A connection to nature fuels well-being worldwide, according to a study of 38,000 people

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Stylianos Syropoulos, Assistant Professor of Psychology, Arizona State University

Across cultures, languages and economic systems, feeling connected to the natural world is consistently linked to living a more hopeful, purposeful and resilient life. nymphoenix/iStock via Getty Images Plus

When life feels overwhelming, many people instinctively turn to nature. A walk in a park. Sitting by the ocean. Watching a sunset. Is this just a pleasant feeling, or is there something deeper at work?

A multitude of studies have linked spending time in nature with different aspects of mental health and wellness. For example, immersing oneself in outdoor natural spaces seems to lift depression and influence brain activity patterns. The effect may be especially relevant in children. But most research on this question has looked at people living in so-called WEIRD societies – Western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic.

As environmental psychologists based in the U.S. and in Germany, we were part of a team of more than 100 researchers who set out to examine this phenomenon on a global scale and determine how consistent it is around the world.

Across countries as diverse as Brazil, Japan, Nigeria, Germany and Indonesia, we saw a clear pattern: People who felt more connected to nature also reported higher well-being.

Worldwide oneness with nature

Researchers who study people’s relationship with the natural world often use the term “nature connectedness.” This phrase doesn’t simply mean going hiking or visiting a park. Nature connectedness refers to the extent to which people see nature as part of who they are – whether they feel an emotional bond with the natural world and experience a sense of oneness with it.

Someone who has a high degree of nature connectedness might agree with statements like, “My relationship to nature is an important part of who I am.” It reflects identity and meaning, not just exposure.

In a new study, people who had a stronger sense of nature connectedness tended to have a higher degree of mindfulness.

We drew on data collected between 2020 and 2022 from more than 38,000 participants through a large international collaboration that was established to gauge how people responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants came from 75 countries and were on average in their teens, 20s or 30s. They completed questionnaires that explored the link between people’s bond with nature and several aspects of well-being.

The questionnaires probed people’s sense of purpose in life; their feelings of hope, life satisfaction and optimism; their sense of resilience and their ability to cope with stress they felt; as well as whether they practice mindfulness as they go through their everyday life.

Across this large international sample, we found that people who felt more connected to nature consistently reported higher levels of well-being and mindfulness. This was true not just for feeling satisfied with life but also for deeper aspects of flourishing, such as having a sense of direction and meaning. And these associations held even when accounting for age and gender.

Does national context matter?

We also explored whether specific characteristics of a country strengthen the benefits of feeling connected with nature.

For example, we looked at things such as how well countries take care of their air, and water systems and ecosystems, as well as whether citizens have equal access to education, democratic participation, and other key social and financial resources, and whether cultures tend to prioritize collective well-being over individual priorities. There were some differences, but the main takeaway was pretty clear: A connection with nature and well-being shows up across a wide range of economic, cultural and environmental contexts.

In other words, the psychological benefits of feeling connected to nature do not appear to be limited to wealthy Western nations or specific cultural worldviews.

A child plays with sand in in front of a rock formation in Monument Valley
Bonding with nature may make people more resilient.
Mike Tauber/Tetra Images via Getty Images

Why might connection matter?

One reason why feeling a connection with nature may be linked to well-being is that nature connectedness fosters mindfulness – the ability to be present and attentive.

In our data, people who had a stronger sense of nature connectedness tended to have a higher degree of mindfulness, which is itself strongly linked to mental health.

Another possibility is that bonding with nature may also make people more resilient. People who feel connected to something larger than themselves may find it easier to cope with stress and uncertainty. A sense of belonging – even to the natural world – can provide psychological grounding in a world characterized by stressors. There may also be a feedback loop: Feeling better may encourage people to engage more deeply with nature, strengthening the bond over time.

Implications for policy and everyday life

These findings matter beyond academic debates. Around the world, policymakers are increasingly recognizing the links between human health and environmental sustainability. International agreements such as the Convention on Biological Diversity, a landmark treaty signed by 196 countries in 1992, emphasize the importance of restoring humanity’s relationship with nature.

These policy actions seek to protect Earth’s ecosystems, but our results suggest they may also benefit people’s psychological well-being. Similarly, designing cities with accessible green spaces, incorporating nature-based experiences into schools and supporting community engagement with local environments may do more than beautify neighborhoods – they may also help people flourish.

Across cultures, languages and economic systems, feeling connected to the natural world is consistently linked to living a more hopeful, purposeful and resilient life. At a time when mental health challenges are rising globally, reconnecting with nature is not a luxury but a fundamental – and widely shared – human need.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A connection to nature fuels well-being worldwide, according to a study of 38,000 people – https://theconversation.com/a-connection-to-nature-fuels-well-being-worldwide-according-to-a-study-of-38-000-people-276572

Teens are driving the demand for online abortion pills via telehealth – new research

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Dana Johnson, Postdoctoral Fellow in Health Disparities Research, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Abortion pills have been shown to be safe and effective. MementoJpeg/Moment via Getty Images

Teens in the U.S. are obtaining medication abortion pills through telehealth, and young people age 18 to 24 are ordering medication abortion at much higher rates than older adults.

Those are the key findings of a new study that my colleagues and I published in the journal JAMA Health Forum.

We examined requests for medication made to an online telemedicine service – one of the few to support people in all 50 states, without age restrictions. We compared average weekly request rates both before and after the Supreme Court overturned Roe vs. Wade in June 2022. Over time, we examined request rates across three age groups (15-17, 18-24 and 25-49) and by the severity of state-level abortion restrictions.

After Roe was overturned, researchers expected the number of abortions across the U.S. to fall. Intuitively, this makes sense, as most states have at least one law substantially restricting abortion services, which limits access at a clinic.

However, research from the Society of Family Planning #WeCount project shows the opposite: that the number of abortions has increased nationwide. The trend was even seen in states that ban abortion.

The main reason for this is the steep rise in medication abortion services through telehealth, which has expanded access for tens of thousands of people. As of early 2025, an estimated 1 in 4 abortions are done via telehealth. Until now, research and media attention have largely focused on this phenomenon among adults rather than among teenagers.

Why it matters

Understanding this trend among adolescents is important because minors – or teenagers under 18 – face a unique legal situation when it comes to abortion.

More than 7 million teenage girls age 13 to 17 live in a state with an abortion ban, and the legal landscape is quickly changing for teens.

In most states, adolescents seeking abortion services must navigate parental involvement laws, which require a minor to obtain consent for, or notify a parent of, their abortion. Such laws make it difficult or even impossible for many teens under 18 to obtain care, even in states like Massachusetts or Pennsylvania that have moved to protect abortion access.

In some cases, teens seek judicial bypass services, which help them circumvent the parental involvement process. In addition to legal barriers, teens who seek abortion may already face stigma around teen pregnancy and sex, likely lack reliable access to a car – or may not even have a driver’s license – and probably don’t have US$600 or more on hand to pay for an abortion at a clinic.

To circumvent these barriers, minors are bypassing parental involvement requirements and requesting telehealth at higher rates in states with parental involvement laws, compared with their counterparts in more liberal abortion access states.

This is important because this trend may be evidence of the huge barrier of parental involvement laws. It may also signal that states with parental involvement laws also have additional policies restricting abortion – such as mandatory waiting periods or gestational bans – and that minors are living in an even more restrictive policy context than adults.

What still isn’t known

More research is needed to understand how and why teens are turning to online providers. Findings will help clinicians and advocates support adolescents who are ordering telehealth medication abortion online.

There are some very real legal risks involved for any teenager ordering pills online, and young people have been criminalized for taking abortion pills ordered from online sources.

Furthermore, anti-abortion prosecutors and lawmakers frequently target teens. For example, Idaho has become notorious for passing an “abortion trafficking” law, which makes it illegal to help minors access abortion.

At the federal level, attempted revisions to the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of the abortion drug mifepristone have explicitly tried to ban access for minors, and federal officials continue to spread misinformation about the safety of medication abortion for teens.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

The Conversation

Dana Johnson receives funding from the National Institute of Health, the Society of Family Planning Research Fund, and the UW-Madison Collaborative for Reproductive Equity. She also serves on the Board of Directors for Jane’s Due Process.

Laura D. Lindberg is affiliated with Youth Reproductive Equity and Power to Decide

ref. Teens are driving the demand for online abortion pills via telehealth – new research – https://theconversation.com/teens-are-driving-the-demand-for-online-abortion-pills-via-telehealth-new-research-277943

New federal student loan limits affect social work graduate students, with impacts for survivors of domestic violence in Colorado and elsewhere

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Kaitlyn M. Sims, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, University of Denver; Institute for Humane Studies

The status change cuts the amount of federal student aid by half. Royalty-free/Getty Images

As of July 2026, graduate degree programs in nursing, public health, social work, public policy and more will no longer be defined as professional degrees by the Department of Education.

The change limits how much federal financial aid students in those programs can qualify for under new borrowing limits set by the big tax and spending cuts bill passed by Congress in 2025.

The Department of Education said excluding these degrees from the professional degree classification is solely an “internal definition” and “not a value judgment about the importance of (these) programs.” The department argues these changes will push some graduate programs to reduce their tuition costs.

Every day, survivors of domestic violence rely on a care network built and maintained by a system of nurses, forensic nurse examiners, social workers, therapists and emergency shelter managers. Many of these jobs require graduate training that comes with substantial education costs. To afford these degrees, students often rely on federal financial aid.

The status change will cut the amount of lifetime federal aid students in these programs can receive by about half relative to students in professional programs. In combination with ongoing federal funding cuts, the change threatens to destabilize an already strained social service system.

We are faculty and student researchers at the University of Denver’s Systems, Housing, and Anti-violence Policy Evaluation Lab. We are alarmed at what the status change means for social service providers, especially those serving survivors of domestic and sexual violence.

Excluding programs that prepare individuals to work with survivors of domestic violence from the professional degree designation risks discouraging entry into these professions nationwide. Fewer people entering the profession will impact both the quality and availability of care for those who rely on these services. Moreover, increasing the amount of private debt students will take on to complete these degrees will have lasting consequences.

Professional degree classification and loans

Under the new rules going into effect this summer, graduate student borrowers face annual loan limits and lifetime caps on total borrowing for federal student aid.

Graduate students in professional degree programs, which include medicine, law, dentistry and other high-cost degrees, can access federal loans of up to US$50,000 per year and $200,000 in total.

Taking away the professional degree label from programs limits students to $20,500 in annual federal loans and a lifetime cap of $100,000 for graduate study. But program costs remain unchanged.

In Colorado, and elsewhere, the cost of graduate education often exceeds what students can pay without borrowing. The new cap of $20,500 per year for students in nonprofessional graduate degree programs is far less than the total cost of attendance at major Colorado universities.

At the University of Colorado Boulder, annual costs can top $38,000 including food, housing, books and transportation for in-state students with a full-time credit load. Tuition and fees alone cost about $16,000.

A stone sign reads
Entering Colorado State University in Fort Collins comes at a cost.
Don and Melinda Crawford/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

At Colorado State University, costs range from $36,000 for in-state students to $57,000 for out-of-state students. At the University of Denver, some programs can approach $80,000 per year after housing and other personal expenses are accounted for.

For students who cannot pursue these degrees without adequate financial aid, this policy will create barriers to entering the field. Others will be saddled with private debt that lacks the protections and favorable borrowing terms of federal loans.

Undergraduates can access income-based aid through the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, known as FAFSA. That includes Pell Grants, which are need-based financial aid for undergraduate students, and subsidized loans.

Graduate students lack comparable need-based grant programs and instead rely largely on direct, unsubsidized loans and Grad PLUS loans, which cover educational expenses not met by other financial aid, such as food, housing and books. But the Grad PLUS loan program is set to end for new borrowers on July 1, 2026, further tightening access to advanced degrees.

A calculator and a pen sit on a stack of papers that read
People seeking undergraduate degrees can apply for income-based financial aid through the Free Application for Federal Student Aid program, known as FAFSA.
Royalty-free/Getty Images

Impacts on long-term labor force

Removing these programs from the list of professional status degrees that qualify for higher loans delivers both a symbolic and financial blow to the essential services that support survivors of domestic violence.

Denise Smith, assistant professor at the University of Colorado Anschutz College of Nursing, told Denver7 the policy leaves nurses feeling devalued. She argues that this reinterpretation of the professional degree definition could reduce growth in the nursing profession, with long-term impacts on patients’ access to care.

The New York Academy of Medicine cautions that restricting financial aid will shut out students from lower-income backgrounds, reverse progress in workforce diversity and erode respect for vital health professions at a time when trust in evidence-based care is already stretched thin.

Victim advocacy roles such as shelter managers and housing navigators, which sometimes require a graduate degree, are already chronically underpaid. The median annual salary for social workers nationwide is about $61,000.

Analysts argue that limiting how much students can borrow to earn the credentials they need may accelerate the collapse of the workforce pipeline. Some of these professions, such as nursing, already face a critical shortage of workers.

In fields that rely on moral wages – compensating poorly paid staff with the intrinsic satisfaction of helping those in need – recognition matters. The work done by graduates with these degrees has not changed, and the skills these workers bring to domestic and sexual violence response programs are still vital.

Why this matters

In Colorado, where many shelters operate at or above capacity and most counties don’t have their own shelter program, we believe the impact of fewer trained service professionals would be especially acute.

According to a 2025 survey by NO MORE, an advocacy coalition supporting victims of domestic violence, 80% of organizations in the sexual and domestic violence sector in the U.S. have experienced service disruptions due to federal funding instability. A multistate survey in 2021 of domestic violence programs found that 90% reported high staff turnover due to inadequate funding and the lack of livable wages. State coalitions against domestic violence say employees who remain at these jobs often juggle multiple roles and face substantial burnout.

Shrinking the pipeline of trained professionals who work with victims of domestic violence will disproportionately harm low-income, rural and marginalized survivors, not just in Colorado but nationwide. Fewer professionals means fewer safe options and longer waits for critical services.

Trauma-informed counseling in shelters and community programs is critical for survivors’ recovery and long-term well-being. However, long waits to access shelter or see a mental health professional, along with workforce shortages, already limit access. Fewer forensic nurses to conduct sexual assault exams further threatens survivor safety, especially amid nationwide nursing shortages.

In rural and underserved areas, advanced practice nurses – those with advanced clinical practice and education experience – are often the only consistent providers of care for the local population. Reducing support for nurse training puts entire communities at risk and weakens vital services, including documentation of abuse that can be essential for domestic violence legal proceedings.

These combined challenges highlight the fragility of the system that supports survivors. Without continued investment in training and recognition for these professionals, the network that provides safety and support will be weakened even further.

The Conversation

Kaitlyn M. Sims receives funding from the Wisconsin Department of Children and Families, the Denver Basic Income Project, the Arnold Ventures Foundation, and the Institute for Humane Studies.

Kaelyn Lara and Leslie Carvalho do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New federal student loan limits affect social work graduate students, with impacts for survivors of domestic violence in Colorado and elsewhere – https://theconversation.com/new-federal-student-loan-limits-affect-social-work-graduate-students-with-impacts-for-survivors-of-domestic-violence-in-colorado-and-elsewhere-276254

Jürgen Habermas dies at 96: a philosopher whose hopes for a better future are more important than ever

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Susan Smith, Honorary Professor of Geography, University of Cambridge

Jürgen Habermas speaking in 2007. 360b/Shutterstock

It is impossible to capture seven decades of formidable intellect, wrapped into some 14,000 books and articles, in less than a thousand words. Yet German philosopher Jürgen Habermas staked his career on the power of dialogue and deliberation, so it is worth chiming in.

Habermas, who died on March 14 at the age of 96, was among the greatest thinkers of our time. He was unshakeable in his conviction that people have minds of their own, can hope for a better future, and have the capability, collectively and democratically, to bring that future to life.

Born in Düsseldorf in 1929, he escaped conscription to the Wehrmacht by a whisker. His later realisation that, as a child, he had been enveloped by “a politically criminal system” propelled him into a lifelong scholarly, political and personal campaign to rescue democracy and restore the future.

It was an uphill struggle of breathtaking proportions. If the best was still to come, the journey towards enlightenment would require “nothing less than a comprehensive theory of modern society and its underlying dynamics”.

That was the scholarly project, and few 20th century theorists could tackle it. Habermas led the way with sweeping interdisciplinary reach: historical understanding, geographical imagination, sociological insight, grasp of legal theory, sustained engagement with ethics, aesthetics, psychology, epistemology, theology and more. Any one of these approaches would have moved the dial, but in Habermas they came together with a powerful political message.

Variously described as a socialist, democrat, internationalist, and above all humanitarian, his philosophy – practical, perhaps pragmatic – was his politics. Its centrepiece was the formation, functioning and fragility of a public sphere – Öffentlichkeit – mediating between states and civil societies, promising an alternative to the authoritarian, totalitarian regimes he eschewed.

Bookended by two landmark works, Habermas’s lifelong conviction was that the formation of public opinion through rational, reasoned conversation was vital for the conduct and survival of parliamentary democracy. Both works are cautionary tales concerned equally with the forces stifling deliberative democracy and with the conditions in which it might flourish.

The first, the Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1962) finds the scope for informed, inclusive, critical debate compromised by the intrusion of calculative, commercial and bureaucratic interests. Six decades later, A New Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere and Deliberative Politics (2022) takes on the algorithms driving social media. These, he argued – by accident, design or vested interests – fragment the public sphere, undermining the possibility for collective action against environmental change, excessive inequality and more.

Meanwhile, anchored on the two-volume Theory of Communicative Action (1981), Habermas mounted a sustained effort to make the public sphere work.

What scholar in the humanities and social sciences in the last half century is untouched by this project? My own reckoning, for example, was his prequel on Knowledge and Human Interests (1968). Once you realise that knowledge is not a thing to be discovered but a practice constituted by competing interests, there is no going back.

We were all critical theorists then, on a self-reflective pilgrimage to more rational, fairer futures. Habermas stayed with us every step of the way, not least because he did not confine himself to scholarly books and articles. His journalistic output and other public interventions were equally prodigious. Consider, for example, some 12 volumes of talks, speeches and commentary gathered in his Kleine Politische Schriften.

There is, it must be said, a well-developed feminist critique – and re-visioning – of Habermas’ core ideas. Those very public spaces in which deliberative democracy thrives (if it does) have traditionally been occupied by men, and are generally exclusionary in other ways. Not that such challenges fazed Habermas, who regularly exchanged views with a wide range of public intellectuals. These debates were how he expected the future to unfold.

Hope for the future

For Habermas, hope has not always triumphed over experience. Early in his career he underestimated how tame “conversation” might seem to his students. In the middle years, he probably oversold the potential of intellectuals to steer public debate.

More recently, a trend towards democratic decline and strengthening authoritarianism might suggest that he fell into a classic “democracy trap”. Was it futile to hope that the mandate for fully enfranchised populations to choose their governments through regular free and fair elections would spread?

Habermas was, in fact, acutely aware that the capacity for deliberative democracy can never be taken for granted. However, he never gave up on its promise. On this, he wrote actively to the end, sometimes controversially.

Not everyone liked his style: one obituary describes him as “brilliant, influential and stupefyingly tedious”. But the more telling view is that his work “has given us a vocabulary in which the promises of dignity, autonomy, and emancipation are kept alive and true”.

All in all, Habermas’ achievements are a valorisation of everything that populism is not. He held fast to his conviction that deep knowledge and cogent arguments can win the day, that even the smallest gesture towards a better world is worth the effort.

That is why a recent reviewer could describe his final three-volume project – Also a History of Philosophy – as “a work of willed optimism”. And it is why, in his last work, a collection of biographical conversations – Things Needed to Get Better – Habermas still pins his hopes on critical dialogue and reasoned debate.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

Susan Smith has received funding from the ESRC, ARC and AHURI. She is affiliated with the British Academy and the University of Cambridge.

ref. Jürgen Habermas dies at 96: a philosopher whose hopes for a better future are more important than ever – https://theconversation.com/jurgen-habermas-dies-at-96-a-philosopher-whose-hopes-for-a-better-future-are-more-important-than-ever-279020

Could a new type of weight-loss pill shake up the market? Here’s what to know about orforglipron

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Whyte, Associate Professor of Metabolic Medicine, University of Surrey

Orforglipron, a small-molecule drug, has just passed phase 3 trials. antoniodiaz/ Shutterstock

A new type of daily pill has proven more effective for weight loss and blood sugar control than its currently available counterparts, according to a recent trial. The drug, known as orforglipron, could be a game-changer in the rapidly expanding oral weight-loss drug market.

The advent of the injectable weight-loss drug semaglutide (known better by its brand names Wegovy and Ozempic) marked a distinct shift in the weight-loss drugs market when it became available just a few years ago.

Semaglutide is a class of glucagon-like peptide-1 (GLP-1) medication. These drugs mimic the gut hormone GLP-1, which is released soon after eating. This hormone signals fullness to the brain, slowing digestion and stimulating the release of insulin. By replicating the action of this hormone, GLP-1 drugs have proven highly effective at managing type 2 diabetes and promoting weight loss.

Although semaglutide is widely used, a key issue with the drug is that it needs to be injected into the belly, thighs or back of the arm. This can make it difficult for patients with needle phobia or who don’t want to self-inject due to the inconvenience.

Another logistical issue with injectable GLP-1 drugs is that they require refrigeration throughout the supply chain. This can pose a challenge in low- and middle-income countries.

It’s for these reasons that researchers and developers have started investigating the efficacy of oral versions of semaglutide.

Based on current research, it appears that oral semaglutide is very effective. However, it must be taken on an empty stomach – and users must wait 30 minutes before eating or drinking.

Alongside being expensive to produce, it also has poor bioavailability compared with injectable semaglutide. This means only about 1% of the ingested drug is absorbed and able to exert its effects.

But a recent phase 3 clinical trial has shown that a new type of oral weight-loss pill may have overcome these issues – proving to be more effective than the current oral semaglutide products on the market.

Oral weight-loss pill

The recent 52-week phase 3 trial involved 1,698 adults with type 2 diabetes across six countries. It set out to compare current oral semaglutide products against orforglipron, which is also taken as a daily tablet.

The primary measure researchers were looking for was a reduction in HbA1c. This blood test reflecting average blood sugar levels over three months is the standard indicator of diabetes control. Diabetes is present if HbA1c is 6.5% or more.

From a baseline average HbA1c of 8.3%, it was found that after 52 weeks, orforglipron was able to reduce this value by an average of 1.71–1.91%. In comparison, oral semaglutide only reduced HbA1c by 1.47%.

Not only did orforglipron meet the trial’s goals of proving it was as effective to oral semaglutide, it proved it was superior for lowering blood sugar. The participants who took orforglipron also lost more weight – an average of 6.1kg-8.2kg, compared with 5.3kg in those taking semaglutide.

However, a key issue highlighted by the trial was one of tolerability.

GLP-1 drugs can cause gastrointestinal side-effects such as nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea and constipation. In this latest trial, around 59% of participants on orforglipron reported such symptoms, compared with 37–45% on semaglutide.

The reason for this difference may be the more prominent, daily peak drug concentrations with orforglipron. The consequence was that around 10% of orforglipron participants discontinued treatment due to adverse effects. Just 4-5% of those taking semaglutide discontinued treatment.

Two vials of injectable GLP-1 drugs (such as Wegovy) sitting next to three blister packs of pills.
Future studies may want to look at how orforglipron compares with injectable semaglutide.
Caroline Ruda/ Shutterstock

No head-to-head trials have been done of injectable GLP-1 versus orforglipron. However, the weight loss seen in this study of people with type 2 diabetes is broadly comparable with that previously observed with injectable GLP-1.

Market implications

The trial’s results show that orforglipron, which was developed by Eli Lilly, can be considered one of semaglutide’s most credible challengers.

Another remarkable thing about orforglipron is that it belongs to a new category of drugs called small-molecule drugs. This means it’s a synthetic chemical compound small enough to be absorbed directly through the gut wall. There, it’s able to act on GLP-1 receptors, even though it isn’t of a similar structure to a GLP-1 hormone.

Oral semaglutide, on the other hand, is a peptide drug. This means the structure of its amino acids (one of the building blocks of protein) closely resembles that of the natural GLP-1 hormone.

As a small-molecule drug, orforglipron is cheaper and simpler to manufacture than peptide-based drugs such as semaglutide.

And as with oral semaglutide, it requires no refrigeration. This gives it a logistical advantage over injectable GLP-1 formulations – a potentially important consideration for expanding access in low- and middle-income countries, where cold chain infrastructure is unreliable.

It remains to be seen, however, how orforglipron will perform against oral semaglutide in the broader market.

Although this latest trial has shown it is superior for controlling blood sugar and aiding weight loss, its higher rate of side-effects and treatment discontinuation may temper enthusiasm. In a crowded and competitive market, long-term adherence – shaped as much by tolerability as by efficacy – is probably a critical differentiator.

Orforglipron is still undergoing trials in patients with obesity but without diabetes.

The Conversation

Martin Whyte has received research funding from Novonordisk and Eli Lilly.

ref. Could a new type of weight-loss pill shake up the market? Here’s what to know about orforglipron – https://theconversation.com/could-a-new-type-of-weight-loss-pill-shake-up-the-market-heres-what-to-know-about-orforglipron-277302

The crisis of youth aging out of care is why Canada needs a children and youth commissioner

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jacquie Gahagan, Full Professor and Associate Vice-President, Research, Mount Saint Vincent University

Youth in Canada’s child welfare system need stronger government leadership to improve educational outcomes. Fewer than half of youth who have spent time in foster care — known as care-experienced youth — complete high school and even fewer attend or complete post-secondary education.

These educational gaps can have lasting consequences for the life chances of care-experienced youth, including higher rates of unemployment, poverty, homelessness, criminalization and other longstanding disparities.

Education falls under the provincial and territorial jurisdiction. However, the absence of strong federal oversight — including the lack of a co-ordinated national data collection and reporting process — contributes to the current patchwork of data that exists.

As a result, we lack a clear understanding of which publicly funded policies and interventions are effective in meeting the unique needs of care-experienced youth.

The Senate’s Standing Committee on Human Rights recently released the report Nothing to Celebrate: The Crisis of Youth Aging Out of Care. This report is a much-needed national call to action. It sets out eight concrete recommendations to address the health, social, economic and educational disparities faced by care-experienced youth.

Yet a key question remains: In a child welfare system marked by jurisdictional divisions, will care-experienced youth see the needed action to improve their life chances, including equitable access to educational opportunities?

A series of flags shown in a row, leading with a maple leaf Canadian flag followed by flags of provinces.
A lack of co-ordinated national data collection and reporting contributes to the current patchwork of information about youth in care, and this hampers developing effective strategies to meet their needs.
(Martin Lopatka/Flickr), CC BY-SA

National children and youth commissioner?

One of the Senate report’s central recommendations is the establishment of a national children and youth commissioner.

This is not a new idea. It’s been proposed for decades. Yet Canada remains one of the few high-income countries without a national oversight body focused on the well-being of children and youth.

A national children and youth commissioner would have a mandate to monitor and report to Parliament on children’s rights and the rights of people who are becoming adults.

Such a mandate could help create a clearer picture of the realities facing young people with care experience, including their educational disparities from coast to coast.

A national commissioner could also play an important role in reporting data from across the country on children and youth during care and as they transition into adulthood.

A national child welfare data-reporting requirement could inform more equitable and responsive policy and program decision-making, regardless of where a child or youth spent time in care. As highlighted in the Senate report, the province or territory where a child or youth was in care should not determine whether they receive supports or how long those supports last.




Read more:
Forgotten futures? Canada urgently needs a national discussion about young people’s futures


Another key recommendation in the Senate report is aimed at addressing jurisdictional disparities by calling for a national summit and action plan involving federal, provincial and territorial governments, guided by the Equitable Standards for Transitions to Adulthood for Youth in Care.

Grounded in lived expertise, these standards promote more equitable and gradual transitions to adulthood based on readiness rather than age alone. This approach offers an alternative to the abrupt termination of supports at the arbitrary age set by provincial or territorial legislation.

Indigenous children and youth in care

A national children and youth commissioner would also help navigate the complex jurisdictional policy landscape affecting Indigenous children and youth in care. The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation underscores that the over-representation of Indigenous children and youth in the mainstream child welfare system is an ongoing legacy of residential schools and the Sixties Scoop.

These colonial policies have enabled the separation of Indigenous children from their families and communities. Although Indigenous Services Canada introduced services in 2022 to assist youth aging out of care and young adults formerly in care, there is no external federal oversight to ensure the program is sustainable and is achieving its intended goals.

A national commissioner could also help ensure that Indigenous youth with care experience receive equitable support both on- and off-reserve through governments upholding Jordan’s Principle.

Mobility rights for youth

Federal co-ordination of supports and services is also essential to upholding the mobility rights set out in Section 6 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The transition to adulthood should include unrestricted mobility across the country.

Yet for care-experienced youth, a fragmented child welfare system and uneven post-secondary supports can limit where they are able to attend college or university.

Currently, programs and services designed to support youth transitioning to adulthood are difficult to navigate across provinces and territories. Staff in one part of the country often do not have complete or up-to-date information about programs and supports available in other jurisdictions.

Holistic, integrated supports needed

Recent findings from our work in Atlantic Canada show that improving educational outcomes for care-experienced youth requires more than national oversight and formal policy alignment.

For example, tuition waiver programs can create access to post-secondary education, but that access is often undermined by barriers and costs beyond tuition, including intersecting forms of trauma, a lack of housing, food insecurity, transportation issues, the cost of books and school supplies and child care.

While many youth without care experience may have family members to serve as a financial and emotional support system, this is not the case for many care-experienced youth as they head into post-secondary studies.

Our research funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council also shows that care-experienced youth are more likely to persist when financial support is paired with holistic, trauma-informed wraparound services.

These include consistent mentorship, navigation support, counselling, tutoring and culturally responsive community connections. Importantly, success should not be defined only by graduation. It should also be understood through belonging, persistence and student-defined progress.

Simply surviving being in care isn’t OK

A stronger national approach, including the appointment of a national children and youth commissioner, could help Canada move beyond fragmented provincial and territorial eligibility rules and the inadequate data systems for tracking outcomes for children and youth in the child welfare system.

It could support a more co-ordinated model in which access to post-secondary education is paired with the structural and relational supports that care-experienced youth need to succeed and thrive. Simply surviving and aging out of the child welfare system should not be an acceptable outcome measure.

If we truly value the lives of those with care experience, governments across the country must show stronger leadership and make the long-overdue structural changes needed to repair a broken child welfare system.

The Conversation

Jacquie Gahagan receives funding from CIHR, SSHRC, RNS.

Dale Kirby receives funding from SSHRC.

Mary Rita Holland is affiliated with the Nova Scotia New Democratic Party.

Melanie M. Doucet is also the Executive Director of the National Council of Youth in Care Advocates (NCYICA), which receives funding from the McConnell Foundation and the Catherine Donnelly Foundation.

ref. The crisis of youth aging out of care is why Canada needs a children and youth commissioner – https://theconversation.com/the-crisis-of-youth-aging-out-of-care-is-why-canada-needs-a-children-and-youth-commissioner-277362

U.S. actions in Iran are politically motivated, not the result of intelligence failures

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Horncastle, Assistant Professor and Edward and Emily McWhinney Professor in International Relations, Simon Fraser University

Intelligence agencies are often blamed when the use of military force has an unexpected or negative outcome. Pundits often argue leaders end up in difficult situations because they are not fully informed, or intelligence agencies got it wrong.

Of course, analysis is sometimes wrong. Intelligence failures do happen and can lead to bad decisions and disastrous outcomes. When intelligence agencies fail, as they did before 9/11, the price is steep. But, more often than not, intelligence analysis is very good.

Perceived failures are far more likely when political leaders manipulate, ignore or even revise intelligence findings for their own purposes.

The Donald Trump administration appears to be playing politics with intelligence regarding the ongoing United States-Israel war in Iran. Tulsi Gabbard, the current director of national intelligence, told U.S. congress last week that the judgment of whether Iran posed an imminent threat belonged to the president.

This statement exposes how intelligence was politicized and various agencies ignored in the lead-up to the conflict.

Intelligence agencies

Modern intelligence agencies resulted from difficult experiences; the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), for example, was only established in 1947, six years after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The U.S. had sufficient information to foresee the attack, but the institutions of the time and the interpretations of political leaders failed to put a complete picture together.

Dramatized spycraft makes for great entertainment. But the more important work of intelligence agencies is painstakingly collecting and assessing bits and pieces of information of various kinds.

Experiences like Pearl Harbor resulted in practices that guard against individual interpretation, force analysts to consider alternatives and subject assumptions to the critical eye of experts. It’s a massive undertaking: between 100,000 and 120,000 people now work in the U.S. intelligence community.

The importance of autonomy

Intelligence agencies, by the nature of what they examine, often have incomplete data. They must work carefully to avoid bias.

These biases range from internal biases, such as the concept of mirror imaging, to external ones, such as political interference. Recent history is replete with examples of political interference in intelligence assessment to their own country’s detriment.

Most European analysts did not believe Russia would invade Ukraine in the lead-up to the full-scale Russian assault in 2022. The reason for their incredulity was that given Russia’s stated strategic goals, a direct invasion would compromise the country.

Vladimir Putin, however, had isolated himself from objective analysis and continues to do so. Instead, the structure of the Russian state encouraged people who agreed with him rather than those who provided analysis based on expertise.

The result is a war entering its fifth year, with a heavy toll on the Russian people and Putin’s dream of a stronger Russia floundering.

But the U.S. doesn’t need to look abroad for similar examples. The greatest American strategic folly of the 21st century, the invasion of Iraq, was abetted by the George W. Bush administration’s misrepresentation of CIA assessments that did not further the goal of invading Iraq.

In the lead-up to the Iraq invasion, Bush and his inner circle reportedly “cherry-picked” intelligence assessments to justify their case for war, leading them to fall victim to a form of bias known as groupthink.

The Iraq invasion has had long-lasting consequences — it still compromises America’s geostrategic position in the Middle East and globally. The invasion, in fact, helped bolster the regional strength of the current U.S. adversary, Iran.

A grey-haired man stands a podium with the U.S. presidential insignia. Behind him a sign reads Mission Accomplished.
In this May 2003 photo, U.S. President George W. Bush declares the end of major combat in Iraq as he speaks aboard the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln off the California coast. The war dragged on for many years after that.
(AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

Failure to learn from the past

It seems the Trump administration has learned no lessons from the Iraq debacle.

In her congressional testimony, Gabbard avoided the topic of whether intelligence agencies agreed that Iran posed an imminent threat to the U.S. Given that Gabbard was under oath, her evasion suggests the White House interpreted information differently or dismissed intelligence reports.

Joe Kent, the director of the National Counterterrorism Centre, recently resigned in protest over the decision to attack Iran.

Kent, regardless of his own problematic past, noted in his resignation letter that Trump chose to ignore intelligence briefings that Iran did not pose an imminent threat and instead relied on an inner circle of supporters to justify his decision to wage war.

Fallout

The problems emerging from Trump’s attack on Iran are both grave and predictable. Not only has the U.S. failed to bring about regime change — ostensibly one of the reasons to attack — but the government now in charge in Iran is even more radical than the one it’s replaced.




Read more:
U.S.-Israeli strikes against Iran may succeed on a military basis, but at what cost?


Furthermore, the world is now facing an energy crisis, which, according to the head of the International Energy Agency, is worse than the oil spikes of the 1970s. This directly stems from Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

While Trump is trying to frame his decision to attack Iran as a victory, it is likely to be anything but — not only America’s strategic position in the Middle East, but for the intelligence community and global security.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. U.S. actions in Iran are politically motivated, not the result of intelligence failures – https://theconversation.com/u-s-actions-in-iran-are-politically-motivated-not-the-result-of-intelligence-failures-278971

If using ChatGPT is cheating, what about ghostwriting? The old debate behind a new panic

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Emily Hodgson Anderson, Professor of English and Dean of Undergraduate Education, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Ghostwriting sits at the nexus of collaboration and deception. EThamPhoto/The Image Bank via Getty Images

In February 2023, a little more than a year after the launch of ChatGPT, Vanderbilt University sent an email to its student body in the wake of a fatal campus shooting at Michigan State.

“The recent Michigan shootings are a tragic reminder of the importance of taking care of each other,” the email read in part. In tiny type at the bottom of the message, a disclaimer appeared: “paraphrased from OpenAI’s ChatGPT.”

Students immediately objected.

“There is a sick and twisted irony to making a computer write your message about community and togetherness because you can’t be bothered to reflect on it yourself,” one senior wrote.

A Vanderbilt apology email quickly followed. The university launched a professionalism and ethics investigation. One associate dean couched the misstep as a result of learning pains tied to the adoption of new technology.

Chatbots have spawned a host of ethical questions about writing assistance for teachers, students and authors.

But similar debates about ghostwriting have been taking place for over a century, revealing a persistent discomfort with the idea that the words we read might not belong to the person whose name is attached to them.

Outsourcing authorship

Ghostwriting, a paid arrangement in which one person writes under another’s name, has existed for over a century.

The term seems to have first appeared in the English language in a 1908 newspaper article, which I encountered while researching my forthcoming book, “Ghostwriting: A Secret History, from God to A.I.” The story appeared in the Daily Star, in Lincoln, Nebraska, and describes an anonymous writer who earned US$5,000 to help a high-society woman write a book.

Today, ghostwriting usually involves collaborations between professional writers and celebrities or professionals who otherwise wouldn’t have the time, skill or connections to write a book.

On publication of the manuscript, the ghostwriter is typically named, albeit obliquely – perhaps identified as a friend or consultant in the acknowledgments section. In some instances, the ghostwriter’s name appears alongside the credited author’s on the cover. Either way, the client assumes ownership of the ghostwriter’s work.

An ethical gray area

And yet when I type “the practice of one person writing in another person’s name” into Google, the search engine doesn’t spit out “ghostwriting.”

My first hit is “pseudonym” or “alias.” “Plagiarism,” “libel” and “slander” aren’t far behind. A 1953 article titled “Ghost Writing and History” that appeared in The American Scholar also points out that in the mid-20th century, “forgery” – falsely imitating another’s work with the intent to deceive – and “ghostwriting” could be used interchangeably by scholars.

In other words, even when consensual and compensated, ghostwriting has some relatives that are ethically suspect. And maybe that’s why many clients obscure the fact that they’ve used a ghostwriter, and why responses to ghostwritten works often reflect uneasiness with the practice.

“You should be ashamed,” read one social media post, written in response to Millie Bobby Brown’s 2023 debut novel, which she co-wrote with a ghostwriter. “[The ghostwriter’s] name should be on the cover. She was the one who actually wrote the book.”

The discomfort goes both ways: “I feel so guilty and ashamed whenever I use a ghostwriter now because I feel people will think I’m lying,” an anonymous poster on Reddit admitted.

Both the criticism and self-flagellation imply that the act of claiming another person’s words can render these words deceitful, even if the words have been paid for and the content is true.

Ghostwriting agencies rush to defuse these worries. Ghostwriting has been around forever, the Association of Ghostwriters reassures its clients. Ghostwriting is consensual and collaborative – not lazy, deceptive or a form of “selling out,” an author who’d recently used ghostwriting services explained.

And yet, in the last chapter of her ghostwritten book, Whoopi Goldberg acknowledges some misgivings about using a ghostwriter.

“I meant to try (to write the book myself),” Goldberg writes. “And when it turned out I couldn’t quite pull it off … I looked for help.”

Goldberg frames the assistance of ghostwriting as something she deserved after overcoming obstacles as a Black woman. But Goldberg also has financial resources available that others looking for writing assistance usually don’t. High-end ghostwriters collect in the mid-six figures for their services; Prince Harry’s ghostwriter, J.R. Moehringer, supposedly scored a $1 million advance.

Cue chatbots. Generative AI promises to be the ghostwriter for the masses, so much so that ghostwriter Josh Lisec explained to me how, in the future, ghostwriting will need to be marketed as a boutique service for elites if it is to survive.

Naming names

Whether you’re paying for a ghostwriter or using a free chatbot, “assistance” or “collaboration” on intellectual and artistic work is not automatically unethical.

Editors have long made a career out of helping authors shape their writing. Visual artists have long employed studio assistants. Television shows only get written collaboratively in writers’ rooms.

And yet, accepting assistance on intellectual or artistic work can raise legitimate questions, particularly with regards to how that assistance is acknowledged and how much assistance can be accepted while still calling a project “ours.”

In the late 19th century, for example, one sculptor went to court to rebut a claim that his assistant – whom the press referred to as a “ghost” – had completed sculptures for which the sculptor took credit. The judge announced that an artist could accept, with integrity, a certain amount of mechanical assistance. But he added that there was a threshold when artistic assistance became “dishonest.” The judge made the accused sculptor craft a bust in real time to prove his skill.

Black and white photo of bearded man wearing suit watching two men work on white sculptures.
French sculptor Auguste Rodin observes his assistants as they make plaster casts of his works.
Corbis/Getty Images

Similarly, most educators find it more ethical when their students turn to ChatGPT for editing assistance but much less so when they use it to generate a document from scratch.

Many universities now allow AI as a tool but require users to verify its accuracy and disclose its use – rules that echo long-standing ghostwriting contracts.

Yet even verified, A.I.-generated text, if claimed solely as an individual’s work, can pose policy violations at my institution, the University of Southern California: “You should never attempt to present … content created by others, including generative AI, as your own.”

The same policies that govern appropriate A.I. use also come up in ghostwriting contracts. The ghostwriter signs a “warranty of originality” that promises the author that the ghostwriter has – via platforms such as iThenticate – fact-checked and plagiarism-checked their work.

When inaccuracies do crop up, ghostwriters often take the fall.

Former Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem blamed her ghostwriter for indicating in her memoir that she had met North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un. Physician David Agus, who teaches at the University of Southern California Keck School of Medicine, held his ghostwriter responsible for the many instances of plagiarism that were identified in his popular science books.

Ghostwriters willingly provide assistance and accept responsibility for the originality of what they write. Scholars have permission to use generative AI, provided they properly cite its use.

And yet when Vanderbilt administrators advertised that their email had been written with the assistance of ChatGPT, students and faculty pushed back.

University policies and book contracts may offer veils of legitimacy and shields from legal liability. But in the end, readers still seem to want the words they’re reading to come from the mind of the person whose name is on the byline.

The Conversation

Emily Hodgson Anderson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. If using ChatGPT is cheating, what about ghostwriting? The old debate behind a new panic – https://theconversation.com/if-using-chatgpt-is-cheating-what-about-ghostwriting-the-old-debate-behind-a-new-panic-278754

French local elections: political scientist on what’s next for the hard right and radical left

Source: The Conversation – France – By Frédéric Sawicki, professeur de science politique, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

In the wake of the final round of France’s local elections, we asked political pundit Frédéric Sawicki what the mayoral vote tells us about the political future of the two main contenders – Rassemblement National (RN) and La France Insoumise (LFI)?


The Conversation: What was the outcome of France’s 2026 mayoral elections?

Frédéric Sawicki: Let’s start by recalling that, in 9 out of 10 municipalities, the elections were conclusive right from the first round. The second round mainly concerned urban France. In one in two cities, at least three lists were running against each other, confirming the tripolarisation of the political arena. Overall, political stability dominates because, unlike in 2008 or 2014, these mayoral elections were not an opportunity to sanction a majority or a government, due to a massive lack of lists of candidates representing the “presidential majority.”

Consequently, the few shifts from one camp to another are often explained by local concerns. If the Parti Socialiste (PS), France’s centre-left establishment, wins Saint-Étienne, it may well have something to do with the sex tape scandal surrounding the outgoing mayor. And vice versa in Brest in Brittany where the PS lost, which the ailing reputation of the outgoing mayor who had been in office since 2001, no doubt had a hand in. There are multiple cases of this.

We also note a certain number of “sociological constants.” France’s largest cities always vote massively to the left. In cities with tourist economies, a strong presence of independent professions, small employers, retailers, military-related populations (in Toulon, for example), or well-off retirees (Nice, Menton or Cagnes-sur-Mer), the vote is strongly right or far-right leaning.

On the whole, we noticed as many swings from the right to the left and vice versa, as movements within each camp: socialist or communist cities became LFI territory (Saint-Denis, Vénissieux), “green party” cities shifted towards the centre left (Strasbourg or Poitiers). On the other end of the spectrum, some right-wing or centre right cities shifted to the far right or to its allies, for example, as was the case in Nice with Eric Ciotti.

The slides from left to right were few and far between and were balanced with slides in the opposite direction. Over the municipalities of more than 50,000 inhabitants, the left and the ecologists lost Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, Brest, Avignon, Besançon, Poitiers, Cherbourg, but won Saint-Étienne, Nîmes, Amiens, Roubaix, Aubervilliers and Pau.

RN’s wins in smaller towns were quite a result…

F.S.: One of the new phenomena to come out of the vote is the solid bolstering of far right party Rassemblement National’s “mayoral anchorage”. In 2020, the RN claimed only 17 cities, including seven with more than 20,000 inhabitants. This time, it won 60. Toulon or Nîmes were, without doubt, huge losses for RN, but they managed to win over many medium-sized cities, such as Carpentras, La Seyne-sur-Mer, La Flèche, Vierzon, Montargis, Liévin… RN strongholds are primarily located in the former mining Pas-de-Calais area, the Côte d’Azur, and also in Occitania (Agde, Castres, Carcassonne, Montauban).

The RN has particularly anchored its presence in the cities it conquered in 2014 and 2020; strengthening its credibility is essential for the RN ahead of the 2027 presidential elections.

Did LFI – the radical left party come out of these local elections any stronger?

F.S: LFI’s breakthrough became apparent as it won over several cities with more than 30,000 inhabitants – Saint-Denis, Roubaix, Saint-Paul and Le Tampon (France’s overseas territory – Island of La Réunion), Vénissieux, Vaux-en-Velin, La Courneuve, Creil, which is far from insignificant considering they started from scratch. However, this breakthrough must be put into context.

France’s radical left suffered losses in situations where they had taken the lead from the left (in Toulouse or Limoges). The party led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon failed to reclaim towns from the right, with the exception of Roubaix.

LFI specifically poised itself as an essential partner, with the threat of bringing down the centre-left PS if no alliance was formed. However, when the socialists and allies refused the merger, they were rarely defeated. LFI therefore failed to demonstrate its ability to hit hard – the example of Paris was emblematic, but Rennes and Montpellier are other fine examples.

Finally, in the context of alliances with the environmentalists, in particular, we note LFI losses in cities such as Strasbourg, Poitiers, Besançon. When the alliances made it possible to win (Grenoble, Lyon, Tours), LFI will not be represented at executive level because the mergers were only a “technicality.” The LFI representatives therefore remain confined to the role of opponent, which doesn’t give the party the ability to govern and appearing as a party “purely of the opposition” poses a real problem for obtaining supreme (presidential) power in 2027.

We noticed that the centre and the right strengthened their alliance during the mayoral runoffs…

F.S.: There were a lot of lists where the centre right, Horizons, MoDem and Renaissance, joint forces with conservative candidates, Union des démocrates et indépendants (UDI) or Les Républicains (LR), from the first round. In the second round, many alliances were formed. This municipal election is therefore part of the continuity of the parliamentary alliance between the central block and the right since 2022 and especially since 2024, and foreshadows what could happen in the presidential election. After the second round, we heard calls for LR, Horizons and the Macronists to have a common arrangement and one candidate. With his win in Le Havre, Édouard Philippe delivered a speech aimed at federating these forces – even though the battle remains very open.

There has been a lot of talk about “infighting within the left-wing,” with a clear divide between part of the socialists and LFI. What are the stakes for 2027?

F.S.: The fracture between those who refuse any alliance with LFI and the others has been reinforced with this vote. But what we notice is that the autonomous centre hardly exists any more, the central block is now clearly uniting with the right. So what is the alliance strategy of those who, like Raphaël Glucksmann or François Hollande, advocate a rapprochement with the centralists? If the Socialist Party comes out stronger after this election, it’s because it joined forces from the first round, with the ecologists, the communists, Place publique and former LFI supporters. The only path that seems to be emerging for the left is to work on this foundation by making it stronger – without LFI – while showing LFI voters that they are not “inaudible” and that their aspirations are heard.

Some observers feared a “fusion” between the right and the far right. While this didn’t happen at party level, we have, on the other hand, witnessed moderate right-wing and far right-wing voters becoming closer…

F.S.: Local initiatives to bring the RN closer to conservative candidates were immediately condemned by LR. The fact that Bruno Retailleau did not call for Christian Estrosi to vote against Éric Ciotti in Nice caused outrage. On the other hand, voters’ choices at the ballot showed substantial porosity between the right and the far right. The presence of LFI candidates acting as a foil, RN voters voted LR to block the left, and LR voters voted RN for the same reason. It’s clear in Brest, Clermont-Ferrand, Limoges, Besançon, and Marseille that conservative LR Martine Vassal’s electorate (LR) was halved between the first and second rounds, in favour of Franck Allisio (RN).

Finally, who came out as the winner? Does this mean RN might be heading for success in 2027?

F.S.: The RN enjoyed a positive dynamic, strengthening its local presence is an important step in the right direction ahead of the senatorial elections, but also presidential and next legislative elections. That said, the FN remains on the outside looking in with regards to France’s largest cities, which is a major weakness for setting its sights on the Élysée palace. How could a party claim power at the national level while being absent in the cities where most of France’s intellectual and economic activity is concentrated? The RN represents around 30% of voters: it can win in 2027 against an isolated Jean-Luc Mélenchon, or if the left (excluding LFI) and the right remain divided. The potential success of the RN in 2027 is therefore not inevitable provided that the left or the right come together. This is what François Mitterrand managed to do in 1981 and 1988. That’s what Jacques Chirac did in 1995, like Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. It is now up to the political forces to play… their cards right.


Interview by David Bornstein, Political Editor at The Conversation France.


A weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get the newsletter!


The Conversation

Frédéric Sawicki ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. French local elections: political scientist on what’s next for the hard right and radical left – https://theconversation.com/french-local-elections-political-scientist-on-whats-next-for-the-hard-right-and-radical-left-279129

Cocoa farmers cut down trees for short-term gain, but keeping them is important – here’s why

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Olly Owen, Research Affiliate, Anthropology, University of Oxford

Some cocoa farmers are cutting down trees on their farms. Narong Khueankaew/Shutterstock

The price of most chocolate bars has gone up worldwide in the past year, after cocoa bean prices rose dramatically in 2024.

As cocoa prices shot up, many farmers in tropical cocoa-producing countries including Nigeria saw profits rise.

With new cocoa farms opening up on the edges of the forested areas, trees are often cut down to plant more shrubs. However, this could increase deforestation in the biodiverse tropical rainforest regions where most cocoa is farmed.

But research shows that cutting down trees may actually result in fewer beans being produced in the long term because trees can protect the crop from pests and provide much needed shade.

Our research in the state of Ekiti, south-west Nigeria, has explored how, when and why trees are retained on cocoa farms, and what their potential is both for the farmer, and for the environment.

As the world’s fourth-largest cocoa producer, Nigeria plays a significant role in global supply.

Although Nigeria has seen more plantation-style farms with cocoa shrubs and without trees, its cocoa sector has, to some extent, bucked the deforestation trend seen in other cocoa-producing countries. This is partly because for many years the country’s economic policy focused on the oil sector, while not much was invested in cocoa “modernisation” policies that have caused so much damage and deforestation in other cocoa-producing countries, such as Ghana.

In Ekiti state in south-west Nigeria, an estimated 57% of cocoa is still grown on small farms with significant tree cover. However, Ekiti has lost significant forest cover over the past two decades, with one-third of deforestation driven by agriculture. As part of our research we wanted to understand why some farmers choose to retain trees and how existing production systems might be supported, despite producers around the world trying to meet new levels of demand.

How cocoa, timber, and fruit/spice trees contribute to farm revenue

Chart showing income from cocoa farms in Nigeria.

Author’s own research, CC BY-NC-ND

We visited 15 farms and found high levels of biodiversity. We recorded 42 different tree species, many recently planted by farmers. The trees creating the greatest shade across farms were all indigenous rainforest species, including increasingly rare tropical hardwoods such as Iroko (Milicia excelsa), Oganwo (Khaya senegalensis), Eku (Brachystegia eurycoma), and Obeche (Triplochiton scleroxylon). Some of these species are so rare in Nigeria that cocoa farms are now being used as a source for seed collection. There were also up to 26 bird species recorded on a single site.

Tree cover also plays an economic role in production. Many of the 15 farmers we surveyed valued shade trees for keeping plants cool. Cocoa doesn’t produce well if it gets too hot, and as climate change is now threatening the future suitability of many growing regions, regulating temperature is going to be increasingly important. And the trees are a harvestable resource in themselves: 11 of the 15 farmers valued trees as direct financial security, because harvesting tree fruits and spices contributed between 2% and 43% of their annual income, while timber accounted for anywhere from zero to 57%.

Cocoa bean prices rose swiftly a year ago.

Income from trees made up at least 20% of total household income for a majority of farmers, and in some cases up to nearly 60% of total income. So trees are used as a safety net whenever cash is tight from cocoa income.

Growing trees is not without its challenges for these farmers. However, indigenous rainforest trees tend to host fewer pests such as mirids. And they also tend to form higher canopies than cultivated fruit trees, meaning less fungal diseases too.

Despite the range of challenges, the majority of farmers in Ekiti retain non-cocoa trees because of their value. These decisions reflect a balancing act – the advantages of shade and pest control, income from fruit and timber and climate regulation – can offset any short-term loss of cocoa production.

Efforts to limit deforestation and support sustainable cocoa farming need to acknowledge the trade-offs farmers experience. This is particularly important as Nigeria’s forests are highly biodiverse and the nation is highly vulnerable to climate change.

Sustainability certification, such as the one run by the Rainforest Alliance, could be extended to more specifically highlight cocoa beans from farmers who produce fruit using sustainable methods which protect the climate including retaining trees on their farms. This could help safeguard biodiverse rainforests and help cocoa farmers make a living.

Given the global demand for cocoa, this is crucial for a sustainable future.

The Conversation

Olly Owen has received funding from Oxford University John Fell Fund, and provides pro bono technical advice to Ekiti State Forestry Commission.

Zoe Brown receives funding from the Tropical Agriculture Asssociation Fund.

ref. Cocoa farmers cut down trees for short-term gain, but keeping them is important – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/cocoa-farmers-cut-down-trees-for-short-term-gain-but-keeping-them-is-important-heres-why-277816