor sleep. While it is commonly prescribed to ease menopausal symptoms, our findings suggest tibolone may also offer important protection for the brain.

In laboratory studies, tibolone helped brain cells survive under stressful conditions. These included reduced glucose use (glucose is the brain’s main fuel) and the build-up of saturated fats such as palmitic acid, which is often higher in people with obesity. Both reduced glucose use and excess saturated fat are known risk factors for cognitive decline and neurological diseases.

Tibolone appears to protect brain cells in several ways. It activates protective proteins, reduces inflammation and limits damage from free radicals. Free radicals are unstable molecules produced during normal energy production or when the body is exposed to pollution or cigarette smoke. They behave like tiny sparks inside cells, damaging structures unless neutralised.

Why women are at higher risk

Alzheimer’s disease affects women far more than men, by roughly three to one. Even after accounting for women’s longer life expectancy, their risk remains around 12% higher.

This gap likely reflects a combination of genetic, hormonal and social factors. Certain genes, including the APOE ε4 variant, a version of a gene linked to how the brain processes fats and clears harmful proteins, are associated with a higher risk of Alzheimer’s. Other genes on the second X chromosome may also contribute. Differences in reproductive history, number of pregnancies and access to education and healthcare also play a role, because these factors influence lifelong brain health, cardiovascular risk and how early cognitive problems are detected and treated.

However, hormonal changes around menopause appear to be especially important. When menstruation ends, levels of estradiol (the main form of oestrogen) fall sharply, while follicle-stimulating hormone rises. Both changes are linked to cognitive decline and Alzheimer’s disease.

Many women experience the everyday effects of these shifts: forgetfulness, difficulty concentrating, slower thinking, low mood, poor sleep and reduced motivation. Estradiol normally helps brain cells use energy efficiently. When levels drop, the brain uses glucose less effectively, producing a metabolic pattern similar to that seen in early Alzheimer’s.




Read more:
Horrific, bizarre, lonely: how women going through the menopause describe their experiences


Estradiol also helps regulate fat distribution and cholesterol. When it declines, women often gain visceral fat around the abdomen. This type of fat releases inflammatory chemicals that can damage blood vessels and the brain. The loss of estradiol’s natural anti-inflammatory effects further increases the risk of metabolic syndrome (a cluster of conditions including high blood pressure and insulin resistance), cognitive decline and dementia.

Can hormone therapy help?

These findings have led researchers to ask whether hormone therapy might offset some of this risk.

Hormone therapy usually combines oestrogen and progesterone and is widely prescribed to relieve hot flashes, insomnia and mood changes. It can also improve mood and reduce depression, which indirectly supports cognitive health.

Until the early 2000s, millions of women used hormone therapy and reported benefits. Then, in 2002, the Women’s Health Initiative (WHI) trial reported a higher risk of breast cancer and cardiovascular events in women taking combined hormones. Headlines warning that hormone therapy “increases cancer risk” led many women to stop treatment or avoid it altogether.




Read more:
Busting brain myths: The evolving story of menopause hormone therapy and cognitive health


The WHI memory studies also found that starting hormone therapy at age 65 or older did not protect cognition and was linked to a higher risk of dementia. Later analyses revealed an important nuance: timing matters.

Lower lifetime exposure to oestrogen is linked to faster cognitive decline and greater build-up of Alzheimer’s-related changes in the brain. Women who enter menopause early (before about age 45 to 50) face higher risks of Alzheimer’s and more pronounced memory loss. Surgical menopause, caused by removal of both ovaries, leads to a sudden drop in oestrogen and can trigger noticeable problems with memory and attention, particularly in younger women.

Growing awareness of the link between menopause and brain health is beginning to shape public policy.

In a landmark move, Ireland introduced a programme in June 2025 providing hormone therapy free of charge. Removing cost barriers allows women to start treatment earlier and continue it consistently, conditions that may maximise its benefits.

Elsewhere in Europe, access varies. In England, women who do not qualify for free NHS prescriptions can purchase an annual hormone therapy prepayment certificate for £19.80. Prescriptions are free in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, while France and Spain partially reimburse costs through national insurance.




Read more:
Menopause: our study revealed how it affects the brain, cognition and mental health


Given tibolone’s protective profile, reducing financial barriers could improve access and support larger clinical trials to test its effects on brain health.

Hormone therapy is not a guaranteed way to prevent dementia. The strongest protection still comes from a broad approach: managing menopausal symptoms effectively, possibly with hormone therapy, while also controlling blood pressure, cholesterol and diabetes, staying physically active, sleeping well and avoiding smoking.

Women face a higher lifetime risk of Alzheimer’s because of intertwined genetic, hormonal and social factors. Hormone therapy, particularly when started around menopause, may help protect cognitive function as well as relieve symptoms. Alongside a healthy lifestyle, it offers one promising tool for supporting brain health and narrowing the gender gap in dementia risk.

The Conversation

George Barreto receives funding from Research Ireland.

Miguel G. Borda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Menopause, hormones and the brain: how hormone therapy could help protect against Alzheimer’s – https://theconversation.com/menopause-hormones-and-the-brain-how-hormone-therapy-could-help-protect-against-alzheimers-264623

What should Keir Starmer do about Wes Streeting? A leadership expert on how to handle rivals in your team

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Stern, Visiting Professor of Management Practice, Bayes Business School, City St George’s, University of London

Having survived what looked a lot like a coup attempt, Prime Minister Keir Starmer now needs to decide how to move forward. One of the biggest problems in the immediate term is what to do with his health secretary, Wes Streeting.

Streeting has long been named as a contender to replace Starmer – and has made no secret of his personal ambitions. Like every other cabinet minister, he made a statement in support of Starmer after the Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar publicly called for his resignation. However, Streeting’s has been singled out for its tepid tone.

Now Starmer has a man who openly wants his job in his top team at a moment when he is trying to steady the ship. Might the PM find some inspiration about what to do from the private sector?

There is an old joke in the corporate world which states that when you take over as a new chief executive, your first task is to search the business high and low to find your natural successor – and then destroy them.

That is one (bleak) view of the rat race, or what is sometimes called “tournament theory”, the acknowledgement that within organisations there will always be a battle to get to the top. A more far-sighted approach to succession planning would look different. It would involve making sure that a range of senior people are developing their skills and experience, ready to take on the top job when it becomes vacant, as it inevitably will do some day. Ideally a company’s succession plan should contain a list with more than just one name on it.

In Westminster, however, discussions over the future leadership of the country are rather less dignified and rather more frenzied. Politics and business are different. This is a tournament all right, but the rules are less than clear. And they are subject to sudden change. Leadership in the political world is a far cry from what we call leadership in businesses and organisations.

Starmer, it seems, has survived a perilous moment. Still, as they say in Scotland, his coat is hanging on a shoogly nail.

Starmer looks around his top team, the cabinet, and sees several potential rivals staring back at him. Streeting denies that he is plotting to challenge Starmer, but few in Westminster believe him. A bad result in the byelection in Gorton and Denton this month or a collapse in support for Labour in the May local elections and Scottish parliamentary and Welsh Senedd elections, could prove the trigger for Streeting to act.

How should a leader look on the threat of a close colleague who is also a rival? Few are as generous or imaginative as Abraham Lincoln, who famously brought defeated candidates for the US presidency into his cabinet, as described by the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin in her book “Team of Rivals”.

Tony Blair survived as prime minister for ten years with his closest rival, Gordon Brown, at his side the whole time. Blair used to say, with apparent nonchalance, that it was not an “ignoble ambition” for Brown to want to succeed him. Blair seemed to hope, however, that another candidate might emerge to prevent Brown from getting the top job.

A confident and effective leader need not worry about having capable potential successors in their top team. On the contrary. Leadership is not a solo endeavour. A good leader will want to delegate tasks to talented people and draw on their advice. This is what is sometimes called “distributed leadership”.




Read more:
How much longer can Keir Starmer survive?


Starmer has already revealed his insecurity by making sure that Andy Burnham, the mayor of greater Manchester, could not stand in the Gorton and Denton byelection. And hardened Westminster watchers will tell you that the prime minister could not have afforded to have Burnham back in parliament, preparing his own leadership challenge.

But Starmer could instead have been inspired by the ghost of Abraham Lincoln. Why not welcome Burnham back to Westminster, after winning a byelection that would have slowed his opponents’ momentum (in this case the Greens and Reform)?

And why not salute Streeting for his energy and dash? And Angela Rayner for her talents too while he is about it? Confident leaders want to have the best people around them. For a government that is seen to be struggling it would arguably make sense to put the best players on the pitch, and encourage them to perform. Leadership should not be a selfish ego trip. It is about them, not you.

Starmer has had a “clear the air” chat with Streeting and has, at least, not sacked him, yet. Starmer’s allies concede that the prime minister is not currently in a strong enough position to move against him in any case. Perhaps the cabinet will now pull together and prove they can get along.

Such thoughts will be dismissed as naïve and unrealistic by the inhabitants of London SW1. And, in that context, perhaps they are. But if so it tells you a lot about how far the practice of modern politics has departed from what many would regard as healthy and benign leadership.


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The Conversation

Stefan Stern does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What should Keir Starmer do about Wes Streeting? A leadership expert on how to handle rivals in your team – https://theconversation.com/what-should-keir-starmer-do-about-wes-streeting-a-leadership-expert-on-how-to-handle-rivals-in-your-team-275689

Can 36 questions really change your love life?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Viren Swami, Professor of Social Psychology, Anglia Ruskin University

LightField Studios/Shutterstock

About a decade ago, author Mandy Len Catron wrote an essay for the New York Times about “36 questions that lead to love”. The idea suggests that two people can grow closer – and even fall in love – by answering a series of increasingly intimate questions.

Catron described how in 2014 she and an acquaintance went on a date together. During the evening, they took turns asking and answering 36 questions. Before that meeting the pair both admitted to a slight mutual attraction, but the exercise changed this fairly dramatically.

Within weeks they had developed strong feelings for each other. The following year they moved in together, had children in 2021 and in 2025, more than a decade after their first date, they got married – and the 36 questions were included in a bowl at the reception bar.

The idea behind the 36 questions is simple enough – that by answering a series of intimate questions, two people become vulnerable and develop a close connection. But can the 36 questions really cause two people to fall in love?

In the 1990s, US psychologist Arthur Aron and his colleagues developed a sharing game that could be used to develop feelings of closeness between strangers. They wanted to provide researchers with a fast track to developing closeness in the lab, for studies involving participants who didn’t know each other.

The task is simple. Two strangers sit across from each other and take turns asking and answering 36 questions arranged in three sets. The task takes about 45 minutes to complete, with the questions becoming increasingly intimate and personal.

One question from the first set asks the strangers to describe their perfect day, while a question from the final set asks them to describe whose death they would find most disturbing.

Why does it work?

The main mechanism that helps build closeness in the 36 questions is reciprocal self-disclosure. This is when sharing intimate information about oneself prompts the other person to share similarly intimate information about themselves.

Reciprocal self-disclosure is an important part of relationship development. When people engage in reciprocal self-disclosure, they signal to each other that they’re willing to be responsive and share their vulnerabilities. In turn, this process helps to build mutual trust and liking, leading to greater feelings of closeness and intimacy.

Imagine that, over the course a conversation, I share with you that I’ve been struggling with my mental health. In sharing this information, you infer that I trust you and that I want to have an authentic, honest and meaningful relationship with you. This, in turn, might encourage you to share something intimate about your own mental health, which encourages deeper trust and connection between us.

Woman and man sitting on sofa talking together.
Just how magic are those 36 questions?
Prostock-studio/Shutterstock

What about romantic love?

But can the 36 questions really cause people to fall in love? In the original study, Aron and his co-researchers suggested that the 36 questions – sometimes called the “fast friends procedure” – could create real feelings of “interpersonal closeness” between strangers.

To test this, they randomly assigned strangers to take part in the fast friends procedure or to a small-talk exercise, which also included 36 questions but that did not increase in intensity over the sets. In a series of studies, Aron and his fellow researchers found that participants who’d completed the fast friends task felt closer to each other than those who had engaged in small talk.

A 2021 study found that participants engaging in the fast friends task not only felt closer than those who engaged in small talk, but also felt greater liking for their partners, believed their partners were more responsive, enjoyed the interaction more and had more fun.

However, Aron and his co-researchers also cautioned that the fast friends procedure does not produce feelings of loyalty, dependence or commitment between strangers – key ingredients for love. The procedure also does necessarily produce respect for the other person, which takes time to develop, nor does it produce feelings of passion, romance and physical and sexual attraction.

Although the fast friends procedure might not cause strangers to fall in love, it could help existing couples maintain their feelings for each other.

In studies where existing couples take part in the procedure with other couples they haven’t met before, the participants later report greater closeness to the couples they interacted with. But they also report greater closeness to and passionate love for their own partners.

The procedure could actually help foster loving relationships of all kinds. One group of researchers adapted the 36 questions to make them suitable for children aged eight to 13 and their parents. When the researchers asked parents and their children to take turns asking and answering the question, the children seemed to end the task feeling more loved.

The fast friends procedure also shows promise in developing closeness outside the lab and in different circumstances. In educational settings such as schools and universities, the task seems to be both an effective ice-breaker and a way to promote closeness and friendship formation. There’s even some evidence that tasks that promote closeness could increase productivity and creativity among team members working together.

The fast friends procedure could also be used to reduce prejudice and stigmatising views. In a 2015 study, heterosexual people took part in the fast friends task with a stranger who revealed they were gay or a lesbian.

These heterosexual participants reported stronger feelings of closeness and lower sexual prejudice at the end of the task compared to the start. Other studies have suggested that the procedure could also reduce racial prejudice and ageism.

So don’t let romantic couples usurp the 36 questions. If you’re spending Valentine’s day with friends, it could be a great way to deepen your bond.

The Conversation

Viren Swami does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can 36 questions really change your love life? – https://theconversation.com/can-36-questions-really-change-your-love-life-273611

The rise of ‘Merzoni’: How an alliance between Germany’s and Italy’s leaders is reshaping Europe

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager, Associate Professor of Critical Cultural & International Studies, Colorado State University

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz at an intergovernmental summit in Rome. Massimo Di Vita/Mondadori Portfolio via Getty Images

“Merzoni” isn’t a neologism that easily trips off the tongue, and it hasn’t fully taken hold in the world of European politics.

Yet, for months, a pragmatic alliance between German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has been building.

And despite the politicians being, in many ways, unlikely partners, the union has quietly been redefining Europe’s power balance. In the latest display of this dynamic, a joint-policy paper drawn up by Merz and Meloni is set to be delivered to European Union partners at an informal summit on Feb. 12, 2026, urging reforms to improve the bloc’s competitiveness.

As a scholar of European politics, history and culture, I see the union as being born of necessity but nonetheless serving the interests of both parties – and possibly those of the European Union, too.

Moving on from ‘Merkron’

Post-war European politics has seen the center of its gravity move before, but it has largely revolved around shifts to and from France or Germany, the bloc’s current two largest economies. The U.K.’s ability to dominate EU politics was always stymied by its lateness to the “European project” and ambivalence at home. And it was ended outright by a referendum in 2016 that saw the U.K.’s exit from the union.

For nearly a decade after Britain’s exit, Europe revolved around the axis of Germany’s Angela Merkel and France’s Emmanuel Macron, an alliance given the nickname “Merkron”: Merkel’s clumsy charm and cautious pragmatism paired with Macron’s charisma and sweeping European idealism. Their dual-stewardship helped steer the EU through Brexit, Donald Trump’s first presidency and the pandemic.

But times have changed.

Merkel is gone. She stepped down as German chancellor in December 2021. Macron, meanwhile, has struggled politically at home and increasingly resembles what diplomats and journalists describe as a European “Cassandra”: right in his warnings about global instability, yet less able to mobilize support domestically or across the continent to confront the issues.

The end of the “Merkron” era coincided with myriad crises confronting Europe, including Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine, current U.S. unpredictability, growing climate pressures, never-stopping migration tensions and the collapse of arms-control regimes.

The comforting post-Cold War assumption that peace in Europe was permanent has vanished.

An unlikely partnership

Into this vacuum stepped Merz and Meloni. At first glance, the pairing looks odd.

Merz is a conservative Atlanticist and unapologetic economic liberal. His message, and the title of his 2008 book, “Dare More Capitalism,” signals a move toward an assertive pro-market agenda after years of cautious centrism under Merkel. Merz insists Germany must rebuild military capacity – a departure from decades of both German domestic and EU-wide reticence toward such a move.

Meloni, meanwhile, rose to power from Italy’s nationalist right. The lineage of her home party, Fratelli d’Italia, or Brothers of Italy, traces back to the rump of Mussolini’s fascists. Yet in office, she has proved politically agile, repositioning herself as a responsible and quite successful European actor. Meloni as prime minister has maintained support for Ukraine and cooperation with the European Union – shrugging off concerns over both areas prior to her coming to power. She has equally skillfully cultivated strong ties with Washington – including Trump’s political camp, and overall has demonstrated successful strategic chameleonism.

Critics call her opportunistic; admirers call her pragmatic. Either way, Meloni has mastered political shape-shifting, becoming a bridge between nationalist and mainstream Europe.

What unites Merz and Meloni is less ideology than necessity.

Germany remains Europe’s economic engine but needs partners to push Europe toward greater defense capacity and economic competitiveness. Italy is seeking greater influence and credibility at Europe’s core.

Both governments now speak the language of strategic autonomy: Europe must be able to defend itself and protect its interests even if the U.S. becomes unreliable. As the joint-paper reportedly being presented to other EU partners puts it: “Continuing on the current path is not an option. Europe must act now.”

Europe unites against a frenemy

Ironically, Europe’s unity has often emerged in response to crisis.

Brexit strengthened pro-EU sentiment on the mainland. Similarly, Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine revived NATO and EU cooperation.

Now, Trump – with his flirtation with abandoning NATO commitments, threatening tariffs and questioning of territorial arrangements in places like Greenland – has delivered a shock to European political consciousness.

Recent surveys show overwhelming European support for stronger EU defense cooperation and greater unity against global threats.

For leaders like Merz and Meloni, this creates political space for policies that would have seemed unthinkable, or certainly more difficult, a decade ago, such as military buildups, defense integration, industrial protection and tougher migration policies.

Defense and militarization

The most dramatic change is, arguably, happening in Germany. For decades, Berlin avoided military leadership, haunted by its history and sheltered under U.S. security guarantees. That era is ending. German officials increasingly speak about rearmament, European defense readiness and long-term strategic competition.

The timing could not be more urgent. Merz, framing Moscow’s ongoing aggression as a direct assault on European security and unity, stated in September 2025 that “we are not at war, but we are no longer at peace either.”

The new German-Italian action plan explicitly strengthens cooperation on defense, cybersecurity and strategic industries. Both governments stress NATO loyalty while simultaneously pushing for stronger European military capacity.

The idea of a future European defense force, once dismissed as fantasy, now circulates seriously in policy circles. Rome is reportedly planning a major procurement deal with German arms manufacturer Rheinmetall worth up to US$24 billion (20 billion euros). Including hundreds of armored vehicles and new-generation tanks, it would represent one of Europe’s largest joint defense projects.

The move reflects a shared push by Berlin and Rome to strengthen Europe’s military capacity while anchoring rearmament in European industrial partnerships.

What’s in it for Meloni and Merz?

For Meloni, partnership with Berlin delivers legitimacy. Italy has traditionally oscillated between European leadership and peripheral frustration. By aligning with Germany, Rome reenters Europe’s decision-making core.

At the same time, Meloni can present herself as both nationalist at home and indispensable to Europe. Her political positions allow her to maintain channels with Washington while remaining inside EU consensus – a balancing act few European leaders can manage.

Germany, meanwhile, gains political flexibility and a partner more aligned with big-picture EU politics.

Macron’s ambitious federalist vision has at times alienated more cautious partners in the bloc. Italy offers a pragmatic counterweight for Merz, focused on competitiveness, migration control and industrial policy rather than a grand European redesign.

Macron isn’t being entirely squeezed out. France still leads on nuclear deterrence and many diplomatic initiatives. Yet political momentum is shifting and now lies with governments willing to prioritize economic competitiveness and security over institutional reform.

Will it work?

The Merzoni partnership faces major tests.

Italy’s economy remains fragile, and Germany’s export model struggles amid global economic shifts. Far-right and populist movements still challenge EU cohesion. And defense integration remains politically sensitive across member nations.

Yet necessity often drives European integration. And as crises accumulate, cooperation becomes less optional.

The real question is whether Europe can move from reactive crisis management to having a proactive geopolitical strategy. For now, the unlikely German-Italian partnership suggests Europe’s political map is being redrawn – not through grand federal visions but through pragmatic alliances shaped by fear, necessity and opportunity.

The Conversation

Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The rise of ‘Merzoni’: How an alliance between Germany’s and Italy’s leaders is reshaping Europe – https://theconversation.com/the-rise-of-merzoni-how-an-alliance-between-germanys-and-italys-leaders-is-reshaping-europe-275387

Dogs and cats carry invasive land flatworms from garden to garden

Source: The Conversation – France – By Jean-Lou Justine, Professeur, UMR ISYEB (Institut de Systématique, Évolution, Biodiversité), Muséum national d’histoire naturelle (MNHN)

What was discovered?

Domestic dogs and cats can carry invasive flatworms (Platyhelminthes) attached to their fur. Unwittingly, this is how they contribute to the spread of these invasive alien species. Our work on the subject has just been published in the scientific journal PeerJ.

Globally, invasive alien species represent one of the major threats to biodiversity. It is striking to discover that dogs and cats, our everyday companions, unwittingly contribute to the invasion of gardens by a species potentially dangerous to biodiversity.

How was the research conducted?

We were alerted by e-mails from individuals reporting the presence of worms attached to the fur of dogs and cats. We then re-examined over 6,000 messages received over 12 years and found that these observations were far from anecdotal: they represented approximately 7% of the reports. Remarkably, among the dozen or so species of exotic flatworms introduced into France, only one was affected: the yellow-striped flatworm, or Caenoplana variegata, a species from Australia whose diet consists of arthropods (woodlice, insects, spiders).

Caenoplana variegata, the land flatworm which is carried by dogs and cats.
by Jean-Lou Justine, CC BY

Why is this discovery important?

It has long been known that exotic flatworms are transported from their countries of origin to Europe through means linked to human activities: containers of plants shipped by boat, trucks then delivering them to garden centres, and finally transported by car to gardens. It was not well understood how flatworms, which move very slowly, could then infest surrounding gardens. The mechanism identified is quite simple: a dog (or cat) rolls in the grass, a worm sticks to its fur, and the animal then deposits it a short distance away. In some cases, it even takes it home, bringing it to owners’ attention.

Furthermore, it is surprising to note that only one species is affected in France, even though it is not the most abundant. Obama nungara is the most widespread species, both in terms of the number of districts affected and the number of worms found in gardens, but there were no reports of animal transport for this species. This difference is explained by their diet. Obama nungara feeds on earthworms and snails, while Caenoplana variegata eats arthropods, producing a very abundant and sticky mucus that traps its prey. This mucus can adhere to animal fur (or to shoes or trousers, for that matter). On top of that, Caenoplana variegata reproduces asexually by cloning itself: just one single, transported worm can infest an entire garden.

We then attempted to estimate the distances travelled by the ten million cats and sixteen million dogs in France each year. Based on existing data, we arrived at a spectacular estimate: several billion kilometres in total, which is many times the distance from the Earth to the Sun! Even if only a small fraction of domestic animals carry worms, this represents an enormous number of opportunities to spread these invasive species.

It is important to clarify that this is not parasitism, but a phenomenon called “phoresy”. This is a well-known mechanism in nature, particularly in plants with sticky or spiny seeds, which cling to animal fur and fall a short distance away. But here, it is a sticky animal that accidentally becomes attached to a domestic pet and is dislodged some distance away.

What’s next?

We hope this discovery will stimulate further observations, and we expect more reports of the same kind. Furthermore, our published results concern France, for which citizen science has provided a wealth of information, but some observations suggest that the same phenomenon exists in other countries, albeit with different species of flatworms. It is now necessary to expand this research internationally to better understand the extent of this dispersal method and the species involved.


_The Research Brief is a short three-minute take on interesting academic work with context and commentary from the academics themselves.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Dogs and cats carry invasive land flatworms from garden to garden – https://theconversation.com/dogs-and-cats-carry-invasive-land-flatworms-from-garden-to-garden-274999

Public healthcare and contracting out: can it work? Global review presents some answers

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Zoheb Khan, Researcher, Centro Brasileiro de Análise e Planejamento (CEBRAP); University of Johannesburg

Universal health coverage – ensuring everyone can get quality, affordable healthcare when they need it – is one of the targets of the Sustainable Development Goals.

But progress towards meeting this target has been elusive, especially in developing countries. In recent years, existing weaknesses in public health systems have been magnified by the COVID pandemic, strained public budgets, rising public debt and climate change-related risks.

An increasingly common governmental strategy for universal health coverage is to contract private companies or non-profit organisations to provide healthcare services on its behalf. Known as “contracting out”, it is often seen as a way to bypass perceived public sector inefficiencies and rigidities, and to use existing private sector infrastructure and resources to expand public service provision.

Some proponents of contracting out also believe that introducing competition and innovation would improve the quality of healthcare services. Those are principles often associated with markets.

But how does it work in practice? And does contracting affect opportunities for community participation, a cornerstone of primary healthcare and of democratic governance?

Our team of researchers in South Africa, Brazil and India conducted a global review of the evidence, analysing over 80 peer reviewed studies from around the world. We wanted to understand, firstly, whether contracting improved access, quality and equity in primary care. Health systems grounded in strong primary care typically perform better.

Secondly, we wanted to find out whether involving local communities in the governance (design and monitoring) of these contracts made a difference.

Our review painted a complex picture. On the positive side, the evidence was clear that contracting out often improved access to primary care. This was particularly true in peripheral or remote areas where the state’s reach and resources were limited.

However, the impact on service quality was far less clear.

On the community question, our research found that when communities had a real say in designing and monitoring contracts, the results were better. It helped to improve access and make services more responsive to local needs.

This global evidence has implications for South Africa as it grapples with extreme inequalities in health and the proposed introduction of the National Health Insurance (NHI) scheme. This envisages a healthcare system in which healthcare would be bought from a mix of public and private providers. Our research points to what the government would need to put in place for this to work.

Defining and measuring quality – and what we found

The complexity of the results in relation to quality is partly due to differences in how various studies and programmes measure it.

Ideally, quality should be measured by the effectiveness and relevance of services. In other words, whether they solve the healthcare problems they intend to and tackle actual needs. But often, service quality is assessed on the basis of whether contractors meet a set of narrowly defined targets, like numbers of patients seen and services delivered, rather than what the services achieve.

Quality can also be defined from the perspective of cost effectiveness, rather than public health objectives. This can produce incentives for contractors to cut costs and avoiding treating sicker patients.

In some cases in our review, as in parts of Brazil and India, contracting was associated with impressive improvements in health outcomes, such as reduced infant mortality. In others, quality stagnated or even declined from this perspective.

We also found that profiteering can take root when for-profit companies assume control of service provision and success is defined primarily in terms of shareholder value. In Brazil, contractors have to be non-profits for this reason.

An important influence on service quality is the state’s capacities in contract management. Is it able to design good contracts, quality indicators, payment systems and incentives? How well does it manage relationships and enforce terms?

The benefits of community participation

The most compelling evidence came from Brazil. It has set up legally mandated health councils composed of community members and health workers. They have powers to veto health plans and budgets.

Councils have often helped non-profit health providers to understand local needs, remove access barriers, and anticipate service delivery challenges.

Similar successes were noted in Iran. The country has set up “people’s boards of trustees” at health centres. These contribute to planning and outreach.

In Bolivia and India, initiatives involving community participation in the governance of services delivered by non-profit organisations were linked to improved maternal and child health outcomes.

However, effective participation requires resourcing, and the political will to ensure participation enables real influence.

States need to provide transparent, high-quality data on contractors’ performance, and invest in upskilling community partners to interpret complex contractual terms.

Community actors may also lack the confidence to engage with government and corporate officials, who are usually more powerful. Too often, participation is frustrated by technical glitches in fragmented reporting systems, a lack of cooperation from officials, and a focus on auditing finances rather than health outcomes as well.

What this means for South Africa’s NHI

The NHI Bill envisions the state as the single purchaser of healthcare services, buying care from a mix of public and private providers. This is, in essence, a massive nationwide contracting exercise.

Our research suggests that for it to succeed, two things are essential: state capacity needs to be built; and public participation must be embedded in the system.

For the NHI scheme to work the following is therefore needed:

  1. Building state capacity: The success of the NHI hinges on the state’s ability to contract effectively. This requires skilled officials who can design watertight contracts, manage complex supplier relationships, and monitor performance based on health outcomes, not just expenditure. Throughout our review, the dangers of weak or inexperienced purchasers of healthcare services are clear: spiralling costs, poor quality, and weak accountability.

  2. Embedding public participation: The NHI should adopt a rights-based, democratic approach to contracting rather than solely a technical one. Meaningfully involving the people that use contracted services improves those services. South Africa has a rich history of community governance structures and civil society advocacy in health. The NHI should give communities a formal role in setting priorities and holding service providers and organisations to account.

This is the best safeguard against the corruption and inefficiency that has plagued other state ventures and which has been frequently voiced as a concern in relation to the NHI in South Africa.

Jith JR, Surekha Garimella, Vinodkumar Rao and Parvathy Breeze were co-authors of the original research underlying this article.

The Conversation

This research was funded by the NIHR project NIHR150146 – Community Voices in Health Governance – Translating Public Participation Into Practice in a World of Pluralistic Health Systems (COMPLUS) using UK aid from the UK Government to support global health research. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the UK government.

This research was funded by the NIHR project NIHR150146 – Community Voices in Health Governance – Translating Public Participation Into Practice in a World of Pluralistic Health Systems (COMPLUS) using UK aid from the UK Government to support global health research. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the UK government

Leslie London receives funding from the UK National Institute for Health Research, the Science Foundation for Africa and has previously been funded by the South Africa Netherlands Programme for Alternative Development, International Development Research Centre, South African National Research Foundation and South African Medical Research Council for research related to the focus of this article.

ref. Public healthcare and contracting out: can it work? Global review presents some answers – https://theconversation.com/public-healthcare-and-contracting-out-can-it-work-global-review-presents-some-answers-274464

Why the US can destroy terrorist camps in Nigeria, but not terrorism – security scholar

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Obasesam Okoi, Associate professor, University of St. Thomas

US military airstrikes on Islamic State-linked militants in north-western Nigeria on Christmas Day 2025 attracted global attention. The focus was on the international legal implications and whether the Nigerian government had consented to the strikes.

I’m a scholar of peace and security and have carried out research on Boko Haram’s protracted campaign of violence. The research shows that the group’s activities have produced extensive loss of life and material destruction, as well as large-scale internal displacement. This calls for integrated security, humanitarian and governance responses.

In my view, focusing on the airstrikes risks obscuring the real question: why does terrorism continue in Nigeria?

My argument is that it’s not the absence of military force. My research shows that the problem of continuing violence is rooted in the failure of governance at every level of society. Airstrikes don’t address the political, economic and social conditions that allow armed groups to survive, adapt and recruit.

Armed violence has expanded where state authority is exercised in predatory, selective or unaccountable ways. Terrorism in Nigeria has thrived because the state has too often failed to govern justly, consistently and credibly.

In north-east Nigeria, for example, counterterrorism efforts have been undermined where displaced civilians remain unable to return safely, and land disputes go unresolved. What’s needed is investment in civilian protection, and local reconciliation processes that rebuild trust between communities and the state.

Similar lessons can be seen in parts of the Lake Chad Basin, where humanitarian support and local governance reforms have proven more effective at stabilising communities than military operations alone.

Military force can play a role in containing armed groups. But it must be embedded in a broader project of political reconstruction, institutional accountability and social trust building. This means restoring the state’s presence not only through soldiers, but through reliable public services in communities most affected by violence and displacement.

Narratives, legitimacy and insecurity

Following the strike, President Donald Trump announced the operation in a social media post in moral and religious terms. He described the attack as retaliation against militants who had been killing Christians. He portrayed the strike as both morally necessary and strategically decisive.

That framing, reported widely by Reuters, and amplified through US media and social platforms, resonated strongly in Washington political discourse. Major US outlets, including CNN, noted that the reality of violence in Nigeria was more complex than a simple religious binary.

For their part, Nigerian officials emphasised sovereignty, coordination and the non-sectarian nature of insecurity in the country. In a statement reported by Reuters, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasised that terrorism in Nigeria affected citizens regardless of religion or ethnicity. It warned against narratives that could inflame sectarian divisions. According to the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

terrorist violence in any form, whether directed at Christians, Muslims or other communities, remains an affront to Nigeria’s values and to international peace and security.

Where governance is fragile, externally imposed moral framing can deepen mistrust, sharpen social divisions and offer armed groups new narratives to exploit.

Framing insecurity as a religious war is analytically inaccurate. It is also strategically dangerous. Armed groups frequently rely on ideas like that to recruit, radicalise and justify violence.

External validation of these ideas, even unintentionally, can become a propaganda asset for militants operating in contexts of weak state legitimacy like Nigeria.

Military success is not security success

US military statements described the strike as having destroyed militant infrastructure and disrupted operations. Reports by Premium Times and Reuters indicated that camps and facilities had been hit. Yet public information about leadership casualties, command and control disruption, or financial networks remains limited.

Without clarity about what happened, claims of success offer little to Nigerians who continue to live with insecurity.

Tactical disruption can interrupt planning and movement, but it does not dismantle networks embedded in local economies of coercion, taxation and protection.

Getting to the heart of the problem

Militant violence in Nigeria is embedded in a wider landscape of state retreat, informal authority and survival economies. Large areas of rural territory in the north-east remain effectively ungoverned.

Security and justice are provided by armed actors and criminal networks, not the state. In such environments, terrorism is less an external invasion than a symptom of systemic institutional collapse.

Military interventions can disrupt these systems temporarily. But without restoring governance, they leave intact the structures that reproduce violence.

Government can restore governance by doing the following.

Political reconstruction: Rebuilding local institutions in ways that involve displaced populations, traditional leaders, women and youth, rather than relying solely on centralised state authority. Unemployment, land disputes and political exclusion have created conditions in which violence thrives. What’s needed is to reinvest in livelihoods, education and fair land governance.

Institutional accountability: This means restoring trust in the Nigerian state, particularly in conflict-affected communities where security forces are perceived as abusive or corrupt. Accountability mechanisms for investigating abuses and compensating victims are necessary. This requires transparent systems for managing humanitarian activities and reconstruction funds. Citizens can be more confident in state authority when they see corruption confronted and justice applied.

Social trust building: Community-based peacebuilding and inclusive reconstruction processes are essential for repairing social fractures. When people experience safety and dignity in their everyday lives, confidence in security institutions can return.

Counterterrorism success in Nigeria should not be measured solely by the number of insurgents neutralised, but by whether state authority emerges more legitimate than before. Durable peace will depend less on tactical military gains than on the restoration of public trust. That will happen through accountable governance, civilian protection and inclusive economic recovery.

The Conversation

Obasesam Okoi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why the US can destroy terrorist camps in Nigeria, but not terrorism – security scholar – https://theconversation.com/why-the-us-can-destroy-terrorist-camps-in-nigeria-but-not-terrorism-security-scholar-274799