Houldou, reine de Pétra il y a 2 000 ans : une Cléopâtre du désert ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Professeur d’histoire ancienne, Université de Lorraine

La Khazneh, à Pétra, apparaît au bout du Siq, étroite gorge qui mène au centre de l’antique capitale des Nabatéens, aujourd’hui en Jordanie. Photo : Schwentzel., Fourni par l’auteur

Peu connue du grand public, la reine Houldou régna aux côtés d’Arétas IV, au tournant de notre ère, dans la Pétra des Nabatéens. Coiffée de la couronne de la déesse Isis, elle incarne une figure fascinante, entre histoire et légende. Fut-elle, comme Cléopâtre en Égypte, une souveraine-déesse ? Dans les Nabatéens, IVe avant J.-C.-IIe siècle. De Pétra à Al-Ula, les bâtisseurs du désert, Christian-Georges Schwentzel, spécialiste de l’Orient ancien, nous plonge au cœur d’une civilisation originale, parfaitement identifiable par son style artistique et architectural unique, ses divinités et son écriture si caractéristiques. Extraits.


Sur les monnaies d’argent, dès les émissions de l’an 1 d’Arétas IV, la reine Houldou porte, au-dessus de son front, la couronne de la déesse égyptienne Isis, constituée de cornes de vaches enserrant le disque solaire, parfois surmontée d’une plume.

La reine Houldou, voilée et couronnée. La coiffe d’Isis se dresse au sommet de son front. Monnaie d’argent. Début du Iᵉʳ siècle.
CNGCoins.

Isis est une ancienne déesse, éminemment bénéfique, décrite dans les mythes égyptiens comme une magicienne instruite des secrets de la résurrection. Après avoir réuni les morceaux épars de son époux Osiris, lâchement massacré et dépecé par son frère Seth, elle les réajuste et les entoure de bandelettes, confectionnant la première momie. Elle parvient, de cette manière, à faire renaître le défunt dans l’au-delà, et même à lui donner un fils posthume : Horus, ou Harpocrate, c’est-à-dire « Horus l’Enfant », qui, devenu adolescent, venge son père en écrasant Seth et en rétablissant la justice en Égypte. À la Basse Époque égyptienne, Isis est assimilée à Hathor, déesse de la maternité, qui peut prendre la forme d’une vache ; d’où les cornes de la couronne divine. Comme Hathor avait, selon un mythe, aidé le Soleil à se lever dans le ciel, l’astre est représenté entre ses cornes de vache. […]

La facade de la Khazneh, Pétra.
Photo  : Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

La Khazneh et ses symboles féminins

La couronne isiaque de Houldou nous conduit à la Khazneh, le plus célèbre des monuments de Pétra, véritable icône de la civilisation nabatéenne. Sa façade, haute de 40 mètres et large de 28 mètres, se divise en deux parties aujourd’hui visibles : un porche monumental, en bas, précédé de six colonnes et surmonté d’un fronton ; un étage dont la partie centrale adopte la forme d’un édifice circulaire appelé tholos en grec. Le toit conique de la tholos est surmonté d’une urne, encadrée de deux demi-frontons symétriques, où sont perchés des aigles. L’urne est un symbole funéraire, emprunté à l’art grec, manifestant ici la présence de l’âme d’un défunt, tandis que les aigles, également figurés sur les monnaies, font référence à Doushara, grand dieu protecteur du pouvoir royal.

Fouilles au pied de la Khazneh, Pétra, août 2024.
Photo : Schwentzel

Un autre niveau, inférieur, a été mis au jour, lors des fouilles de 2003 ; on y trouve des sépultures qui constituent une sorte de « crypte » de la Khazneh où les recherches ont repris durant l’été 2024.

Au sommet de l’angle supérieur du fronton, est perché le symbole isiaque, exceptionnellement mis en valeur par sa position parfaitement centrale. Deux cornes de vaches lyriformes servent de berceau au disque solaire surmonté de plumes, aujourd’hui largement effacées par l’érosion. De part et d’autre, deux épis de blé symétriques se dressent en s’écartant.

La coiffe isiaque au sommet du fronton de la Khazneh, Pétra.
Photo : Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

On remarque que la distance entre le socle sur lequel se dresse la coiffe d’Isis et la base du monument est égale à celle qui sépare ce même socle du haut de l’urne au sommet de la Khazneh. On peut ainsi affirmer que la coiffe est, en quelque sorte, le nombril de la Khazneh, sa porte d’entrée et sa clé d’interprétation. Elle se trouve aux pieds d’une figure féminine sculptée en relief qui occupe une position centrale à l’étage, où elle est entourée, à sa droite et à sa gauche, de quatre personnages symétriques.

Celle-ci est directement inspirée des représentations de reines ptolémaïques, comme Bérénice II, assimilée aux déesses Isis et Tyché, sur des vases en faïence produits en Égypte. Figurée en train de faire une libation, Bérénice II tient une patère dans la main droite et une corne d’abondance dans la gauche.

À gauche : la reine Bérénice II en Isis-Tyché sur une oinochoé en faïence. Fin du IIIᵉ siècle av. J.-C., J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. À droite : contours de l’image de déesse-reine de la Khazneh.
Dessin : Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

Sur la façade de la Khazneh, l’image féminine est coiffée d’un attribut dont la forme évasée se devine encore aujourd’hui. On hésite entre la couronne crénelée de Tyché et le polos, coiffe arrondie de Déméter. Quoi qu’il en soit, il s’agit de deux attributs également repris, ou susceptibles de l’être, par Al-Ouzza [(déesse arabe préislamique, ndlr)]. D’où l’hypothèse, suggérée par Jean Starcky, selon laquelle le personnage féminin dominant la façade de la Khazneh représenterait une reine nabatéenne assumant, comme les souveraines ptolémaïques avant elle, le rôle d’une déesse. Une déesse-reine, en quelque sorte.

Les figures féminines de l’étage de la Khazneh.
 Photo : Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

Examinons maintenant les huit autres figures qui entourent la reine à l’étage. Deux représentent Nikè, déesse grecque de la victoire, pourvue d’ailes, et les autres des femmes qui, dans un mouvement très dynamique, paraissent danser autour de la reine. On les a parfois interprétées comme des Amazones brandissant chacune un instrument qui pourrait être une double hache, arme traditionnelle de ces combattantes dans les mythes grecs. Elles exécuteraient ici une ronde guerrière.

Si les Victoires ailées, déjà présentes sur les monnaies d’Arétas II, n’ont rien de bien étonnant, les danseuses sont plus inattendues. Elles n’adoptent pas ici la position habituelle des femmes guerrières dans l’art grec, où elles sont généralement représentées blessées ou vaincues par des héros. En fait, leur état de conservation ne permet pas de distinguer si elles brandissent des haches ou plutôt des thyrses, ces bâtons liés à la figure de Dionysos dans le monde gréco-romain. Elles pourraient donc aussi bien représenter ici des Bacchantes, ces jeunes femmes en transe, adeptes de Dionysos qui fut identifié à Doushara ; ce qui pourrait expliquer leur représentation sur le monument.

Le rez-de-chaussée est, quant à lui, décoré de deux représentations de cavaliers. On voit encore leurs torses musclés et une partie de leurs chevaux qu’ils tenaient par la bride. Cette iconographie s’inspire de celle de Castor et Pollux, les Dioscures de la mythologie grecque, qui sont fréquemment associés aux monuments funéraires en raison de leurs fonctions psychopompes, c’est-à-dire de guides du défunt après la mort. Les hypogées alexandrins ont pu servir de modèle, car les Dioscures y sont souvent représentés accompagnant le mort, lui-même parfois figuré sous l’aspect d’un troisième cavalier.

Mais ce riche décor nous permet-il d’identifier la déesse-reine de la Khazneh ? Houldou est mentionnée pour la dernière fois en l’an 24 du règne d’Arétas IV, soit 15 apr. J.-C., date de sa mort. On peut émettre l’hypothèse que c’est à ce moment-là que le roi entreprit l’édification de la Khazneh qui devait servir de somptueux mausolée pour son épouse défunte. Il a pu s’inspirer de Ptolémée II qui rendit des hommages divins à sa sœur-épouse Arsinoé II en lui faisant édifier, près d’Alexandrie, le temple du Cap Zéphyrion où elle était figurée en déesse. La forme de la tholos pourrait elle-même s’inspirer de ce modèle lagide.

« La Khazneh aurait pu servir de mémorial et de lieu de célébrations en l’honneur de Houldou assimilée à Al-Ouzza et revêtue des attributs à la fois d’Isis et de Tyché. S’il est évident que des honneurs lui furent rendus, la reine ne fut cependant pas officiellement divinisée, contrairement à Arsinoé II ou Bérénice II. Aucune inscription ne suggère qu’elle fut élevée au rang de divinité, contrairement à Obodas Ier, seul Rabbelide [(nom que l’auteur donne à la dynastie des souverains nabatéens, ndlr)] déifié à notre connaissance. La reine, morte prématurément, fit seulement, si l’on peut dire, l’objet d’une forme d’héroïsation posthume, à travers une iconographie inspirée des précédents qu’offraient, en Égypte, les reines ptolémaïques. »

Reconstitution imaginaire du buste de la reine Houldou à partir des monnaies.
Dessin : Schwentzel

Pénétrons à l’intérieur du monument. Après avoir traversé le vestibule que précèdent les colonnes du premier niveau, nous entrons dans une vaste salle, aujourd’hui totalement vide. Les murs sont percés de trois portes, la principale au centre, les deux autres sur les côtés. Elles donnent chacune accès à une petite pièce, sorte de niche, où devait reposer les dépouilles, peut-être de Houldou et de membres de sa famille. Après la mort de la reine Houldou, Arétas IV épouse en secondes noces Shaqilat Ire, qui apparaît à son tour sur les monnaies. La nouvelle souveraine reprend les éléments de l’iconographie de Houldou : voile à l’arrière de la tête et couronne de laurier. Mais elle ne porte la couronne isiaque que sur une pièce de bronze où figurent les bustes conjoints des souverains, non sur les émissions d’argent où son buste occupe à lui seul une face de la monnaie. Les autres reines qui lui succèderont ne reprendront plus ce symbole ; ce qui fait de Houldou la seule véritable reine à la coiffe égyptienne et conforte l’hypothèse du lien entre la Khazneh et la première épouse d’Arétas IV.


Les Nabatéens, IVᵉ avant J.-C.-IIᵉ siècle. De Pétra à Al-Ula, les bâtisseurs du désert, Christian-Georges Schwentzel, éditions Taillandier, collection « Humanités », septembre 2025.

The Conversation

Christian-Georges Schwentzel ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Houldou, reine de Pétra il y a 2 000 ans : une Cléopâtre du désert ? – https://theconversation.com/houldou-reine-de-petra-il-y-a-2-000-ans-une-cleopatre-du-desert-266164

Reconstruire l’État après la guerre : quels défis pour le management public en contexte post-conflit ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Mohamad Fadl Harake, Docteur en Sciences de Gestion, Chercheur en Management Public Post-conflit, Université de Poitiers

Après un conflit, une bataille se joue dans les instances gouvernementales. Administrations, écoles, hôpitaux, tribunaux : il est nécessaire de faire fonctionner à nouveau ces lieux où l’État redevient visible et utile. Offrir des services publics équitables et efficaces permet de rétablir la confiance auprès de la population, de prévenir les tensions futures et de consolider une paix durable. Mais comment allier inclusion politique et professionnalisation de l’administration sans exclure ou corrompre le processus ? Cet article explore, exemples à l’appui, les conditions d’un État solide après la guerre.


Au lendemain d’un conflit, la paix ne se gagne pas qu’avec des ponts et des routes. Elle se joue aux guichets : dans les ministères, les centres de santé, les écoles, les tribunaux… Une administration qui délivre, une légitimité qui se reconstruit, des services qui reviennent partout. Comment concilier inclusion politique et professionnalisation de l’État pour une paix durable ?

L’urgence de faire fonctionner l’État… sans sacrifier le long terme

Dans les États sortant de guerre, les caisses sont vides, les talents ont souvent fui, les procédures se sont délitées. Les bailleurs poussent à « livrer vite » des résultats visibles.

Or, les recherches sur les réformes administratives en sortie de conflit montrent que des arbitrages délicats doivent être faits entre rétablissement immédiat des services et consolidation institutionnelle sur la durée (stabiliser la paie, reconstruire les chaînes d’approvisionnement, reprofessionnaliser, etc.).

Les dispositifs parallèles pilotés par des projets internationaux peuvent accélérer la reprise, mais ils siphonnent parfois les compétences et fragilisent les administrations nationales si la passation vers le secteur public n’est pas anticipée.

Le dilemme technocratie–réconciliation

Qui doit tenir les rênes de l’administration rénovée ? Des technocrates indépendants, garants de l’efficacité, ou des représentants des ex-belligérants, garants de l’inclusion ? La plupart des pays naviguent entre ces pôles, avec des effets ambivalents.

En Irak, le système de partage des postes par quotas ethno-confessionnels, la muhasasa, mise en place en 2003, a garanti la représentation des grands groupes, mais il a aussi institutionnalisé le clientélisme et affaibli les incitations au mérite. Les grandes mobilisations de 2019 visaient explicitement ce mécanisme, accusé d’entretenir corruption et services défaillants.




À lire aussi :
Vingt ans après l’invasion américaine, l’Irak peut-il enfin connaître une paix durable ?


Au Liban, les accords de Taëf de 1989 ont mis fin à la guerre civile en reconduisant une répartition confessionnelle du pouvoir. Cette formule a stabilisé la coexistence, mais elle a aussi fortement politisé l’administration et fragmenté les responsabilités, au prix de blocages répétés dans les politiques publiques.




À lire aussi :
Le Liban a enfin un président. Et alors ?


En Bosnie-Herzégovine, l’architecture issue des accords de Dayton en 1995 a garanti l’équilibre entre peuples constitutifs – les Bosniaques, les Serbes et les Croates –, mais créé une gouvernance extrêmement complexe à plusieurs étages où les chevauchements de compétences freinent coordination et réformes. Le dispositif mis en place par les accords de Dayton prévoit en effet la présence d’un haut représentant pour la Bosnie-Herzégovine, chargé de superviser l’application civile de l’accord de paix. Les diagnostics récents évoquent des dysfonctionnements persistants et des tensions politiques récurrentes qui testent les limites du système.

À Chypre, la division institutionnelle perdure depuis la fin de la guerre en 1974 : deux administrations coexistent de part et d’autre de la ligne verte, une zone démilitarisée gérée par la Force des Nations unies chargée du maintien de la paix à Chypre (UNFICYP). Toute solution devra articuler bi-communauté et harmonisation administrative. Au sud – la République de Chypre, membre de l’UE depuis 2004 –, les évaluations européennes soulignent toujours un degré de corruption élevé et insistent sur la nécessité de renforcer la redevabilité (accountability) au sommet de l’État.

Légitimité : représenter, protéger, délivrer

Au vu des recherches et études de cas existantes, les recommandations suivantes peuvent être formulées à l’intention des acteurs dans la reconstruction des États sortant de guerre. La légitimité d’un État post-conflit tient à trois choses.

D’abord, représenter : garantir que chaque groupe se retrouve dans les institutions, y compris par des mécanismes transitoires (on peut penser aux quotas ou à l’intégration d’ex-combattants), bornés dans le temps et articulés à des critères professionnels.

Ensuite, protéger : sécurité publique, justice accessible, reconnaissance des victimes.

Enfin, délivrer : l’accès à l’eau, à la santé, à l’éducation et à l’électricité restaure plus vite la confiance que tout discours. C’est là que la « plomberie » administrative – budgets prévisibles, logistique, achats publics – fait la différence.

Professionnaliser sans aseptiser la politique

La professionnalisation est centrale, mais l’administration ne peut être « hors sol ». Des concours transparents, des parcours de carrière clairs, une formation continue ciblée sur les métiers critiques (par exemple les finances publiques, achats, santé, éducation, justice) permettent de remonter le niveau.

La fiabilisation de la rémunération des agents publics/fonctionnaires (identification, bancarisation, contrôle des doublons) et la structuration d’outils simples (fiches de poste, manuels de procédures, tableaux de bord publics) sécurisent les managers face aux pressions.

Ces chantiers techniques n’ont de sens que s’ils s’accompagnent d’une protection de l’intégrité (via la cartographie des risques, contrôles indépendants, sanctions effectives) et d’un dialogue régulier avec les autorités politiques pour calibrer le rythme des réformes.

Décentraliser, oui, mais avec moyens et redevabilité

Beaucoup de pays misent sur la décentralisation pour rapprocher l’État des citoyens et apaiser les tensions. Le résultat dépend de l’alignement entre compétences transférées, ressources et capacités locales.

Transférer sans financement ni personnels formés produit des coquilles vides ; à l’inverse, une dispersion extrême fige les inégalités territoriales. Les accords État–collectivités doivent préciser qui fait quoi, avec quel budget et comment on rend des comptes.

Services essentiels : des victoires visibles et équitables

La paix perçue se gagne souvent au guichet. Des « victoires rapides » comme la réouverture simultanée de toutes les écoles d’un district (à l’image de la Sierra Leone après la guerre civile – voir le projet de reconstruction scolaire post-conflit ou la réouverture après l’épidémie d’Ebola en 2015 (1,8 million d’élèves sont retournés en classe)), le rétablissement d’un paquet minimal de soins comprenant vaccinations, santé maternelle et médecine primaire (c’est-à-dire des soins de première ligne pour les problèmes courants, la prévention et l’orientation, comme les campagnes nationales de vaccination en Afghanistan ou d’autres interventions nationales) ou encore la sécurisation de l’état civil et de l’identité (mesure décisive au Rwanda après 1994) créent un effet de cliquet.

L’important est d’annoncer des critères d’allocation transparents, de publier des données de performance (par exemple délais d’attente, disponibilité des médicaments, taux de scolarisation) et d’assurer une présence de l’État sur l’ensemble du territoire, y compris dans les zones anciennement contrôlées par des groupes armés.

Le Liberia, par exemple, a tenté de réduire la corruption perçue en rendant publiques les listes de distribution de médicaments essentiels (via la coopération avec des bailleurs et ONG) ; Timor-Leste a recours à la publication des statistiques de scolarisation par district pour rendre visibles ses progrès ; la Colombie via le plan Colombia a aussi essayé d’intégrer des mesures de transparence dans ses programmes de sécurité et développement (avec des dispositifs de suivi pour limiter les abus) ; et dans les zones anciennement contrôlées par les FARC, des « points de services intégrés » (santé, état civil, justice mobile) ont été déployés pour restaurer rapidement la confiance dans les institutions (en complément des efforts de présence institutionnelle de l’État).

Composer avec les institutions « hybrides »

Dans de nombreuses sociétés, des autorités coutumières et religieuses, des comités de quartier ou des ONG enracinées continuent d’arbitrer la vie sociale. Les ignorer fragilise l’appropriation locale.

L’enjeu n’est pas de « folkloriser » la gouvernance, mais d’articuler formel et informel : par exemple, associer des médiateurs reconnus aux comités scolaires ou aux conseils de santé, tout en garantissant des procédures et des recours conformes à l’État de droit.

Plusieurs expériences offrent des points de repère : au Rwanda, les juridictions gacaca, inspirées des tribunaux coutumiers, ont permis de juger plus de deux millions de dossiers liés au génocide, tout en intégrant un encadrement légal.

En Somalie, certains programmes de santé ont fonctionné en partenariat avec les autorités religieuses et les comités de quartier pour assurer l’accès aux cliniques malgré l’absence d’État central.

En Afghanistan – avant le retour des talibans –, l’intégration des conseils locaux (shuras) dans la gestion des écoles communautaires a permis d’augmenter la scolarisation, surtout des filles.

Que peuvent faire les bailleurs ?

Les partenaires internationaux – ONU, Union européenne, agences bilatérales – sont d’un grand secours s’ils privilégient l’investissement dans la capacité de l’État, plutôt que des circuits parallèles, tels que les unités de gestion de projets ad hoc financées par les bailleurs et opérant en marge des ministères, le recours massif aux ONG internationales pour fournir directement les services publics (santé, éducation, eau), ou encore les flux financiers hors budget national (comme le paiement direct des salaires d’enseignants ou de soignants par des agences extérieures, au lieu de passer par les systèmes de paie de l’État).

La France, via l’AFD et l’INSP (ex-ENA) pour la formation des cadres, peut jouer un rôle utile à condition d’inscrire l’appui dans une co-construction avec les ministères.

Plus largement, l’expérience comparée plaide pour des programmes qui, dès le départ, planifient la maintenance, le financement récurrent et la transmission des compétences aux équipes locales.

Plus largement, l’expérience comparée plaide pour des programmes qui, dès le départ, planifient la maintenance, le financement récurrent et la transmission des compétences aux équipes locales. Un exemple souvent cité est celui du secteur de l’eau au Mozambique, où le National Rural Water Supply Program a intégré dès les années 2000 la formation de comités villageois et le financement de l’entretien des pompes à main : après transfert de compétences, plus de 80 % des points d’eau restaient fonctionnels plusieurs années après l’installation.

En guise de boussole

Rebâtir l’État après la guerre est un exercice d’équilibriste. Trop de compromis politiques paralysent l’action publique ; trop de purisme technocratique peut rallumer les griefs.

Les cas de l’Irak, du Liban, de la Bosnie-Herzégovine et de Chypre rappellent qu’on consolide la paix en même temps qu’on améliore l’efficacité : par une professionnalisation progressive, une inclusivité maîtrisée, des services qui fonctionnent partout sur le territoire et une lutte anticorruption crédible. La paix durable est moins un « événement » qu’une routine administrative qui tient, jour après jour.

The Conversation

Mohamad Fadl Harake ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Reconstruire l’État après la guerre : quels défis pour le management public en contexte post-conflit ? – https://theconversation.com/reconstruire-letat-apres-la-guerre-quels-defis-pour-le-management-public-en-contexte-post-conflit-264832

Quand la rivalité entre Taïwan et la Chine s’invite dans le Pacifique

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Pierre-Christophe Pantz, Enseignant-chercheur à l’Université de la Nouvelle-Calédonie (UNC), Université de Nouvelle Calédonie

Le 54e Forum des îles du Pacifique, qui rassemble dix-huit États et territoires de cette zone – à savoir l’Australie, la Nouvelle-Zélande et l’essentiel de l’Océanie insulaire – a été le théâtre d’une nouvelle passe d’armes entre Pékin et Taipei. La République populaire de Chine y progresse, mais Taïwan parvient encore à y conserver des positions, trois de ces pays la reconnaissant officiellement (ce qui n’est le cas que de douze pays dans le monde au total).


Si la confrontation entre la Chine et les États-Unis se joue en mer de Chine méridionale, elle s’étend désormais jusque dans les petites îles du Pacifique, qui deviennent un baromètre des équilibres mondiaux entre coopération et confrontation.

Tandis que la pression militaire et stratégique exercée par la République populaire de Chine (RPC) s’intensifie autour de Taïwan (ou République de Chine), les autorités taïwanaises considèrent désormais l’année 2027 comme une échéance plausible pour une éventuelle invasion de l’île par Pékin. Une crainte partagée par Washington qui a estimé lors du Shangri-La Dialogue (mai 2025) que la Chine se prépare à « potentiellement utiliser la force militaire » et « s’entraîne tous les jours » en vue d’une invasion de Taïwan, avec une multiplication des manœuvres navales et aériennes autour de l’île.

Si ce face-à-face sino-américain se joue en mer de Chine méridionale, il a également des répercussions à plusieurs milliers de kilomètres de là, dans le Pacifique insulaire, où l’influence chinoise s’accentue depuis une quinzaine d’années. Pékin y mène une bataille plus discrète mais tout aussi stratégique : isoler diplomatiquement Taïwan et imposer sa « One-China Policy » (politique d’une seule Chine).

Carte des pays membres du Forum. Cliquer pour zoomer.
Forumsec.org

Le Forum des îles du Pacifique, théâtre des rivalités

Réuni à Honiara (Îles Salomon) du 8 au 12 septembre 2025, le 54ᵉ Forum des Îles du Pacifique (FIP), qui regroupe 18 pays et territoires de cette vaste région, a été marqué par une décision inédite : à l’initiative des îles Salomon, pays hôte et allié indéfectible de Pékin, l’ensemble des « partenaires du dialogue » – dont Taïwan, les États-Unis et la Chine – ont été exclus du sommet.

Depuis 1992, Taïwan bénéficie pourtant de ce statut qui lui permet de rencontrer ses alliés du Pacifique en marge des réunions annuelles du Forum. Ce droit est inscrit dans le « communiqué d’Honiara » adopté par les dirigeants du Pacifique en 1992. Un statut que Pékin s’emploie depuis plusieurs années à remettre en cause, comme en témoigne le Forum organisé aux Tonga en 2024 où une mention du partenariat avec Taïwan avait même été supprimée du communiqué final après l’intervention de l’ambassadeur chinois Qian Bo – un succès diplomatique pour Pékin.

Le sommet de 2025 marque donc une nouvelle étape : certes, l’exclusion prive Taïwan de visibilité, mais les dirigeants du Forum ont finalement réaffirmé la décision de 1992, confirmant le statu quo.

Ce compromis illustre l’équilibre précaire entre pressions extérieures et cohésion régionale. Dans une région où l’aide publique au développement est particulièrement nécessaire, cette décision d’exclure les principaux partenaires et bailleurs de fonds de la principale institution régionale interroge, car elle fragilise le multilatéralisme du Forum et le menace de scission.

Le Pacifique insulaire, dernier bastion de Taïwan ?

Depuis la résolution 2758 de l’ONU (1971), qui a attribué le siège de la Chine à la RPC, Taïwan a perdu la quasi-totalité de ses soutiens diplomatiques. De plus de 60 États qui le reconnaissaient à la fin des années 1960, puis une trentaine dans les années 1990, il n’en reste que 12 en 2025, dont trois dans le Pacifique : Tuvalu, les îles Marshall et Palau.

Les défections récentes – Îles Salomon et Kiribati en 2019, Nauru en 2024 – montrent l’efficacité de la stratégie chinoise, qui combine incitations économiques, rétorsions politiques et actions d’influence.

Le Pacifique reste cependant un espace singulier : il concentre encore 25 % des derniers soutiens mondiaux à Taïwan, malgré sa forte dépendance aux aides extérieures.

La montée en puissance de l’influence chinoise

Depuis les années 2010, la Chine s’impose comme un acteur économique et diplomatique incontournable dans le Pacifique, la consacrant comme une puissance régionale de premier plan et mettant au défi les puissances occidentales qui considéraient cette région comme leur traditionnel pré carré.

Ses Nouvelles Routes et ceinture de la soie (Belt and Road Initiative, BRI) se traduisent par des investissements massifs dans des infrastructures essentielles : routes, hôpitaux, stades, télécommunications. Ces projets, souvent financés par des prêts, renforcent la dépendance économique des petites îles, ouvrant à Pékin de nouveaux leviers d’influence.

Sur le plan géostratégique, la Chine trace ainsi une cartographie où elle s’ouvre de vastes sections de l’océan Pacifique et s’en sert comme de relais pour projeter sa puissance et sécuriser ses intérêts dans la région. L’accord de sécurité signé en 2022 avec les Îles Salomon – autorisant le déploiement de personnel de sécurité chinois et l’accès de navires de guerre – illustre justement la progression de cette stratégie. Un pas qui alarme l’Australie et les États-Unis, qui redoutent l’établissement d’une base militaire chinoise dans une zone stratégique proche de leurs côtes.

Le réveil occidental ?

Les puissances occidentales voient dans cette percée un défi à leur propre sphère d’influence et tentent de réinvestir la région du Pacifique Sud afin de contrer l’hégémonie chinoise. Sous la présidence de Joe Biden (2021-2025), les États-Unis ont relancé leur présence diplomatique, organisé des sommets avec les îles du Pacifique et multiplié les annonces d’aides via l’initiative Partners in the Blue Pacific.

L’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande renforcent leurs programmes de coopération, tandis que le Japon et la France accroissent leurs investissements.

Parallèlement, les dispositifs de sécurité se multiplient : pacte AUKUS (Australie, Royaume-Uni, États-Unis), stratégie indo-pacifique française, QUAD (Quadrilateral security dialogue) et partenariats bilatéraux visent à contenir l’expansion chinoise.

Le Pacifique insulaire, longtemps périphérique, s’apparente désormais à un espace central de rivalité géopolitique.

Les îles du Pacifque : entre risques et opportunité

Pour les petits États insulaires (PEI), cette compétition représente à la fois une menace et une opportunité.

Conscients de l’effet de levier dont ils disposent en jouant sur la concurrence entre les grandes puissances, ils tentent néanmoins de préserver leur marge d’autonomie. Leur stratégie, résumée par la formule « amis de tous, ennemis de personne », cherche à éviter la polarisation et à maintenir la coopération régionale malgré des risques graduels : instrumentalisation du Forum, perte d’unité entre États insulaires, et surtout militarisation croissante d’un océan que les pays de la région souhaitent… pacifique, comme l’affirme la Stratégie 2050 pour le Pacifique bleu adoptée en 2022.

L’avenir du statut de Taïwan dans le Pacifique illustre parfaitement cette tension. Si Pékin compte poursuivre ses efforts pour réduire à peau de chagrin les irréductibles soutiens diplomatiques de Taipei, la réaffirmation du partenariat de développement par le FIP en 2025 montre que les États insulaires tentent de maintenir le cadre régional existant.

Si pour l’heure, le Pacifique insulaire reste encore un bastion – au moins symbolique – pour Taïwan et un terrain d’affrontement stratégique pour la Chine et les puissances occidentales, le défi pour les PEI sera de continuer à tirer parti de cette rivalité sans y perdre leur unité ni leur souveraineté. Leur capacité à préserver un Pacifique réellement « bleu » – à la fois ouvert, stable et pacifique – sera le véritable test des prochaines années de leur diplomatie régionale face aux rivalités des grandes puissances.

The Conversation

Pierre-Christophe Pantz ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Quand la rivalité entre Taïwan et la Chine s’invite dans le Pacifique – https://theconversation.com/quand-la-rivalite-entre-ta-wan-et-la-chine-sinvite-dans-le-pacifique-266175

Chinese companies are changing the way they operate in Africa: here’s how

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Elisa Gambino, Hallsworth Fellow in Political Economy, University of Manchester

For most of the past 25 years, Chinese construction companies operating in Africa could count on generous financial backing from Chinese banks. Between 2000 and 2019, Chinese funders committed almost US$50 billion to African transport projects. Most came from Chinese development finance institutions.

Six years ago, this started to change as Chinese lenders began to pull back. Since 2019, they have committed only US$6 billion for the development of Africa’s infrastructure. Yet Chinese companies continue to thrive on the continent. Many remain market leaders in the construction sector in a number of countries. These include Ethiopia, Ghana and Kenya.

To make sense of how Chinese companies continue to expand at a time of dwindling state funding, we looked at what makes them so successful in African markets. In a recent paper we set out the main drivers. We drew on our expertise on the activities of Chinese companies in Africa and undertook extensive fieldwork in China, Kenya and Ghana.

First, Chinese companies draw on their ties to the Chinese state to enter – or establish – their presence in a specific market. This was the case during the boom of Chinese-funded infrastructure projects across Africa. It continues to be the case for projects central to African countries’ development agendas.

Second, Chinese companies build trust-based relationships with other companies, governments and international organisations. This enables them to secure projects across borders and regions.

Third, companies rely on the everyday relations established with local politicians, officials, business people and intermediaries.

The key to market expansion is firms’ ability to shift between these strategies – sometimes leaning on the Chinese state, sometimes on other multinationals, sometimes on local elites. Our research found that support from the Chinese state was important for market entry. But it did not automatically translate into market survival or expansion. Instead, it is companies’ flexible expansion strategy that has made them so successful.

Our findings highlight that African governments and other local actors have a crucial role to play in shaping the activities of Chinese firms. Their policies and negotiation approach actively influence how these companies operate.

Our results also challenge the common assumption that Chinese companies are simply extensions of China’s foreign policy. We show that many Chinese firms increasingly behave like their western private counterparts: competing for contracts, partnering with other international actors, and adapting to local conditions.

This shift highlights the opportunities and responsibilities of African actors in shaping the impact Chinese companies have in their economies.

How Chinese companies do it

We collected data through research in China, Kenya and Ghana between 2018 and 2022. We studied various written sources, interviewed Chinese construction company staff, and spoke to African government officials and people, companies and organisations.

We also spent four months observing Chinese construction sites in Kenya and Ghana.

In the first place, the ties that bind Chinese companies to the Chinese state have long been a springboard for overseas expansion.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation, a subsidiary of Africa’s largest international contractor, China Communication Construction Company, opened its local headquarters in 1984. At first, the road builder mainly worked as subcontractor for other Asian companies, gaining experience in “how to do business” in this African market. It later became the lead contractor for Chinese-financed megaprojects like the Nairobi–Mombasa Standard Gauge Railway.

State-backed loans gave the company large contracts as well as visibility and credibility with Kenyan authorities.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company, another China Communication Construction Company subsidiary, entered the market through a Chinese-financed agreement in the 2010s. The loan gave the harbour company a way in to the Ghanaian market and the opportunity to build long-term relationships.

During a pause in this project, it sought other projects by using its regional networks in west Africa.

Network building

Our evidence shows that Chinese firms operating in African markets cultivate trust-based networks beyond the realm of the Chinese state. These networks include other multinationals, both Chinese and non-Chinese, regional organisations, international financiers and African state actors.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on its connections with international partners to “keep busy” while Chinese-funded projects stalled. It secured other port projects in west Africa by partnering with a consortium involving western multinationals.

These projects anchored the company in Ghana’s port sector. They also opened doors to further contracts funded by non-Chinese actors.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation similarly expanded outside Chinese-funded projects by winning international tenders. The company’s bids were attractive as it was able to redeploy equipment and staff from nearby projects. This lowered the costs of getting started. For example, machinery and quarries used for the Nairobi-Mombasa railway were also used in the Kenyan government-funded Lamu port project.

The ability to mobilise resources across projects strengthens Chinese companies’ competitiveness in international tenders.

We found that Chinese firms embed themselves in local political and business environments. They develop individual relations with key political and business figures.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation’s directors worked closely with politicians and ministries to anticipate infrastructure needs. In some cases, the company carried out feasibility studies before tenders were issued. It could then present ready-made projects, such as the Liwatoni bridge in Mombasa.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on local intermediaries to navigate the politics of infrastructure development and secure contracts. Young professionals had ties to both Chinese managers and Ghanaian elites. The company also hired foreign consultants to bolster its reputation with local officials.

The implications

For African governments, this shift means that Chinese firms are no longer closely tied to Beijing’s priorities. They will participate in public tenders, invest in public-private partnerships and partner with other multinationals.

Negotiating these firms’ role in African economies will require a different strategy. It less focused on geopolitics and more on regulation of standards and alignment with industrial policy.

The next phase of Africa-China infrastructural engagement will not be defined by large Chinese loan packages. It will be driven by operational contexts, various alliances, and a competitive world market.

The Conversation

Elisa Gambino’s work was undertaken under the European Research Council advanced grant for the project ‘African Governance and Space: Transport Corridors, Border Towns and Port Cities in Transition’ (AFRIGOS; ADG-2014–670851) and with the support of a Hallsworth Research Fellowship in Political Economy held at the Global Development Institute of the University of Manchester.

Costanza Franceschini’s research was conducted under a PhD scholarship from the University of Milano-Bicocca, Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’, PhD Program in Cultural and Social Anthropology, and the financial support of the LDE (Leiden-Delft-Erasmus Universities) Research Centre PortCityFutures.

ref. Chinese companies are changing the way they operate in Africa: here’s how – https://theconversation.com/chinese-companies-are-changing-the-way-they-operate-in-africa-heres-how-266173

Male circumcision is made easier by a clever South African invention – we trained healthcare workers to use it

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Peter S Millard, Adjunct Professor, University of New England

Voluntary medical male circumcision is one of the most important ways to reduce new HIV infections. The foreskin contains receptors that the HIV virus can attach to, and removing it reduces HIV transmission from women to men by about 60% .

But cost and access issues have been barriers for many men and boys in southern Africa. With US funding being cut for HIV programmes, it is increasingly important to scale up voluntary circumcision programmes using local resources.

Together with Bonginkosi Eugene Khumalo, head of circumcision programme at Northdale Hospital, KwaZulu-Natal, we did a study to evaluate the training of primary care providers to use Unicirc, a novel surgical instrument designed in South Africa according to World Health Organization (WHO) specifications.

Our new study describes an ongoing training programme being run by the Centre for Excellence (a long-standing circumcision training programme) at Northdale Hospital in KwaZulu-Natal, a province where traditional circumcision is not practised and which has the highest HIV prevalence in South Africa.

Unicirc is a simple, single-use circumcision tool made of metal and plastic. It’s pre-sterilised, disposable and designed for use by general healthcare workers not just specialists. This makes it safe and practical for use in local clinics.

The study demonstrated the practicality of training primary care doctors, nurses and clinical associates in Unicirc male circumcision.

Circumcision is an important HIV prevention method. It’s vital for countries to scale up services in a cost-effective way and to make them widely available in local areas.

How it’s done

Currently, almost all circumcisions are done by surgical cut and stitch techniques, where specially trained surgeons cut off the foreskin with scissors, then sew up the open wound. It can be done in a surgery under local anaesthesia, but men and boys need to be monitored closely afterwards to make sure all bleeding is stopped. It can cost anywhere between R1000 and R4000 in the private sector in South Africa.

Doctor Cyril and doctor Elisabeth Parker developed the method at their general practice in Cape Town in 2012. This new tool greatly simplifies circumcision so that it can be performed by medical personnel with basic training. It takes only 10 minutes, causes no bleeding, needs no injections or stitches. It results in a rapidly healing, cosmetically pleasing circumcision.

Thousands of these circumcisions have been performed at clinics in Cape Town and an area called Mitchell’s Plain, and nurses and clinical associates have been trained in the technique. Unicirc circumcisions are now being offered at nurse-run Unjani clinics in South Africa.

In the Northdale programme, Dr Cyril Parker and his colleagues trained 67 providers, the majority of whom were nurses and clinical associates. These are mid-level healthcare professionals who work under the supervision of a medical doctor to provide primary medical care. They performed these circumcisions on 1,240 men and boys with no serious complications. Trainees found it faster, simpler and with better results than other methods. The programme is ongoing, with trainees continuing to perform circumcisions safely.

Initially, none of the trainees had used Unicirc. Around 61% of trainees were men and 39% were women, showing a need to encourage more women to join. Nurses (46%) and doctors (45%) made up most trainees, and clinical associates the rest (9%). About 38% had no prior circumcision experience, while 33% were highly experienced in surgical circumcision. This shows the programme can train complete beginners as well as experienced providers.

Nurses and clinical associates are key to expanding cost-effective circumcision access, freeing up medical doctors for other tasks. A disposable, single-use tool reduces infection risks and is well-suited to clinics with limited resources.

What next?

The programme is moving into a phase focused on mentoring, quality checks and further expansion. If widely adopted, Unicirc could greatly improve access to safe, simple and rapid circumcision across resource-limited settings. It is simple enough to be used in traditional circumcision schools.

Along with effective treatment, prevention of mother-to-child transmission, and medication to prevent HIV infection, circumcision plays a critical role in HIV prevention efforts in Africa. Unlike traditional circumcision, voluntary medical circumcision is done under sterile conditions by trained providers with few complications and the ability to deal with any that do occur.

Several southern African countries started their national circumcisions programmes to prevent HIV in 2010. As of 2023, 37 million voluntary medical male circumcisions had been performed in 15 high priority African countries. Estimates are that one million HIV infections have been prevented, saving the cost of treating and monitoring those cases, and avoiding transmission to partners. Circumcision actually saves money in many countries.

The Conversation

Peter S Millard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Male circumcision is made easier by a clever South African invention – we trained healthcare workers to use it – https://theconversation.com/male-circumcision-is-made-easier-by-a-clever-south-african-invention-we-trained-healthcare-workers-to-use-it-265307

Nobel physics prize awarded for pioneering experiments that paved the way for quantum computers

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rob Morris, Professor of Physics, School of Science and Technology, Nottingham Trent University

The 2025 Nobel prize in Physics has been awarded to three scientists for the discovery of an effect that has applications in medical devices and quantum computing.

John Clarke, Michel Devoret and John Martinis conducted a series of experiments around 40 years ago which would go on to shape our understanding of the strange properties of the quantum world. It’s a timely award, since 2025 is the 100th anniversary of the formulation of quantum mechanics.

In the microscopic world, a particle can sometimes pass through a barrier and appear on the other side. This phenomenon is called quantum tunnelling. The laureates’ experiments demonstrated tunnelling in the macroscopic world – in other words, the world that’s visible to the naked eye. They showed that it could be observed on an experimental electrical circuit.

Quantum tunnelling has potential future applications in improving memory for mobile phones and has been important for the development of “qubits”, which store and process information in quantum computers. It also has applications in superconducting devices, those that conduct electricity with very little resistance.

British-born John Clarke is Professor of Physics at the University of California, Berkeley. Michel Devoret was born in Paris and is the F. W. Beinecke Professor of Applied Physics at Yale University. John Martinis is Professor of Physics at the University of California, Santa Barbara.

What is quantum tunnelling?

Quantum tunnelling is a counter-intuitive phenomenon where the tiny particles which make up everything we can see and touch can appear on the other side of a solid barrier, which you would otherwise expect to stop them.

Since it was first proposed in 1927, it has been observed for very small particles and it is responsible for our explanation of the radioactive decay of large atoms into smaller atoms and something else called an alpha particle. However, it was also predicted that we might be able to see this same behaviour for larger things. We call this macroscopic quantum tunnelling.

How can we see quantum tunnelling?

The key to observing this macroscopic tunnelling is something called a Josephson junction, which is essentially a fancy broken wire. The wire is not a typical wire which you might use to charge your phone, instead it is a special type of material known as a superconductor. A superconductor has no resistance, which means that a current can flow through it forever without losing any energy. They are used, for example, to create the very strong magnetic fields in magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scanners.

So how does this help us to explain this strange quantum tunnelling behaviour? If we put two superconducting wires end to end, separated by an insulator, we create our Josephson junction. This is normally manufactured in a single device which, with a basic understanding of electricity, shouldn’t conduct electricity. However, thanks to quantum tunnelling we can see that current can flow across the junction.

The three prize winners demonstrated quantum tunnelling in a paper published in 1985 (it’s common to have such large gaps in time before Nobel prizes are awarded). Quantum tunnelling had previously been suggested to be caused by a breakdown in the insulator. The researchers started by cooling their experimental apparatus to within a fraction of a degree of absolute zero, the coldest temperature which can be achieved.

Heat can give the electrons in conductors just enough energy to get through the barrier. So it would make sense that the more the device is cooled, the fewer electrons would escape. If however quantum tunnelling is taking place, there should be a temperature below which the number of electrons which escape should no longer decrease. The three prize winners found exactly this.

Why is this important?

At the time, the three scientists were trying to prove this developing theory about macroscopic quantum tunnelling through experiments. Even during the announcement of the 2025 prize, Clarke downplayed the importance of this discovery, even though it has been pivotal in so many developments which are at the forefront of quantum physics today.

Quantum computing remains one of the most exciting opportunities which is promised for the near future, and is the source of significant investment worldwide. It comes with much speculation about the risks to our encryption technologies.

It will also ultimately solve problems which are outside the reach of even the largest of today’s supercomputers. The handful of quantum computers which are in existence today, rely on the work of the three 2025 physics Nobel laureates and no doubt will be the subject of another physics Nobel prize in the coming decades.

We are already exploiting these effects in other devices such as superconducting quantum interference devices (Squids) which are used to measure small variations in magnetic fields from the Earth, allowing us to find minerals below the surface. Squids also have uses in medicine. By detecting extremely weak magnetic fields, they can improve on the images from MRI and provide high resolution images of tumours. They can also be used to map electrical activity in the brain, helping to manage epilepsy.

We can’t predict if and when we will have quantum computers in our homes, or indeed in our hands. One thing that is for certain, though, is that the speed of development of this new technology is thanks in no small part to the winners of the 2025 Nobel prize in physics, demonstrating macroscopic quantum mechanical tunnelling in electric circuits.

The Conversation

Rob Morris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nobel physics prize awarded for pioneering experiments that paved the way for quantum computers – https://theconversation.com/nobel-physics-prize-awarded-for-pioneering-experiments-that-paved-the-way-for-quantum-computers-266911

Tory plan to scrap net zero target puts UK climate leadership at risk

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Fankhauser, Professor of Climate Economics and Policy, Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment, University of Oxford

In the mid-2000s, soon after becoming Conservative leader, David Cameron hugged a husky on a trip to the Arctic, in what was widely described as an attempt to “detoxify” the Tory brand. Eighteen years later, Kemi Badenoch has promised to scrap the law that once made that rebranding credible.

Her announcement that the Conservatives will repeal the 2008 Climate Change Act if they win the next general election has the potential to be a major own goal – politically, environmentally and economically.

To understand why, we need to remember how the Climate Change Act came about. The bill was put forward by the Labour government of Gordon Brown, but it had enthusiastic support from the Conservative opposition, which tabled several amendments to strengthen it. Cameron had concluded that green policies were a good way to modernise his party and lead it back into power.

It worked, both for Cameron, who became prime minister in 2010, and for UK climate policy, which has enjoyed a unique period of consensus and stability. Over seven governments, multiple economic crises, Brexit, COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, there has been clarity about Britain’s climate change objectives. Policies were chopped and changed, often to the frustration of investors, but the institutional framework was stable and widely appreciated.

The Climate Change Act gives the UK a statutory long-term emissions target – initially an 80% cut from 1990 levels by 2050, strengthened to net zero by 2050 by Theresa May, another Tory prime minister.

Progress is managed through a series of five-year carbon budgets, legislated 12 years in advance and monitored by a powerful independent body, the Climate Change Committee (CCC). For much of its existence, the CCC has been chaired by yet another environmentally-minded Tory, Lord Deben (John Gummer). It is this framework the Conservatives now say they want to dismantle.

Yet the Climate Change Act has delivered, both in terms of process and substance. Indeed, the UK model has been emulated around the world. Nearly 60 countries have UK-style climate change laws and over 20 countries have CCC-style advisory bodies, cementing the UK’s position as a climate leader.

The act gives the UK a steady institutional rhythm. Relevant businesses and other organisations know the formal set pieces, such as the CCC’s annual report to parliament, and can time their interventions accordingly.

When colleagues and I interviewed people from business and civil society about the act a few years ago, they emphasised the predictable process, the clear rules on accountability and the evidence-based discourse it has enabled. This all reduces uncertainty and enables long-term planning.

Importantly, the Climate Change Act has delivered environmentally too. Compared to 1990, UK greenhouse gas emissions are down by 50%. The UK economy now uses three times less carbon per unit of economic output than in 1990. Emissions are at their lowest level since 1872.

This trend started before the act, but it was helped and accelerated by it. This is perhaps most noticeable in the radical transformation of the electricity sector: coal has been completely phased out, while offshore wind and other renewables have flourished.

Most people want climate action

Voters value this progress more than politicians appreciate. A University of Oxford survey found that internationally public support for climate action is almost twice as high as policymakers assume. In the UK, three out of four people are fairly or very concerned about climate change.

Badenoch’s announcement comes just as households are starting to reap the financial benefits of clean technology. Colleagues and I have estimated that four out of five UK households, particularly those owning a car, would be better off if net zero was achieved. The typical savings are £100-£380 per household and year.

It is true that households do not yet see the benefits of renewables on their energy bills. We are still paying for the high costs of early investments in clean power, before technology and sheer scale brought the price down.

Successive governments have chosen to recoup these learning costs through electricity bills, rather than general taxation, which would have been easier on most households. But recent analysis suggests renewables are now cutting electricity prices by up to a quarter.




Read more:
We surveyed British MPs – most don’t know how urgent climate action is


The policy uncertainty generated by the Tory announcement and similar pronouncements by Reform UK will eventually find its way into the risk premiums for investors, though for the time being this effect is still small.

But the reputational damage is immediate. Undoing the act would signal that the UK no longer values the long-term stability that has driven clean investment and made its climate policy admired around the world.

Climate policy requires debate. Deeply political choices need to be made about different decarbonisation strategies, how to pay for necessary investments or the role of controversial technologies like nuclear energy. The past 17 years have shown that these debates are best had within an agreed framework, with support from all major parties. That is what the Climate Change Act provides.


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The Conversation

Sam Fankhauser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tory plan to scrap net zero target puts UK climate leadership at risk – https://theconversation.com/tory-plan-to-scrap-net-zero-target-puts-uk-climate-leadership-at-risk-266853

Children are capable of extreme bravery from a young age – a psychologist explains how

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kirsten Antoncich, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, Birmingham City University

afotostock/Shutterstock

Developmental research often tells us how ego centric children are. Yet all too often we hear of children who are forced to demonstrate great courage and care in in a crisis.

The ongoing inquiry into the 2024 mass stabbing of young girls in Southport, England, has produced accounts of extreme bravery among the children subjected to the attack. Indeed, the report of a child standing in front of her sister to protect her from knife blows shows a level of courage many adults might not have possessed in the same circumstances.

Details have also emerged of young children holding the door open to allow other children to escape from their attacker first and of children helping others not draw attention to themselves by running or screaming. Similar accounts often emerge from school shootings in the US – take, for example, the report of a teenager confronting a gunman who attacked pupils at a high school in Colorado in September 2025.

How could such young people conduct themselves with so much composure and selflessness? Psychological research shows that children develop the cognitive, personal and emotional skills needed earlier than people might realise.

Although much of our understanding of human courage comes from the adult field, developmental psychology professor Peter Muris’s 2009 study examined the link between fear and courage in children aged eight to 13. His interviews and studies with his young participants found there may be a link between increased courage and the personality traits of extroversion, openness and intellect.

He also found 94% of the children in his study had already carried out at least one courageous action in their lives, such as dealing with an animal they were afraid of or defending a friend from bullies.

And a 2021 study found that extroversion in teenagers seemed to protect them from developing anxiety. It could be that many of the young children who have acted bravely in a crisis had higher scores of this protective trait.

Experimental psychologist, Joana Viera, and her colleagues in their 2020 study explored how humans react when faced with a threat in the form of an electric shock and the option to help another person avoid the shock. They found that as the likelihood of the threat increased, humans were more likely to go to the aid of another, even at risk of a shock to themselves. Their study suggests that defensive states of mind also activate cognitive processes which promote care giving.

Psychologists Tony Buchanan and Stephanie Preston explored how stress can promote altruism, in their 2014 analysis. They emphasised that the neural circuits that support care-taking under stress overlap with brain circuits associated with reward and motivation. These two areas act together during times of stress, helping shift the persons response away from avoidance of threat towards the protection of others.

This care taking mechanism is seen in many animals from rats to gorillas. Social psychologist Daniel Batson suggested there are two types of responses to acute threat, one motivated from personal distress which is self focused and another based upon sympathetic or empathic responding linked to altruism. We all have the potential to respond in either way, which makes the courage of these children all the more impressive.

Several psychologists have found children as young as 12 months old can recognise and respond with empathy to distress in other humans. A 2011 study found that children as young as two years old could respond to others’ distress with verbal comfort, advice and distraction. The researchers also demonstrated that infants responded with heightened distress when presented with the sounds of distress in others.

The hands of a little child holding rocks painted like birds.
Very young children can respond with empathy to others’ distress.
Christin Lola/Shutterstock

In order to remember instructions and to show higher order skills such as empathy and the care of others over oneself, the children needed to draw on their developing executive function and areas of the brain’s limbic region. This system is a group of connected brain structures that helps regulate emotions and behaviour. These areas are typically fully developed by young adulthood.

Diagram of the brain's limbic region
The limbic region.
VectorMine/Shutterstock

In the stories that have emerged, you can hear how the children seem to have internalised advice from adults about how to act in an emergency. Repeated instructions are actually easier to recall under acute stress.

These structures are developing throughout childhood. But research has persistently shown that children of preschool age perform executive functioning tasks such as the ability to perceive and respond to another person’s emotional state. Rather than respond from a instinctive fight or flight response, the children who stay calm during critical moments contain their fear enough to care for others.

A 2010 study investigated the areas of the brain in adults associated with increased bravery. Participants with a fear of snakes had to bring a live snake close to their head. The study found courage was associated with the dissociation of fear and sensory arousal. This means that those people who show courage during stressful situations may disconnect from their feelings of fear and their physiological experiences of fear in the body.

The combination of dissociation and instruction retrieval could help explain how they were able to stay so calm and come to the aid of others. Indeed, caring for others in times of distress can distract us from our own acute distress.

Self efficacy, or the ability to act during times of threat can also protect people against the development of post traumatic symptoms. And a 2019 study found that positive traits such as hope, competence and optimism may also protect people against the development of post traumatic stress disorder.

In all instances where children are faced with such great adversity, one can only hope the bravery and mastery they show offers some protection against the immense psychological trauma the endure.

The Conversation

Kirsten Antoncich does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Children are capable of extreme bravery from a young age – a psychologist explains how – https://theconversation.com/children-are-capable-of-extreme-bravery-from-a-young-age-a-psychologist-explains-how-265523

Jilly Cooper: why readers still cherish her ‘fat, fun, frothy novels’

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amy Burge, Associate Professor in Popular Fiction, University of Birmingham

The author Jilly Cooper has died aged 88. Cooper’s books were “bonkbusters” – a form of blockbuster fiction that was most popular in the 1980s and 1990s, characterised by explicit sex, scandalous plots and large casts of characters.

In her 1993 novel, The Man Who Made Husbands Jealous, a reporter rings famous singer Georgie to tell her that her husband Guy had been voted “hubby of the year”. She elaborates: “To be quite honest there wasn’t a lot of choice. Faithful husbands are an endangered species.” This quote is emblematic of the writing that made Cooper famous. It’s full of irreverent wit, tongue-in-cheek scrutiny of British society – and misbehaving men.

Cooper was one of the four major bonkbuster authors, alongside Jackie Collins, Shirley Conran and Judith Krantz. Her racy, ribald romps through the fictional county of Rutshire reached millions of readers. And as we discovered when talking with bonkbuster readers while researching our forthcoming book, they continue to be beloved by many.

The author was born in Essex on February 21 1937, educated in Yorkshire and Wiltshire, and, at the age of 20, became a junior reporter for The Middlesex Independent. This was the beginning of what would be a highly successful career in journalism. Cooper went on to write long-running columns in The Sunday Times Magazine and The Mail on Sunday, which offered a light-hearted look at women’s domestic lives.

Jilly cooper holding a cat
Cooper in 1974.
Allan Warren, CC BY-SA

These columns formed the basis of many of her non-fiction books, such as How to Stay Married (1969) and How to Survive from Nine to Five (1970).

However, she was also busily writing fiction, and after some success publishing short fiction in magazines, Cooper published a series of romantic novels in the 1970s and 1980s, all with women’s names in their titles.

These works offered an account of the urban zeitgeist for young single women of the time, discussing issues like rape, marriage, pregnancy and careers.

But Cooper is best known for her Rutshire Chronicles (1985-2023), a classic bonkbuster series set in the Cotswolds. Characterised by her trademark tongue-in-cheek style, the 11 novels in the series share a huge cast of characters – anchored around the arrogant, irresistible Rupert Campbell-Black – and a wide range of settings.

These books are best known, in the words of one of the readers we talked to, as “full, fat, fun, frothy novel[s] set around class and privilege and horses”. Many of the Rutshire Chronicles blend interpersonal drama with the social drama of the equestrian world: from show-jumping and sex in Riders (1985), polo and illegitimate daughters in Polo (1991), and horse racing and even more sex in Jump! (2010) and Mount! (2016).

However, horses weren’t the only focus. Other novels in the Rutshire Chronicles explored regional television rivalries, bad husbands and infidelity, orchestral drama, murder and opera, art theft, British schools and premier league football.

Sex is good for women (or should be)

Cooper’s books are famous for their sex scenes. From the scandalous (the naked tennis match in Rivals) to the sticky (characters using grass to wipe themselves clean after an al fresco romp), she did not shy away from putting sex on the page.

Many of Cooper’s depictions of sex are very funny. However, there is a clear message throughout – women are entitled to good sex, and it is the job of their (usually male) partners to give it to them.

Rupert Campbell-Black is Cooper’s most famous stud (horses aside), but he is very bad at satisfying his first wife Helen. In Riders, Cooper wrote that Helen “longed for love but, having been married to Rupert for six and a half years … felt she had become what he kept telling her she was: boring, prissy, brittle and frigid”. However, the problem is not Helen. With a different, more attentive partner – Rupert’s rival Jake – Helen has a sexual awakening.

The trailer for The Rivals, a recent Disney adaptation of Cooper’s novels.

The entire premise of The Man Who Made Husbands Jealous revolves around male neglect (sexual and otherwise). Unsatisfied wives engage the services of a man named Lysander in the hope that some competition will reengage their neglectful, philandering husbands.

Along the way, they have considerably better sex with Lysander, whose consideration in bed has his partners “bubbling like a hot churn of butter”. The titular husbands eventually learn that they must do better in order to keep their wives, sexually and otherwise.

Sex aside, what became clear from our research was how much Cooper’s works meant to their readers. Former prime minister Rishi Sunak might be Jilly Cooper’s most famous reader, but many of the readers we spoke to were particularly fond of her books, re-reading them repeatedly for comfort and familiarity. One described her books as “like a friend”.

For some, the appeal was escapism “into this incredibly glamorous world that you … could have some ambition of being part of yourself when you grew up”. For others, Cooper’s books were educational, teaching readers about how to navigate the unfamiliar world of the British upper classes, or providing a form of sex education. Several of our readers noted the unusual (for the time) frankness of Cooper’s novels.

Cooper was the last living “big four” bonkbuster author. Her death marks the end of an era. However, the recent television adaptation of Rivals seems to have attracted a new audience. Filming for a second season commenced in May 2025 – it seems Cooper’s stories live on.


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The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Jilly Cooper: why readers still cherish her ‘fat, fun, frothy novels’ – https://theconversation.com/jilly-cooper-why-readers-still-cherish-her-fat-fun-frothy-novels-266881

Nobel Prize: how a hidden army in your body keeps you alive – and could help treat cancer

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

Regulatory T cells monitor other immune cells and ensure that our immune system tolerates our own tissues. © The Nobel Committee for Physiology or Medicine. Ill. Mattias Karlén, CC BY-NC

The 2025 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine celebrates a discovery that answers one of medicine’s most profound questions: how does the immune system know when to attack, and when to stand down?

Most of the time, our defences target dangerous infections and even cancers while leaving the body’s own tissues unharmed. But when that balance fails, the consequences can be devastating – from autoimmune diseases, where the immune system turns on healthy organs, to cancers, where it becomes too restrained to recognise and destroy tumour cells.




Read more:
Nobel prize awarded for discovery of immune system’s ‘security guards’


Three scientists – Mary E. Brunkow, Fred Ramsdell and Shimon Sakaguchi – uncovered how our bodies maintain this delicate control through a special class of immune cells called “regulatory T cells”. Their discovery revealed the immune system’s natural “brakes”: the internal mechanisms that prevent friendly fire but, in some cases, can also shield cancers from attack.

Understanding how these brakes work has already reshaped modern immunology. The same insight guiding new treatments for autoimmune diseases is now helping researchers fine tune cancer immunotherapies; adjusting the immune system’s restraint so it hits hard against tumours without turning against the body.


© The Nobel Committee for Physiology or Medicine. Ill. Mattias Karlén, CC BY-NC

The immune system works like a highly trained security force, patrolling every corner of the body to detect and destroy bacteria, viruses and rogue cells. But even the best security team can be dangerous without oversight.

Left unchecked, immune cells can mistakenly attack healthy tissue: the hallmark of autoimmune diseases such as type 1 diabetes or multiple sclerosis. And when the system becomes too cautious, it can overlook genuine threats, giving cancers the chance to grow unnoticed.

For decades, scientists thought most of this immune “training” happened early in life, inside an organ called the thymus: a small gland above the heart where young immune cells learn which targets to attack and which to ignore. Those that fail this test are eliminated before they can cause harm.

But in the 1990s, Japanese immunologist Shimon Sakaguchi discovered there was more to the story. Through experiments on mice, he identified a previously unknown type of immune cell called a “regulatory T cell”: the peacekeepers of the immune system. These cells don’t attack pathogens themselves.

Instead, they hold the rest of the immune army in check, preventing unnecessary destruction. When Sakaguchi removed these cells in laboratory animals, their immune systems spiralled out of control, launching attacks on healthy organs. His work showed that these peacekeeping cells are essential for preventing the body from waging war on itself.

A few years later, Mary Brunkow and Fred Ramsdell found the genetic switch that makes these peacekeepers possible. They discovered that a single mutation in a gene called Foxp3 could leave both mice and human babies vulnerable to a rare but devastating autoimmune disorder called IPEX syndrome. The Foxp3 gene acts as the “on switch” for producing regulatory T cells. Without it, the immune system loses its referees and chaos follows.

T helper and regulatory T cells

The immune system relies on many types of T cells. T helper cells act as team captains, directing other immune cells to respond to infections. Much of my own research has focused on how these cells behave in HIV infection, where their loss leaves the immune system defenceless. Regulatory T cells belong to this same family but serve the opposite role: they calm things down when the fight goes too far.


© The Nobel Committee for Physiology or Medicine. Ill. Mattias Karlén, CC BY-NC

These peacekeepers keep the immune defenders focused on real threats rather than friendly targets. When they fail, autoimmune diseases emerge. But when they work too well, they can suppress immune attacks on cancer, allowing tumours to hide and grow. Scientists are now learning how to fine-tune this balance: boosting the guards to control autoimmune disease, or easing the brakes so the body can fight back against cancer.

These discoveries have redefined how doctors think about immunity. Clinical trials are already testing therapies that expand regulatory T cells in people with arthritis, diabetes or after an organ transplant; helping the body to tolerate its own tissues.

In cancer treatment, the opposite approach is used: blocking or disabling these peacekeepers to unleash a stronger immune attack on tumours. This is the principle behind modern immunotherapies, which have already transformed outcomes for patients with melanoma, lung cancer and lymphoma.

Science that touches lives

The work of Brunkow, Ramsdell and Sakaguchi shows how basic science can lead to profound changes in medicine. Their discoveries help explain not just why the immune system sometimes goes wrong, but how it can be guided back into balance – a balance that could one day prevent autoimmune diseases, improve transplant survival and make cancer therapies both safer and more effective.

The Nobel committee’s decision this year recognises not only their scientific achievement, but also a vision of the immune system as something far more nuanced than an on-off switch. It’s a finely tuned orchestra and regulatory T cells are its conductors, ensuring the right notes are played at the right time, silencing those that might cause chaos.

By learning to adjust these biological “brakes” with precision, medicine is entering a new era. Treatments inspired by these discoveries are already improving lives and may, in time, transform how we prevent and treat disease across the spectrum, from autoimmunity to cancer.

The Conversation

Justin Stebbing does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nobel Prize: how a hidden army in your body keeps you alive – and could help treat cancer – https://theconversation.com/nobel-prize-how-a-hidden-army-in-your-body-keeps-you-alive-and-could-help-treat-cancer-266860