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October 20, 2025

The Erie Canal: How a ‘big ditch’ transformed America’s economy, culture and even religion

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Matthew Smith, Visiting Assistant Professor of History, Miami University

The Erie Canal, seen here in Pittsford, N.Y., opened up western regions to trade, immigration and social change. Andre Carrotflower via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Two hundred years ago, on Oct. 26, 1825, New York Gov. DeWitt Clinton boarded a canal boat by the shores of Lake Erie. Amid boisterous festivities, his vessel, the Seneca Chief, embarked from Buffalo, the westernmost port of his brand-new Erie Canal.

Clinton and his flotilla made their way east to the canal’s terminus in Albany, then down the Hudson River to New York City. This maiden voyage culminated on Nov. 4 with a ceremonial disgorging of barrels full of Lake Erie water into the brine of the Atlantic: pure political theater he called “the Wedding of the Waters.”

A faded black-and-white illustration of men in formal 18th-century clothing standing in front of a crowd as one pours a stream of water from a small barrel. — DeWitt Clinton pouring water from Lake Erie into the Atlantic, engraved by Philip Meeder.
The New York Public Library via Wikimedia Commons

The Erie Canal, whose bicentennial is being celebrated all month, is an engineering marvel – a National Historic Monument enshrined in folk song. Such was its legacy that as a young politician, Abraham Lincoln dreamed of becoming “the DeWitt Clinton of Illinois.”

As a historian of the 19th-century frontier, I’m fascinated by how civil engineering shaped America – especially given the country’s struggles to fix its aging infrastructure today. The opening of the Erie Canal reached beyond Clinton’s Empire State, cementing the Midwest into the prosperity of the growing nation. This human-made waterway transformed America’s economy and immigration while helping fuel a passionate religious revival.

But like most big achievements, getting there wasn’t easy. The nation’s first “superhighway” was almost dead on arrival.

Clinton’s folly

The idea of connecting New York City to the Great Lakes originated in the late 18th century. Yet when Clinton pushed to build a canal, the plan was controversial.

The governor and his supporters secured funding through Congress in 1817, but President James Madison vetoed the bill, considering federal support for a state project unconstitutional. New York turned to state bonds to finance the project, which Madison’s ally Thomas Jefferson had derided as “madness.”

Some considered “Clinton’s big ditch” blasphemy. “If the Lord had intended there should be internal waterways,” argued Quaker minister Elias Hicks, “he would have placed them there.”

Construction began on July 4, 1817. Completed eight years later, the canal stretched some 363 miles (584 kilometers), with 18 aqueducts and 83 locks to compensate for elevation changes en route. All this was built with only basic tools, pack animals and human muscle – the latter supplied by some 9,000 laborers, roughly one-quarter of whom were recent immigrants from Ireland.

A faded chart shows the names of cities, in order from west to east, along with their relative elevation. — An 1832 lithograph by David H. Burr shows elevation changes along the Erie Canal.
David Rumsey Map Collection via Wikimedia Commons

Boomtowns

Despite its naysayers, the Erie Canal paid off – literally. Within a few years, shipping rates from Lake Erie to New York City fell from US$100 per ton to under $9. Annual freight on the canal eclipsed trade along the Mississippi River within a few decades, amounting to $200 million – which would be more than $8 billion today.

Commerce drove industry and immigration, enriching the canal towns of New York – transforming villages like Syracuse and Utica into cities. From 1825-1835, Rochester was the fastest-growing urban center in America.

By the 1830s, politicians had stopped ridiculing America’s growing canal system. It was making too much money. The hefty $7 million investment in building the Erie Canal had been fully recouped in toll fees alone.

Religious revival

Nor was its legacy simply economic. Like many Americans during the Industrial Revolution, New Yorkers struggled to find stability, purpose and community. The Erie Canal channeled new ideas and religious movements, including the Second Great Awakening: a nationwide movement of Christian evangelism and social reform, partly in reaction to the upheavals of a changing economy.

Though the movement began at the turn of the century, it flourished in the hinterlands along the Erie Canal, which became known as the “Burned-Over District.” Revivalists like Charles Grandison Finney – America’s most famous preacher at the time – found a lively reception along this “psychic highway,” as one author later dubbed upstate New York.

Some denominations, like the Methodists, grew dramatically. But the “Burned-Over District” also gave birth to new churches after the canal’s creation. Joseph Smith founded the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, often known as Mormons, in Fayette, New York, in 1830. The teachings of William Miller, who lived near the Vermont border, spread west along the canal route – the roots of the Seventh-day Adventist Church.

A faded black-and-white illustration of a small crowd in front of a speaker's stand in a clearing amid trees. — A camp revival meeting of the Methodists , circa 1829.
Fine Art Images/Heritage Images/Getty Images

Door to the West

As Clinton predicted, the Erie Canal was “a bond of union between the Atlantic and Western States,” uniting upstate New York and the agrarian frontier of the Midwest to the urban markets of the Eastern seaboard.

In the mid-1820s, Ohio Gov. Ethan Allen Brown praised America’s canals “as veins and arteries to the body politic” and commissioned two canals of his own: one to link the Ohio River to the Erie Canal, completed in 1832; and another to link the Miami River, completed in 1845. These canals in turn connected to numerous smaller waterways, creating an extensive network of trade and transportation.

Like New York, Ohio had its canal towns, including Middletown: the birthplace of Vice President JD Vance and a city emblematic of America’s shifting industrial fortunes.

While America’s canal boom brought prosperity, this wealth came at a cost to many Indigenous communities – a cost that is only slowly being acknowledged. The Haudenosaunee, often known by the name “Iroquois,” especially paid the price for the Erie Canal. The confederacy of tribes was pressured into ceding lands to the state of New York, and further displaced by ensuing frontier settlement.

Past and future

As the U.S. nears its 250th birthday on July 4, 2026, the official website of this commemoration urges Americans “to pause and reflect on our nation’s past … and look ahead toward the future we want to create for the next generation and beyond.”

As the recent federal government shutdown suggests, however, the nation’s political system is struggling.

Overcoming gridlock demands bipartisan consensus on basic concerns. Technology changes, but the demands of infrastructure – from rebuilding roads and bridges to expanding broadband and sustainable energy networks – and the will needed to address them, persist. As the Erie Canal reminds us, American democracy has always been built upon concrete foundations.

Matthew Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Erie Canal: How a ‘big ditch’ transformed America’s economy, culture and even religion – https://theconversation.com/the-erie-canal-how-a-big-ditch-transformed-americas-economy-culture-and-even-religion-266343

October 20, 2025

Comment le sens de l’orientation vient aux enfants – et ce que changent les GPS

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Clément Naveilhan, Doctorant en Sciences du Mouvement Humain, Université Côte d’Azur

Avec le développement des outils numériques, perdons-nous ce sens de l’orientation qui se forge durant les premières années de la vie ? Comprendre comment les enfants apprennent à élaborer ces cartes mentales nous éclaire sur ce qui se joue vraiment derrière ces mutations.

Vous avez prévu un séjour en famille et ça y est, tout est prêt pour le départ. Vous allumez alors le téléphone pour lancer votre application GPS préférée mais, stupeur, rien ne se passe… Vous réessayez alors en lançant une autre application ou en changeant de téléphone mais toujours rien. Il va falloir faire sans.

Après tout, cela ne devrait pas être si difficile, c’est la même route chaque année ; pour rejoindre l’autoroute, c’est sur la gauche en sortant du pâté de maisons. À moins qu’il faille plutôt prendre à droite pour d’abord rejoindre la nationale, et ensuite récupérer l’autoroute dans la bonne direction ?

Finalement, ce n’est pas gagné… et le départ devra attendre le retour du GPS ou que vous retrouviez cette ancienne carte format papier perdue (elle aussi) quelque part chez vous. En cherchant la carte routière, peut-être vous demanderez-vous comment on faisait pour se déplacer avant les GPS.

Cette technologie nous aurait-elle fait perdre le sens de l’orientation ?

Qu’est-ce que « la navigation spatiale » ?

Attention, nous n’allons pas parler de fusée ou d’astronautes en parlant de « navigation spatiale », l’expression désigne tout simplement l’ensemble des processus qui nous permettent de nous orienter et de nous déplacer dans notre environnement.

Les capacités de navigation reposent à la fois sur l’intégration de nos propres mouvements dans l’environnement via le calcul en continu de notre position. C’est cette capacité qui vous permet de vous orienter aisément dans le noir ou les yeux fermés, sans risquer de confondre la salle à manger avec les toilettes lors de vos trajets nocturnes par exemple.

Mais, avec la distance parcourue, la précision diminue et on est de plus en plus perdu. Afin de garder le cap, nous utilisons en complément des points de repère externes particuliers offerts par le monde qui nous entoure, comme un monument ou une montagne. Grâce à la combinaison de ces deux sources d’informations spatiales, nous sommes capables de créer une carte mentale détaillée de notre environnement.

La création de ce type de carte mentale, relativement complexe, n’est pas la seule stratégie possible et, dans certains cas, on préférera se souvenir d’une séquence d’actions simples à accomplir, par exemple « à gauche, en sortant » (direction l’autoroute), « puis tout droit » et « votre destination sera à 200m sur votre droite ». On est ici très proche des outils digitaux GPS… mais pas de risque de déconnexion… bien pratique, ce système de navigation embarqué !

S’orienter dans l’espace, un jeu d’enfant ?

Dès les premiers mois de vie, les nouveau-nés montrent des capacités étonnantes pour se repérer dans l’espace. Contrairement à ce qu’on pouvait penser il y a quelques décennies, ces tout petits êtres ne voient pas le monde uniquement depuis leur propre point de vue et, dès 6 à 9 mois, ils arrivent à utiliser des repères visuels familiers pour ajuster leur orientation, surtout dans des environnements familiers.

À 5 mois, ils perçoivent les changements de position d’un objet et, vers 18 mois, ils peuvent partiellement mémoriser des emplacements précis. Vers 21 mois, ils commencent à combiner les informations issues de leurs propres mouvements avec les repères extérieurs pour retrouver une position précise dans l’espace.

L’expérience motrice semble jouer un rôle clé ici : plus les jeunes enfants marchent depuis longtemps, plus leurs compétences spatiales progressent. Dans la suite des étapes du développement, les compétences spatiales s’affinent de plus en plus. À 3 ans, ils commettent encore des erreurs de perspective, mais dès 4 ou 5 ans, ils commencent à comprendre ce que voit une autre personne placée ailleurs dans l’espace.

Entre 6 ans et 10 ans, les enfants deviennent capables de combiner différents types d’informations externes comme la distance et l’orientation de plusieurs repères pour se situer dans l’espace. À partir de 10 ans, leurs performances spatiales se rapprochent déjà de celle des adultes.

Le développement de ces capacités repose notamment sur la maturation d’une région cérébrale connue sous le nom du complexe retrosplénial (RSC). Cette zone est impliquée dans la distinction des endroits spécifiques (comme un magasin près d’un lac ou d’une montagne), ce qui constitue la base d’une navigation spatiale fondée sur les repères.

Des résultats récents montrent que cette capacité à construire des cartes mentales est déjà en partie présente dès l’âge de 5 ans. Mais alors, si ce sens de l’orientation se développe si tôt et est si fiable, pourquoi avons-nous besoin de GPS pour nous orienter ?

Le GPS, allié ou ennemi de notre sens de l’orientation ?

S’il est facile de s’orienter dans les lieux familiers, le GPS devient vite un allié incontournable dès que l’on sort des sentiers battus. Cependant, son usage systématique pourrait tendre à modifier notre manière de nous repérer dans l’espace en général. Dans ce sens, quelques études suggèrent que les utilisateurs intensifs de GPS s’orientent moins bien dans des environnements nouveaux et développent une connaissance moins précise des lieux visités.

Une méta-analyse récente semble confirmer un lien négatif entre usage du GPS, connaissance de l’environnement et sens de l’orientation. Toutefois, certains des résultats nuancent ce constat : les effets délétères semblent surtout liés à un usage passif. Lorsque l’utilisateur reste actif cognitivement (en essayant de mémoriser ou d’anticiper les trajets) l’impact sur les compétences de navigation est moindre, voire nul.

Ainsi, le GPS ne serait pas en lui-même néfaste à nos capacités de navigation. Ce serait davantage la manière dont on l’utilise qui détermine son influence positive, négative ou neutre sur nos capacités de navigation spatiale.

Donc, bonne nouvelle, même si vous n’êtes pas parvenu à retrouver votre carte routière, vous avez remis la main sur votre ancien GPS autonome, celui qui n’a jamais quitté votre tête ! Et, même si désormais la destination est programmée et qu’il ne vous reste plus qu’à suivre le chemin tracé, songez parfois à lever les yeux pour contempler le paysage ; en gravant quelques repères à mémoriser, vous pourriez savourer le voyage et réapprendre à naviguer.

Clément Naveilhan a reçu des financements de l’Université Côté d’Azur.

Stephen Ramanoël a reçu des financements nationaux (ANR) et locaux (Université Côte d’Azur – IDEX)

– ref. Comment le sens de l’orientation vient aux enfants – et ce que changent les GPS – https://theconversation.com/comment-le-sens-de-lorientation-vient-aux-enfants-et-ce-que-changent-les-gps-264631

October 20, 2025

Could your walk be a signal about your ability to win a fight?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Connor Leslie, Assistant Professor in Criminology, Northumbria University, Newcastle

Your walk carries information about how much of a threat you might pose. Wirestock Creators/Shutterstock

Humans have been fighting each other since the earliest stages of our species’ history.

Scientists believe that these fights changed how we evolved, particularly men. This is known as intrasexual selection, where competition between members of the same sex shape how they evolve. My new research raises the possibility we may have evolved to detect clues about whether a man is dangerous from the way he walks.

As it was men who were more likely to engage in physical fights in our early history, it would be beneficial for them evolve to win and survive a fight. Men are still more likely to be the perpetrator of violent crimes, and men account for a higher proportion of victims of violence when the perpetrator is a stranger.

Men on average not only have 80% more arm muscle mass and 50% more lower body muscle mass than women but also tougher skulls to help them survive their fights.

You may win a fight, but if you win with a broken jaw, it will not feel like much of a victory when you try and eat. So evolving the ability to tell if someone can hurt us would have allowed our ancestors to ready themselves for a fight or try and avoid the confrontation if the risk seemed too high.

And it seems that we are good at this, according to research over the last two decades. In a 2009 study participants from several countries including Bolivia, Argentina and the US were asked to look at photographs of men’s faces and bodies.

They could tell when a man was strong, even from just looking at the face pictures. When they looked at photographs of women, the participants could still assess strength, but less accurately compared to the photographs of men.

Voices hold important information about other people’s strength too. A 2010 study
had participants listen to voice recordings of native speakers in English, Spanish, Romanian and indigenous Bolivian language Tsimane. Participants could accurately estimate the speakers’ upper body strength, although they were less accurate when it came to female speakers than men.

Silhouette of man walking through underpass tunnel. — If you find someone’s walk intimidating, it’s not just you.
LBeddoe/Shutterstock

But when a fight is coming our way, it is unlikely that we would only see the person’s face, or just hear their voice.

Research, helped by modern day motion capture techniques, has started to show humans can detect a potential threat from body language. These techniques can produce a computer-generated representation of someone that hides certain physical features. It can make a tall person and short person look the same height or make a person with a lot of muscle look like someone who has very little.

Researchers using these techniques in a 2016 study found that participants could still detect when someone is strong, even though they couldn’t tell what the person looked like. This suggests that there may be something in the way we move that shows to someone else that we can harm them.

One of the videos made with motion capture techniques for the author’s study.

For our new research, my colleagues and I used similar motion capture techniques to represent how 57 different men walked without showing their size. We then asked 137 participants to watch three-second (on average) representations of the models walking.

On average the participants rated the men who were physically bigger (a combination of BMI, bicep, shoulder, chest, and waist circumferences) as higher in physical dominance, even though they couldn’t see how big they were. Higher physical dominance means they are more likely to win a fight.

What we may have found are specific movements that could indicate someone’s size and so their potential ability to cause physical harm. Men who were perceived as being more likely to win a fight had more of a swagger to them, where their shoulders moved more in a swaying motion. This is almost the stereotypical walk of the western movie hero.

The exact nature of this link isn’t clear. Might we simply have evolved to spot bigger men, who tend to walk with a confident swagger? Or are we alert to signals that these men might want to do us harm?

Previous research has suggested men may, consciously or subconsciously, try to give off intimidating signals through their walk.

A 2003 study by cognitive psychologist Nikolaus Troje of people’s perception of other people’s gait used this style of walking as a caricature of male walking style. He pointed out that male animals often try to occupy as much space as possible to appear bigger than he is.

“Like in pigeons where the male puffs up his feathers or like in lions where the male evolves its mane, we find in our species sex-specific differences in the way to move which eventually result in men to appear bigger and heavier.”

It’s also worth noting we found other factors could affect people’s perception. Women participants were more likely to rate the men in the videos as high in physical dominance than the male participants. And older people rated the men’s movements as higher in physical dominance compared to younger participants.

However, our natural movement, our walk, is surprisingly hard to change. So being able to read the signs of danger in someone walking towards us would be a very valuable skill to evolve.

Connor Leslie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Could your walk be a signal about your ability to win a fight? – https://theconversation.com/could-your-walk-be-a-signal-about-your-ability-to-win-a-fight-262649

October 20, 2025

The exercise paradox: why workouts aren’t great for weight loss but useful for maintaining a healthy body weight

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Woods, Senior Lecturer in Physiology, University of Lincoln

Studies show exercise only has a modest effect on weight loss. Giuseppe Elio Cammarata/ Shutterstock

The basic principle of weight loss is straightforward: if you consume fewer calories than you burn, you’ll lose weight. In practice though, this isn’t usually so easy or simple.

Alongside counting calories or eating smaller portions, many people add exercise into the equation when trying to lose weight to help tip the balance. Yet research shows that exercise may only have modest effects on weight loss.

But before you ditch your workouts, it’s important to note that exercise still plays a really important role when it comes to health – perhaps especially in keeping the pounds off after reaching your goal weight.

There are several processes that help explain why exercise doesn’t always result in huge amounts of weight loss.

Exercise can stimulate appetite, leading to increased food intake. People may also subconsciously move less throughout the rest of the day after doing a workout, which means exercise may have less impact on their overall calorie deficit.

The body also becomes more efficient over time – burning fewer calories while doing the same activity. This process, sometimes called “metabolic adaptation”, reflects the body’s tendency to defend against weight loss.

From an evolutionary perspective, conserving energy during periods of intense physical activity probably protected our ancestors from starvation. But in today’s world, metabolic adaptation is one of many factors that can make weight loss difficult.

The importance of exercise

Although exercise may not be the main driver of weight loss, it seems it might play a role in maintaining weight loss.

In a study of over 1,100 people, physical activity was shown to have little effect on the amount of weight a person initially lost. However, doing higher levels of activity after losing weight was strongly linked to maintaining the weight loss.

It’s worth noting that exercise was also associated with measurable health improvements – including better cholesterol, lower inflammation, better blood sugar control and insulin sensitivity, all of which are associated with lower risk of health problems, such as heart disease and type 2 diabetes.

Two girls perform ab exercises on yoga mats in their living room. — Exercise has many health benefits.
Chay_Tee/ Shutterstock

These many health benefits show just how important it is to exercise both while losing weight and maintaining weight loss.

Evidence also suggests that combining exercise with weight loss drugs (such as Saxenda), may help people maintain their weight loss better than using the drug alone.

Why exercise works

It may seem confusing that exercise isn’t especially effective for losing weight but can help prevent regain. The reasons behind this paradox aren’t fully understood, but several mechanisms may offer an explanation.

The first has to do with our resting energy expenditure (the amount of calories our body burns when doing nothing).

When we lose weight, our resting energy expenditure decreases by more than you would expect for the amount of weight lost. This is thought to contribute to weight regain. But exercise raises total daily energy expenditure, which can help to partially offset this.

A second factor relates to muscle mass.

Weight loss usually results in the loss of both fat and muscle. Losing muscle lowers resting energy expenditure, which can contribute to weight regain.

But exercise, especially resistance training (such as Pilates or lifting weights), can help preserve or even rebuild muscle mass. This can boost our metabolism, which may aid in long-term weight maintenance.

Physical activity also helps our body to maintain its ability to burn fat. After losing weight, the body often becomes less efficient at using fat for energy.

But intense exercise can improve fat burning and metabolic flexibility – the ability to switch between burning carbohydrates and fat depending on what’s available. This helps the body continue burning fat even when calorie intake is low or weight is lost.

Exercise improves insulin sensitivity as well. This reduces the amount of insulin required to regulate blood sugar. This is beneficial as higher insulin levels can promote fat storage and reduce fat breakdown.

Exercise has many indirect effects on us that can aid in weight maintenance. For instance, exercise can improve sleep, mood and reduce stress levels. These all reduce levels of the stress hormone cortisol, which could lower the amount of fat the body stores.

Regular activity can also help regulate appetite and blood glucose, which may help reduce cravings and limit overeating.

It’s important to acknowledge that everyone is different. This means we all respond differently to exercise in terms of how many calories we burn or whether a workout makes us feel hungrier later in the day.

Different types of workouts also confer their own benefits when it comes to health and weight maintenance.

Aerobic exercise (such as brisk walking, cycling or running) burns calories and, at higher intensities, may also enhance the body’s ability to burn fat for fuel.

Resistance training, on the other hand, helps build and preserve muscle mass. This supports a higher resting energy expenditure, aiding long-term weight maintenance.

Exercise may not be the most powerful tool for losing weight, but it could help sustain hard-earned weight loss. Perhaps most importantly, it offers many physical and mental health benefits that go far beyond the numbers on the scale.

Rachel Woods does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The exercise paradox: why workouts aren’t great for weight loss but useful for maintaining a healthy body weight – https://theconversation.com/the-exercise-paradox-why-workouts-arent-great-for-weight-loss-but-useful-for-maintaining-a-healthy-body-weight-266715

October 20, 2025

Trump is attracting investment to the US – but at a huge cost to workers and the environment

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benjamin Selwyn, Professor of International Relations and International Development, Department of International Relations, University of Sussex

Early in his second presidency, Donald Trump’s imposition of tariffs was met with widespread scepticism. Critics warned of economic decline and a global backlash. Yet the current landscape for the United States paints a more complex picture.

Less than a year into his second term in office, the White House claims that Trump is bringing manufacturing back to the US. It also proclaims that Trump has secured trillions of dollars of foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2025 alone. Other voices, however, estimate that these commitments will amount to just a fraction of that.

So what’s the true picture? Much of this FDI is going into the US’s burgeoning semiconductor sector. This inward investment is indeed a stark reversal from the post-1991 trend of outbound American capital, when US firms raced to set up factories in countries where it was cheaper to manufacture.

And the surge is bolstered by commitments of US$300 billion (£225 billion) in capital investment commitments from tech giants like Amazon, Microsoft, Alphabet and Meta. These investments reflect both Trump’s aggressive diplomacy and his close relationship with Silicon Valley’s tech elite.

Despite concerns about a tech bubble, these investments signal a deepening state-private partnership, and a reorientation of priorities with a view to coming out on top in the global AI race.

Central to this strategy is the reshaping of global supply chains. At a conference of venture capitalists in March, US vice-president J.D. Vance criticised US firms for their reliance on cheap overseas labour. He warned of the risks of losing the US’s technological advantage, especially to China.

The solution, Vance and Trump argue, is to bring investments and jobs back home. But does this logic – backed by massive domestic and foreign investment – translate into the kind of reshoring (when operations that were previously moved abroad transfer back to the country) that delivers good jobs?

In our new book Capitalist Value Chains, Christin Bernhold and I argue that global supply chains have made labour exploitation and environmental degradation worse. Efforts by both former president Joe Biden and Trump to contain China’s rise reflect not a retreat from globalisation, but a strategic reconfiguration of supply chains.

In the early days of globalisation, American administrations supported China’s rise as the workshop of the world and an exporter of low-cost consumer goods to the US. But over the last 15 years, the US has increased efforts to contain China’s technological rise, while continuing to rely on its cheap imports.

Trump’s tariffs on China represent a step change. The US’s strategy now seems to have shifted from slowing China’s advance to attempts to inflict severe economic damage on the Chinese economy in order to reduce it to a subordinate, rather than rival, trading partner.

So will these investments create quality employment? And what are the environmental consequences? The likely answers are probably not, and probably terrible.

Reshoring doesn’t mean abandoning global supply chains. Recently, Trump threatened sweeping tariffs on China in response to its restrictions on rare earth exports. Western industries – especially automotive and defence – warned that this escalation could break supply chains. US chip-dependent sectors such as electronics, defence and telecoms still rely heavily on Chinese rare earths.

Even if the US succeeds in reshaping supply chains, it doesn’t guarantee the creation of good jobs. Despite Trump’s pro-labour rhetoric, his administration’s actions tell a different story.

In March 2025, Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency laid off 216,000 federal workers. Collective bargaining rights were stripped from 400,000 employees across agencies like Veterans Affairs, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Transportation Security Administration. The White House also revoked the US$15 per hour minimum wage requirement for publicly-funded businesses.

Pain for US workers

Traditional sectors are suffering. Since April, machinery giant John Deere has cut more than 2,000 jobs, citing cost increases blamed on Trump’s tariffs. The big three carmakers – Ford, GM and Stellantis – claim that tariffs will cost them US$7 billion in lost earnings in 2025, with severe consequences for pay and jobs.

Will the tech sector’s massive capital spends offset these losses? Most of the US$300 billion pledged by firms like Apple and Amazon is earmarked for AI infrastructure: high-powered data centres, custom chips, graphics processing units and cloud networks.

These are capital-intensive projects that generate short-term construction jobs but offer little in the way of long-term employment.

Simultaneously, tech companies are downsizing as they substitute AI for human labour. Microsoft announced layoffs of 6,000 and 9,000 employees from its 228,000-strong global labour force in May and July 2025, including 800 in Washington, Microsoft’s home state.

And what about the quality of the remaining jobs? At Amazon, for example, the company’s software engineers have described how it is using AI to cut jobs and speed up work. According to reports, tasks that previously took weeks are now expected to be completed in days. One engineer told journalists that his team was halved in size, but is expected to produce the same amount of code, using AI tools.

The environmental costs of AI are mounting. Researchers have found that data centres already consume 4.4% of the US’s electricity. By 2028, AI could require as much power as 22% of American households use annually.

aerial view of a google data centre in nevada, usa — Enormous data centres, like this one in Nevada, are using an increasing share of the US’s electricity.
Audio und werbung/Shutterstock

This surge in demand, combined with federal budget cuts to green energy initiatives, is diverting renewable energy away from broader decarbonisation efforts such as hydrogen tech projects, battery plants and upgrades to the electric grid.

These figures are only set to rise if the surge continues. According to the International Energy Agency, fossil fuels – particularly coal and natural gas – are expected to supply more than 40% of the additional electricity needed by data centres until 2030.

Trump’s push towards AI, coupled with his tariff regime and alliance with Silicon Valley’s elite, may reshape the economy and global supply chains – but not in favour of workers or the planet. The promise of revitalised manufacturing and job creation masks deeper risks: automation, weakened labour protections and escalating environmental harm.

Benjamin Selwyn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Trump is attracting investment to the US – but at a huge cost to workers and the environment – https://theconversation.com/trump-is-attracting-investment-to-the-us-but-at-a-huge-cost-to-workers-and-the-environment-267505

October 20, 2025

Hamas turns to executions as it tries to establish a monopoly on force in Gaza

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tahani Mustafa, Lecturer in International Relations, King’s College London

An uneasy ceasefire is still in place in Gaza despite Israeli strikes on what it called “Hamas terror targets” in response to what the Israel Defense Forces said here rocket attacks on its positions.

But there appears to be continuing violence between Hamas fighters and members of various armed clans that has increased since the withdrawal of Israel from parts of Gaza. In the days following the ceasefire agreement being struck on October 13. Most notably, videos circulated which appeared to show Hamas executing members of some of the clans. The killings appear to have been brutal and conducted without even the pretence of an impartial legal process.

Speaking to my contacts in Gaza developed through 15 years of research, including one employee of an international organisation who has advised Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, it appears many Gazans may support these executions. One source in the office of the security coordinator in Gaza told me this week that many people in Gaza believe this show of force could pave the way for the reestablishment of law and order and the effective distribution of aid.

In part, this reflects the situation in Gaza since Israel began its assault two years ago, after the Hamas attack of October 7 2023. That day saw an estimated 3,000 Hamas fighters pour across the borders into southern Israel, killing about 1,200 people and taking 250 hostages.

The months and years that followed saw Israel launched an overwhelming military assault on Gaza, killing more than 68,000 and wounding more than 170,000, according to estimates from the Gaza health ministry. Israel’s declared intention was the destructio of Hamas as both a government and a military force. The civilian population of Gaza witnessed growing chaos and lawlessness as the conflict led Hamas forces into hiding.

But a significant number have survived. AN estimated 7,000 Hamas fighters have now been deployed across the territory. In seeking to crack down publicly and brutally on the most serious forms of lawlessness Gaza has seen over the last two years – including murders, revenge killings, trafficking, kidnappings, robbery, theft and drug dealing – Hamas appears to be demonstrating its resolve to establish an effective monopoly on the use of force in Gaza.

Hamas faced a similar situation in 2007, when it abruptly inherited governance of the Gaza Strip. Fatah, the Palestinian faction that has controlled the Palestinian Authority (PA) since its creation in 1994, moved with the backing of the US, against the then newly elected Hamas government.

After a protracted struggle, Hamas lost control over the West Bank, but expelled Fatah from Gaza. In Gaza, Hamas inherited an administration in the process of being rebuilt after its virtual destruction.

The group addressed the yawning security vacuum and lawlessness in a way similar to the way it appears to be doing now. It employed brutality establish a monopoly on the use of force. It disarmed the various armed factions and established a civil administration. Its administration was based on that of the PA, but was generally recognised to be more effective and less corrupt than the PA and its security forces.

It worked with other political factions in the Strip, including Fatah, in rebuilding Gaza’s administration. Many of the civil servants, judges and even police it employed were not members of Hamas – and were not required to become so.

This is not to say there weren’t limits to important freedoms under Hamas rule – there were. But these were arguably no more authoritarian than those imposed by Fatah in the West Bank.

Who are the clans?

At the centre of the criminality in Gaza today are armed gangs, whose members are often drawn from the territory’s powerful clans. These clans are extended families that have historically played leading roles in their communities – but have also, at times, operated like local mafia.

During the recent conflict, clans have settled old scores with violence. Gangs associated with the clans have expanded into racketeering, drug dealing, kidnapping, robbery and extortion.

Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has confirmed his country has armed some of the gangs, following reports of Israeli forces handing over weapons directly or leaving weapons for them to claim hoping they would use them against Hamas. Hamas has made much of this, characterising the men it publicly executed as “collaborators”. The largest assembly of clans, the Palestinian Tribal Committee, has supported Hamas’s crackdown and condemned the criminality of the gangs.

Hamas is reported to have offered an amnesty deal to the clans and gangs, calling on them to surrender their weapons and for any involved in criminality to hand themselves in to face trial. Thus far, the Dogmush and Majaydah clans have complied, days after 26 members of the Dogmush were killed in clashes with Hamas.

US approval

While the US president, Donald Trump, has said that Hamas has to disarm “within a reasonable period of time”, he has also stated that he has given them a green light to reestablish law and order in the Strip “for a period of time”. Flying back to the US from Egypt on October 14, Trump told reporters: “Well, they [Hamas] are standing because they do want to stop the problems, and they’ve been open about it, and we gave them approval for a period of time.”

Trump: Hamas can resore law and order in Gaza.

It is true that order needs to be restored if aid is to reach those who need it. It is also essential if some form of civil administration to provide for the most basic needs of Gazans is to be reestablished in the interim, before a final deal on what to do with Gaza, Hamas and the Israeli occupation of Gaza is agreed.

But by arming these clans, Israel has arguably further destabilised the territory and contributed to the discord and civil strife that threatens to overwhelm the Gaza Strip as Hamas conducts its brutal campaign. The worse things get, the more likely that Gazans will be willing to accept Hamas’s form of order, based not on law but on extrajudicial violence.

Tahani Mustafa is affiliated with the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)

– ref. Hamas turns to executions as it tries to establish a monopoly on force in Gaza – https://theconversation.com/hamas-turns-to-executions-as-it-tries-to-establish-a-monopoly-on-force-in-gaza-267558

October 20, 2025

New study reveals how illegal wildlife trade intersects with organized crime in Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michelle Anagnostou, Banting Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Biology, University of Oxford

When most people hear terms like poaching, wildlife trafficking or illegal wildlife trade, they probably think of threatened species such as elephants, rhinos, tigers or sharks. Geographically, wildlife crime may feel like a problem confined to southern Africa or southeast and East Asia.

Of course, these species have long been heavily trafficked, and those regions are major hotspots for the trade. However, illegal wildlife trade affects thousands of species of wild plants, animals and fungi, and has been reported in 162 countries, including Canada, which is far from a passive bystander.

Illegal wildlife trade is one of the largest criminal activities in the world and some black markets are growing each year. The immense scale of the problem, coupled with a changing climate and a widening gap between organized crime and countries’ capacities to respond, poses a mounting global concern.

Yet one of the biggest gaps in our understanding has been the nature of organized crime connections to illegal wildlife trade, hardly surprising given how difficult criminal networks are to study.

In recent years, experts have increasingly stated illegal wildlife trade converges with other forms of serious and organized crime, such as drug and human trafficking.

Though reported in the media, empirical evidence has been lacking. Much of what we knew about these convergences came from anecdotal reports and reviews. In response, research by our team in 2021 and 2022 reviewed existing knowledge and theorized how these criminal convergences work, laying the groundwork for new empirical research.

Our latest study documents those connections directly through more than 100 interviews with investigators on the ground in Canada, South Africa and Hong Kong. This study mapped how illegal wildlife trade intersects with other organized criminal activities.

A complex web of criminality

Our findings confirm that wildlife trafficking is rarely isolated. Whether in South Africa’s rhino reserves, Hong Kong’s shipping terminals or Canada’s coastal towns, the same pattern repeats: the people and networks trading in wildlife are often involved in other illicit activities.

Our research shows that illegal wildlife trade converges with drug, sex and human trafficking, child abuse, trade in human body parts, forced and bonded labour, arms trafficking; vehicle theft and trafficking, counterfeit and pirated goods trade, and illegal trade in metals and minerals. The list goes on.

In Canada, interviewees described wildlife being bartered like currency. In several provinces, fish and animal parts, such as sturgeon, have been exchanged directly for illegal drugs. One officer recalled raiding a trafficker’s house and finding grizzly bear and polar bear hides that had been exchanged for high-value narcotics.

Similar stories came from other provinces, where guns are often illegally exchanged for wildlife, or where migrant workers are illegally exploited in illegal wildlife processing facilities. Some cases were small-scale, localized operations, while others linked local poachers to sophisticated international organized crime networks.

Still other cases connected wildlife to the murkier “oddities” trade: human bones, preserved reptiles, bird parts and other macabre collectables. In these circles, even the line between wildlife trafficking and the illegal sale of human remains can blur.

How Canada fits a global pattern

The Canadian examples mirrored experiences reported by law enforcement in other countries. In South Africa, rhino horn trafficking networks have also run child exploitation rings; in Hong Kong, shark fins and endangered turtles are trafficked alongside counterfeit and pirated goods. Across all three jurisdictions, convergence of these crimes follows the same logic: shared infrastructure and the pursuit of profit from illegal sources.

Trafficking illegal commodities requires prearranged transportation, trusted fixers, corrupt officials and money laundering channels. Diversifying into wildlife simply offers another revenue stream with relatively low penalties if caught. As one investigator told us: “If you’re a smuggler, the commodity might change, but you will remain a smuggler.”

Despite these convergences, Canada’s response remains siloed, inadequately prioritized and under-resourced. Wildlife crime cases are generally handled by conservation or environment authorities, while narcotics, arms and human trafficking cases fall to police or border agencies, each constrained within geographically defined jurisdictions.

This siloed system creates blind spots that sophisticated networks exploit. Without mechanisms for joint intelligence-sharing and prosecution, each agency sees only pieces of the puzzle.

Tackling converging crimes

Canada’s experience is part of a much larger global challenge. Delegates from around the world will soon gather in Samarkand, Uzbekistan for the 20th meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), where they will discuss strengthening enforcement and co-operation. Countering illegal wildlife trade requires collaborative multi-agency and cross-sectoral approaches, in Canada and beyond.

This requires deepening collaborations and information sharing protocols between partners including environmental, policing, financial, customs and organized crime agencies — and recognition that wildlife trafficking is as much an economic crime and security issue as an environmental one.

Stronger penalties, better co-operation and the use of anti-money laundering approaches could significantly improve efforts. Public awareness is also key: illegal wildlife purchases, increasingly via online and social media platforms, represent not only environmental harm, but also link consumers to a criminal economy most would likely want nothing to with.

Unfortunately, the illegal wildlife trade is still one of the most lucrative of all illegal trades. The World Bank estimates that illegal logging, fishing and wildlife trade result in economic losses amounting to trillions of dollars annually. The immense profits are siphoned off by organized crime networks and corrupt officials, instead of supporting conservation and sustainable development.

Moreover, when wildlife trafficking intersects with drug and arms trade, it reinforces the same criminal networks that destabilize communities, laundering dirty money, spreading corruption, eroding governance and weakening the rule of law.

Ultimately, by treating wildlife trafficking as a complex form of organized crime, Canada can help dismantle the networks that profit from exploiting both people and the planet.

Michelle Anagnostou receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. She also consults for World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the National Cargo Bureau on counter-wildlife trafficking projects.

Peter Stoett receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Ashwell Glasson and Brent Doberstein do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. New study reveals how illegal wildlife trade intersects with organized crime in Canada – https://theconversation.com/new-study-reveals-how-illegal-wildlife-trade-intersects-with-organized-crime-in-canada-266753

October 20, 2025

With Miss Chief Eagle Testickle, Cree artist Kent Monkman confronts history

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Anna Hudson, Professor, Art History, York University, Canada

Cree artist Kent Monkman is a contemporary old master most celebrated for his reworking of figurative painting. Now in his 60th year, Monkman’s gut-wrenching recastings of images drawn from the western canon are produced by his atelier, a studio modelled on a longstanding tradition of the artist as chef d’atelier.

His 2019 completion of the commission mistikôsiwak (Wooden Boat People) for the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s (the Met) Great Hall marked the first of three institutional plays by the Met for social relevancy. Monkman, along with African-American contemporary artist Jacolby Satterwhite and Taiwanese calligrapher Tong Yang-Tze, each transformed the vast temple-like lobby into a gathering place for cross-cultural dialogue.

Six years later, Kent Monkman: History is Painted by the Victors, a major retrospective currently on view at the Montréal Museum of Fine Arts, positioned mistikôsiwak as the height of Monkman’s boundary-breaking practice and stratospheric rise to the upper echelons of the contemporary international art world.

Monkman’s hired team of Indigenous and non-Indigenous apprentice painters, actors, makeup artists, fashion designers, filmmakers and photographers carry his epic compositions to completion. Their collaborations balance reference to iconic European, Canadian and American nationalist paintings with Monkman’s Cree perspective on the imperial consumption of Indigenous lands.

At their root is Monkman’s commentary on the imposition of western art education in the Americas through the establishment of fine art academies in new nation states to train settler artists.

Kent Monkman speaks about his work with Denver Art Museum’s Beyond the Art.

Fine art and colonialism

By the late 18th and early 19th centuries, landscape painting developed into one of the most celebrated fine art genres. Colonial landowners and governments saw the land around them as a resource to be documented.

Monkman interrupts this by combining two genres — landscape and history painting — to create monumental documents of colliding worldviews: the colonial investment in individual land ownership versus Indigenous land stewardship.

Landscape painting continues to shape Canadian and American national identity. For example, the works of the Canadian Group of Seven are implicated in the idea of Canadian-ness.

Monkman’s approach channels the Romantic painters, and most compellingly, Théodore Géricault’s 1819 The Raft of the Medusa.“ This painting is a canonical composition of bodies caught in the rawest human dynamic of hope versus despair, life versus death — themes interpreted in Monkman’s work. Géricault was controversially unafraid to focus on the dead, diseased and depraved and highlight political incompetence and corruption.

Gericault’s painting records the aftermath of the 1816 shipwreck of the Medusa, a French Royal Navy frigate commissioned to ferry officials to Senegal to formally re-establish French occupation of the colony. As a result of the captain’s inept navigation, the Medusa struck a sandbank off the West African coast. Survivors piled onto a life raft to endure a dehumanizing and deadly 13 days before being rescued by another ship, barely visible on the painting’s horizon.

Response to the canon

Monkman’s 2019 Great Hall commission of two monumental paintings for the Met marked unheard-of success for a contemporary Indigenous artist. As part of the Met’s initiative to invite artists to create new works inspired by the collection in honour its 150th anniversary, the diptych mistikôsiwak (Wooden Boat People) offers a uniquely re-canonizing response to western art history.

This prestigious commission of two monumental paintings, Welcoming the Newcomers and Resurgence of the People, brought settler reckoning to new audiences in the aftermath of Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) 94 Calls to Action.

Given its grand size and public location, mistikôsiwak presented a parallel Indigenous canon, a painterly two-row wampum of sorts that runs alongside its western European historical counterpart towards Indigenous survivance — survival, resilience and endurance — and futurity.

The two-row wampum belt created in the 17th century acknowledged the colonial establishment of two paths: western versus Indigenous. Today, they are entangled by neocolonial industrial pollution and climate change. To artist and curator Rick Hill, this reality, along with the arrival on Indigenous homelands of generations of diaspora populations, brings forth the question: “What is your relationship to this land? What is your relationship to your Native neighbours?”

Given that western and Indigenous definitions of sovereignty remain intractably at odds, Hill’s questions provoke a consideration of land as a shared resource, for humans and non-human life.

The Art Gallery of Ontario presents a segment on treaties with artist, writer and curator Rick Hill.

Transformative painting

Miss Chief Eagle Testickle is Monkman’s dynamic anti-colonial trans superhero who often appears in his work. In mistikôsiwak, Miss Chief is represented alongside the arrival of all sorts: colonizers, settlers, servants, slaves, migrants and refugees who never left.

In Resurgence of the People, Monkman riffs off such American idols as Emanuel Leutze’s Washington Crossing the Delaware (1851), depicting George Washington and Continental Army troops crossing the river prior to the Battle of Trenton on the morning of Dec. 26, 1776.

In Monkman’s remaking, Miss Chief captains a boat of survivors who, together, make a spectacle of the Doctrine of Discovery that granted European authority to claim the lands and resources of non-Christian peoples.

Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau is represented clinging to the boat’s port side, his red tie flailing and his right hand attempting to take control of a paddle. His gold watch is a heart-sinking reminder of the colonial consumption of peoples and land. These representations gesture towards a political versus cultural sense of belonging that underwrote the Liberal government’s 1969 White Paper, which proposed final assimilation of Indigenous Peoples.

In the boat sits Murray Sinclair, the chief commissioner of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada who fostered understanding, compassion and reconciliation between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous people in Canada.

Resilience and survival

In Welcoming the Newcomers, Miss Chief is the admonishing figure lifted from the academic tradition who locks eyes with the viewer. Her gaze draws us into the drama unfolding on Turtle Island.

Monkman references the Met’s Watson and the Shark, a 1778 painting by American painter John Singleton Copley recounting a young man’s remarkable rescue from a shark attack. In Monkman’s retelling, the boat is capsized, and only the slave pictured in the original is rescued by Miss Chief, who is bathed in breaking light. In the centre, a muscular figure cradles an Indigenous newborn baby.

In French Romantic artist Eugène Delacroix’s early 19th-century painting, The Natchez, also in the Met, a dying baby cradled by a couple signals the massacre of a people. But the washed-up conquistadors scattered along the painted shoreline of Turtle Island remind viewers of more than 500 years of Indigenous resilience. Monkman’s incorporated reference to Delacroix notes the Natchez are alive and well.

Historical revision

Monkman’s paintings present the landscape as a theatrical stage upon which stories of human exploitation play out. Throughout his career, he has consistently transformed European and settler-colonial photography, film, performance and painting into cross-cultural encounters featuring Miss Chief.

Monkman’s goal? To remind settler and diaspora Canadians of their accountability. We share the Earth with each other, human and otherwise, for a collective future.

Anna Hudson receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), the Canada Foundation for Innovation (CFI) and the Ontario Research Fund (ORF)

– ref. With Miss Chief Eagle Testickle, Cree artist Kent Monkman confronts history – https://theconversation.com/with-miss-chief-eagle-testickle-cree-artist-kent-monkman-confronts-history-252136

October 20, 2025

Anatomie des hommes forts : pourquoi les politiques mettent-ils en scène leur musculature ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By François Hourmant, Professeur de science politique, Université d’Angers

Alors que, depuis plusieurs années, les jeunes s’inscrivent en masse dans les salles de sport, leur obsession pour le muscle semble avoir gagné une autre catégorie de population : les responsables politiques. Mais pourquoi donc vouloir « pousser de la fonte » lorsqu’on tutoie déjà les cimes du pouvoir ?

« Emmanuel Macron dégaine les abdos » : sous ce titre, une photo montre le président français torse nu, doté de « tablettes de chocolat ». D’abord publiée sur X, avant d’être reprise par Closer, elle a été prise à la veille de la rencontre entre Donald Trump et Vladimir Poutine en Alaska le 15 août, alors qu’Emmanuel Macron s’adonnait aux joies balnéaires à Brégançon (Var).

Deux ans plus tôt, la photographe officielle l’Élysée Soazig de La Moissonière postait sur Instagram les photos du président en boxeur, visage ridé par l’effort, biceps saillants et sueur perlant. Dieu du ring, « Rocky Macron » imitait Poutine, que l’on vit naguère exposer avec complaisance les attributs d’une virilité offensive.

Rivalité mimétique et « masculinité agonistique »

La séquence témoignait de cette rivalité mimétique opposant Poutine à Macron, qualifié de « coq en pâte » ou « trouillard zoologique » par Dmitri Medvedev, le vice-président du Conseil de sécurité de la Fédération de Russie. Elle surlignait de façon métaphorique la volonté de rendre coup pour coup.

Symbole de la combativité, de la pugnacité et de l’endurance, mais aussi de l’efficacité et de la maîtrise de soi la boxe stylisait, autant que les déclarations du président français, le « combat de chefs ». Posant en héraut des démocraties libérales contre l’autoritarisme russe, Macron empruntait pourtant l’hexis corporelle hypertrophiée des leaders autocratiques du XX^e siècle. Cet étalage de muscles et de sueur était évidemment plus inattendu chez un ancien énarque, banquier d’affaires devenu président de la République que chez un ancien officier du KGB.

Le muscle-spectacle

Mais pour singulières qu’elles paraissent, ces photos font aussi écho à bien d’autres clichés. De Jordan Bardella publiant sur TikTok ses séances de « muscu », à Olivier Véran, adepte, comme Édouard Philippe, Manuel Valls, Valérie Pécresse ou Rachida Dati, de la boxe, et exhibant son biceps au moment du Covid, en passant par Louis Sarkozy, fan de MMA et de jiu-jitsu, ou encore Ian Brossat déclinant l’importance de ses séances quotidiennes sur les bancs de musculation, difficile d’échapper à cette exposition complaisante de muscles. Ce corps ciselé est non seulement érigé en nouvel étalon de la beauté masculine en politique, mais aussi en improbable vecteur de communication et de légitimation.

Et la France n’est pas la seule à succomber à ce muscle-spectacle. Le « challenge de Pete et Bobby », au cours duquel l’actuel ministre de la santé des États-Unis, Robert Jr. Kennedy, a mis au défi le ministre de la défense Pete Hegseth d’effectuer 50 tractions et 100 pompes en moins de dix minutes, a enflammé les réseaux sociaux, consacrant l’avènement d’une culture visuelle du muscle dans les démocraties contemporaines. Si le sport est depuis longtemps une « passion américaine », la croisade du muscle et de la santé a pris néanmoins ces derniers temps un tournant spectaculaire à visée politique et idéologique.

Management des corps et triomphe de la volonté

Longtemps forclos du champ politique démocratique, les muscles s’exposent donc désormais. Ce culte inquiet du moi et cette culture profane du corps indexe un storytelling aussi bien huilé que les muscles exhibés. Dans son discours prononcé au Pentagone, le 30 septembre 2025, devant plusieurs centaines d’officiers de l’armée des États-Unis, Pete Hegseth stigmatisait ainsi « les mecs en robe », les barbes et cheveux longs, dénonçait les « troupes obèses » et « l’hypersensibilité » ou encore le « hot yoga ». L’heure est bien à la fermeté et à la puissance, au lisse et au glabre, pour façonner de nouveaux « warriors ». Et d’en appeler au rétablissement de la « formation de base » telle qu’elle devrait être à ses yeux : « Effrayante, difficile et disciplinée. »

Exit donc ceux qu’il nomme avec mépris les « débris woke » ; exit les « hommes faibles qui ne seront pas qualifiés », selon son expression. Ainsi se décline le nouveau management ultralibéral des corps dans lequel chacun devient gestionnaire de son apparence dans une recherche individualiste de la réussite, entre dépassement de soi et « triomphe de la volonté ». Le muscle est devenu une ressource et le corps un capital qu’il convient de faire fructifier.

Célébration apollinienne et culte de la performance

Les photographies de ces performers politiques fixent les contours de ces nouveaux corps médiatiques. Elles redéfinissent les canons de la beauté masculine où la séduction de la plastique sculptée se conjugue aux règles de l’ascèse, sur fond d’héroïsation. Car ces corps glorieux sont des corps épurés et dégraissés de tout amas adipeux par l’effort endurant, et non par la magie de Photoshop qui permit d’effacer les bourrelets de Nicolas Sarkozy en vacances à Wolfeboro (Nouvelle-Angleterre, chez le président Bush, ndlr).

Label de vigueur et de force, le muscle est aussi synonyme de santé physique et morale. Il signifie hygiénisme, vitalisme et déni du vieillissement. Il participe d’une nouvelle grammaire des apparences et reconfigure les normes de la masculinité en politique, entre célébration apollinienne et culte de la performance.

Ces pratiques infléchissent aussi les représentations de l’affrontement politique. La joute des apparences rivalise avec celle des discours. Chez les hommes politiques, la culture visuelle étend son empire et promeut une rhétorique qui n’est plus seulement discursive et esthétique mais aussi plastique. La politique tend à devenir de plus en plus athlétique et diététique. Le pouvoir et son exercice réclament des hommes forts, des gladiateurs postmodernes n’hésitant parfois pas, comme au Brésil, à régler leurs différends dans les cages de MMA.

Splendeur et misère d’une virilité hégémonique

Ce sacre de la sueur et de la violence contre le « cercle de la raison », ravive avec acuité un vieil imaginaire : celui associant le pouvoir à la virilité, et celle-ci à la masculinité hégémonique.

À la « virilité privilège », celle des élites bourgeoises et politiques, véhiculant des valeurs de tempérance, de droiture, de responsabilité, ces nouvelles incarnations renvoient davantage à la « virilité ressource ». Celle-ci, longtemps plébiscitée par les outsiders, était l’apanage des leaders populistes, fondée sur une rhétorique du parler-vrai, sur une simplicité/proximité affichée avec les électeurs ainsi que sur une agressivité à la fois verbale et corporelle qui a connu, avec les poignées de mains virilistes de Donald Trump, un indiscutable regain.

Cette virilité fait écho au succès rencontré par les nouvelles pratiques sportives où « la fabrique du muscle » participe de la construction identitaire de soi dans un monde incertain. Elle trouve également une visibilité et une amplification sur les réseaux sociaux. La manosphère s’est faite la porte-voix de ces pratiques. Elle promeut un discours antiféministe associant conseils en développement personnels et de remise en forme a un discours intransigeant sur la masculinité traditionnelle. Pour les influenceurs masculinistes comme Andrew Tate, ancien champion de kickboxing, la « revirilisation » par la célébration narcissique de la musculature est une promesse de salut et de réussite sociale, professionnelle et personnelle.

« La fabrique du muscle. »

Difficile de ne pas voir dans cette exaltation du muscle-roi une sur-virilisation compensatoire, le symptôme d’une inquiétude face à la redéfinition des rôles sexués, un backlash face aux revendications féministes post-#MeToo voire même une « surenchère phallique » que pointait déjà l’anthropologue Jean-Jacques Courtine à propos des body builders, ces « stakhanovistes du narcissisme » en qui il voyait « le travail de deuil dénié, la nostalgie travestie d’une très ancienne représentation de la puissance masculine. »

Désymbolisation et érotisation

Ces pratiques s’inscrivent dans des stratégies de présentation de soi où l’exposition des musculatures redéfinit les façades et les identités. Si cette corporalité du politique n’est pas neuve – pensons à Mussolini paradant torse nu –, elle révèle l’existence d’une nouvelle configuration politique dans laquelle la légitimité se construit largement dans et par l’écart à la norme, par une corporéité exhibée, performée et médiatisée, plus spécifiquement plébiscitée par les leaders de droite dans le champ politique.

Pendant longtemps, présidents et compétiteurs ont été prisonniers de la fonction et à ce titre (auto)contraints par le rôle. Ils étaient obligés de se conformer à l’imaginaire de hauteur et de solennité qu’attestait le paradigme du président lettré. Les photos de ces corps façonnés inaugurent un nouveau régime d’incarnation. S’ils attestent une indéniable désymbolisation, ils mettent aussi en jeu une forme exacerbée d’érotisation du politique, entre exhibitionnisme et voyeurisme, où la pulsion scopique est congruente avec celle des réseaux sociaux.

François Hourmant ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Anatomie des hommes forts : pourquoi les politiques mettent-ils en scène leur musculature ? – https://theconversation.com/anatomie-des-hommes-forts-pourquoi-les-politiques-mettent-ils-en-scene-leur-musculature-267387

October 20, 2025

Informer sur les risques et bénéfices de la migration influence-t-il la décision de migrer ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Jean-Michel Lafleur, Associate Director, Centre for Ethnic and Migration Studies / Coordinator of IMISCOE, Université de Liège

Session de sensibilisation sur les risques et dangers de la migration irrégulière à Douala (Cameroun), juin 2022.
Organisation internationale des migrations/Cameroun 2022

Une étude quantitative de 2025 réalisée auprès d’un échantillon représentatif de la population résidente en Algérie confirme que les campagnes d’information sur les risques de la migration irrégulière promues par l’Union européenne et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) n’ont qu’un impact très faible sur la propension à émigrer en dehors des voies légales.

Au printemps dernier, le fonds « Asile, migration et intégration » (Amif), créé par l’Union européenne (UE), lançait un appel à proposition afin de prévenir la migration irrégulière par des campagnes d’information sur les risques liés à ce type de migration.

L’objectif de cet appel doté d’un budget de 10 millions d’euros :

« Dissuader et prévenir la migration irrégulière en fournissant des informations fiables sur les dangers de la migration irrégulière, sur les voies légales d’accès à l’Europe et sur les possibilités économiques alternatives dans les pays d’origine. »

Malgré le fait que les chercheurs s’interrogent depuis longtemps sur l’efficacité de ce type de campagne, l’UE, ses États membres mais aussi l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) dépensent, chaque année, des budgets conséquents dans des campagnes de ce genre.

Des campagnes nombreuses et à l’efficacité douteuse

Les campagnes d’information ciblant les pays d’origine et de transit des migrants, notamment par le biais d’annonces à la radio et à la télévision, dans les journaux ou sur les réseaux sociaux, sont un outil de dissuasion de la migration très fréquemment utilisé par les gouvernements.

Une caractéristique récurrente de ces campagnes est qu’elles mettent en avant les dangers et risques liés à la migration et évoquent rarement les bénéfices que celle-ci peut procurer ni n’informent sur les modalités légales par lesquelles il est possible de rejoindre l’Europe. Dans ces campagnes, l’usage de dispositifs audiovisuels induisant la peur est également fréquent.

Entre 2015 et 2019, au moins 130 campagnes ont été mises en œuvre, dont 104 soutenues par des gouvernements de l’UE. À titre d’exemple, l’OIM et le ministère italien de l’intérieur ont conduit, entre 2016 et 2023, la campagne « Aware Migrants », qui ciblait 11 pays africains d’émigration et de transit. Cette campagne aurait touché, selon ses organisateurs, plus d’un demi-million d’individus. Plus récemment, en 2025, la Belgique a conduit des campagnes visant les demandeurs d’asile camerounais et guinéens transitant par la Bulgarie et la Grèce afin de leur faire savoir que les centres d’accueil du pays sont complets.

Capture d’écran issue d’une vidéo diffusée par l’Office des étrangers (Belgique).
YouTube

Capture d’écran issue d’une vidéo diffusée par The Migrant Project-Edo/Media Coalition and Awareness to Halt Trafficking. Les propos cités ici sont ceux d’un jeune migrant originaire du Nigeria, Ikechukwu Oseji.
Compte Facebook du Migrant Project- Edo/Media Coalition and Awareness to Halt Trafficking

Les chercheurs qui ont analysé ce type de campagnes identifient trois limites récurrentes inhérentes à cet instrument des politiques migratoires européennes.

D’abord, la recherche qualitative existante (une sur le Cameroun, l’autre sur le Ghana) démontre que, contrairement aux hypothèses des financeurs des campagnes, la plupart des candidats potentiels à la migration dans les pays à revenus faible ou intermédiaire sont plutôt bien informés sur les risques liés à la migration irrégulière. Il n’empêche qu’en dépit de leur connaissance des risques encourus, y compris celui de perdre la vie, ils sont nombreux à estimer que, vu l’absence de voies légales pour quitter le pays où ils vivent, l’immigration irrégulière est leur seule possibilité.

Ensuite, des travaux antérieurs ont déjà montré que les candidats à la migration accordent peu de crédit à la qualité de l’information diffusée dans des campagnes financées par des institutions explicitement motivées par le désir de réduire les flux migratoires. Ces campagnes peinent par conséquent à contrer les récits positifs diffusés par d’autres sources – tels les messages véhiculés par les passeurs et par les migrants de même origine déjà établis en Europe – et sont pour cette raison fréquemment présentées par la recherche comme vouées à l’échec.

Enfin, la communauté scientifique dans le champ des études migratoires souligne l’absence d’évaluation systématique de l’impact de ces campagnes et indique que, lorsque des évaluations sont conduites, celles-ci présentent des problèmes de fiabilité. Certains spécialistes s’interrogent également sur le caractère éthique de ces campagnes, qui visent à légitimer des politiques migratoires restrictives, et dont la capacité réelle à réduire la migration irrégulière paraît douteuse.

Une première évaluation à grande échelle auprès de la population algérienne

En réponse à ces critiques, notre étude a mis sur pied une expérimentation intégrée à une enquête administrée en ligne auprès d’un panel de 1 206 personnes représentatif de la population résidente en Algérie afin de tester l’impact de certaines informations sur la décision de migrer de façon irrégulière vers l’Europe.

La population sans papiers algérienne est en effet l’une des plus importantes en Europe : selon Eurostat, parmi les 918 925 personnes en séjour irrégulier en Europe en 2024, près de 60 000 sont des citoyens algériens. Elle constitue aussi le premier groupe national en nombre d’ordre de quitter le territoire, émis dans l’UE (plus de 38 000 citoyens algériens concernés en 2024).

Dans cette expérimentation, nous avons testé six messages.

Les deux premiers portent sur les risques liés à la migration : une vignette concerne les dangers de la migration irrégulière et comprend les risques de décès en mer, d’arrestation et d’expulsion du continent européen. La deuxième traite des murs et des grillages érigés en de nombreux points du territoire de l’UE dans le but de contenir l’immigration irrégulière. Chacun de ces messages a été testé dans une version « texte seul » et dans une version où le même texte est accompagné d’une photo d’illustration renforçant le caractère inquiétant du message écrit.

Les deux autres messages, testés uniquement en version « texte seul », concernaient l’accès aux droits des personnes migrantes dans le pays d’immigration, fréquemment présentés dans le débat politique comme des éléments susceptibles d’encourager la migration irrégulière vers l’Europe. À cet effet, une vignette fournissait des informations concernant la possibilité pour les sans-papiers de régulariser leur statut sous certaines conditions dans différents États membres de l’UE. L’autre concernait la possibilité pour les migrants algériens d’accéder à certaines prestations sociales en Europe grâce à l’existence d’accords bilatéraux de sécurité sociale.

Chacun de ces messages a été testé auprès d’une partie de l’échantillon. Les participants exposés à l’un de ces messages tout comme le groupe de contrôle (n’ayant pas reçu de message) ont ensuite répondu à trois questions sur leur désir et intention d’émigrer vers l’Europe, y compris de façon irrégulière.

Au terme de notre analyse, et dans la continuité des travaux principalement qualitatifs réalisés jusqu’ici sur la question, notre étude confirme l’absence d’impact des campagnes d’information. Plus précisément, fournir des informations sur les risques et les bénéfices liés à la migration n’a pas d’impact significatif sur la propension à migrer de façon irrégulière des individus résidant dans les pays à niveau de revenus faible et intermédiaire.

Impact insignifiant, débat indispensable

Puisqu’il se confirme que ce type d’information n’a pas d’impact sur la décision de migrer de façon irrégulière, il convient à nouveau d’interroger l’objectif des campagnes d’information menées dans les pays d’origine.

Si leur rôle est uniquement de rassurer les opinions publiques européennes quant à la capacité des États à limiter la migration irrégulière, s’agit-il d’un usage légitime des ressources publiques ? Si, comme cela est fréquemment invoqué, l’objectif est réellement d’informer les candidats à la migration quant à la réalité de l’expérience migratoire, alors l’usage d’informations délibérément incomplètes et inquiétantes sur la migration vers l’Europe pose bien entendu de sérieuses questions éthiques.

Autrement dit, le débat sur les campagnes d’information doit s’inscrire dans un débat plus large sur l’évolution des politiques migratoires en Europe. Comme le réclament la communauté scientifique et la société civile organisée, une politique migratoire qui entend permettre uniquement la migration régulière ne peut privilégier à ce point les réponses répressives et dissuasives sans risquer de continuer à produire des politiques migratoires inefficaces et dangereuses.

Si ces campagnes d’informations doivent être poursuivies, il importe qu’elles prennent désormais en compte deux éléments cruciaux jusqu’ici trop souvent passés sous silence. Il s’agit, d’une part, de reconnaître, outre la nécessité de créer de nouvelles voies d’accès légales et sûres vers l’Europe, qu’il existe des modalités légales limitées de migration, dont ces campagnes ne font pas mention. Informer adéquatement sur ces voies légales est un corollaire indispensable au droit de tout individu à quitter son pays, tel que garanti par la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme. D’autre part, dans un souci d’offrir une vision réaliste de l’expérience migratoire en Europe, il importe également que ces campagnes reconnaissent que, lorsque les politiques d’inclusion adéquates sont mises en œuvre, l’aspiration des candidats à la migration à une vie meilleure en Europe peut être rencontrée.

Sans prendre ces éléments en considération, ces campagnes sont condamnées à reproduire une vision partielle de l’expérience migratoire en Europe à laquelle les candidats à la migration ne continueront à accorder que peu de crédit.

Jean-Michel Lafleur a reçu des financements du FRS-FNRS pour conduire cette recherche.

Abdeslam Marfouk ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Informer sur les risques et bénéfices de la migration influence-t-il la décision de migrer ? – https://theconversation.com/informer-sur-les-risques-et-benefices-de-la-migration-influence-t-il-la-decision-de-migrer-265690