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July 14, 2025

University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Arnim Langer, Professor, KU Leuven

Almost 70 years after independence was gained across the continent, many African countries continue to face the complex task of managing ethnic diversity and building national cohesion. National cohesion is a broad and often abstract concept. It refers to the extent to which people within a country share a sense of common purpose and belonging. It is often reflected in the strength of national identities and the degree of pride individuals feel in being part of the nation.

The fact that borders in colonial Africa were drawn in the late 19th century to the early 20th century by European powers without regard for ethnic and cultural realities and histories meant that post-colonial African governments had to develop a sense of national consciousness and belonging.

To address this task, many African countries have made efforts to promote a shared national identity which could bridge ethnic and regional divides. Governments have experimented with a diverse range of policies: promoting national languages, establishing civic education, celebrating national holidays, and reforming state institutions. Other measures have included abolishing traditional kingdoms, redistributing land, renaming capital cities, compulsory military service, and national youth service programmes.

Research into the effectiveness of these African initiatives has been limited and inconclusive. In recently published research, researchers at the Centre for Research on Peace and Development at KU Leuven addressed this gap by analysing the impact of Ghana’s National Service Scheme. Our research shows that, under certain conditions, participation in this programme can meaningfully enhance feelings of national belonging.

Ghana’s experience with national service

Established in 1973, Ghana’s National Service Scheme requires university graduates to spend one year serving in diverse roles throughout the country. This sometimes takes them to regions far from their homes.

While Ghana is widely regarded as a model for the peaceful management of ethnic diversity, the establishment of the National Service Scheme in 1973 was necessary. It was partly a response to the deep regional and ethnic divisions that marked the country’s early postcolonial period. Notably, in the years leading up to the scheme’s introduction, political rivalry between Ashanti and Ewe elites played a significant role in the country’s political instability.

Initially designed to counteract such ethnic divisions, the scheme continues to engage very large numbers of graduates each year. Over 100,000 were deployed in 2025. The programme aims not only to strengthen national cohesion, but also to promote manpower development and address key social challenges. These include unemployment, illiteracy and poverty.

Participants are deployed across a range of sectors, including education, healthcare, agriculture and public administration. While the vast majority of participants are assigned to teaching roles in primary or secondary schools or to positions in healthcare institutions, others take on administrative roles within government agencies or the private sector. These deployments are meant to expose them to different communities and foster intergroup contact under conditions that promote social bonding and reduce prejudice.

But can national service also contribute towards fostering stronger feelings of national belonging?

To answer this question, we conducted a large-scale panel survey among almost 3,000 service personnel. They had participated in the scheme between August 2014 and September 2016. The participants were surveyed three times: before their deployment and again within weeks after completing their national service.

The survey was aimed at examining their feelings of national pride before, during, and after their year of national service. Our study provides compelling evidence that national service significantly boosts participants’ feelings of national pride and belonging.

We found that the mechanism behind this impact lies in intergroup contact. This is described as positive, meaningful interactions between individuals from diverse ethnic and regional backgrounds. Participants who reported frequent and meaningful interactions, including developing new friendships and gaining deeper knowledge of other cultural groups, showed the most significant increases in their sense of national pride.

Importantly, the greatest improvements were observed among participants who initially identified less strongly with the nation.

We further found that the positive effects of participation were not short-lived. It persisted well beyond the year of service.

Key takeaways for policymakers

Governments aiming to strengthen national identity through youth service programmes should consider four key lessons from Ghana’s experience.

Mandatory participation is crucial. Voluntary schemes tend to attract individuals who are already inclined towards inter-ethnic harmony. This limits their broader societal impact. Ghana’s mandatory approach ensures that a wide and diverse range of participants are included. This enhances the programme’s reach and effectiveness.

Structured interactions must be actively promoted. Simply placing people from different backgrounds together is not enough. Successful programmes, such as Ghana’s, intentionally create opportunities for meaningful engagement. These structured interactions help participants develop lasting relationships and deepen their understanding of other cultures.

Youth should be engaged during formative years. Recent graduates are at a stage in life when attitudes and identities are still forming. National service programmes that target this age group can have a lasting influence. Especially on how young people perceive national unity and their role within it.

Diverse placements are essential. National service programmes should deploy participants in settings that are diverse. The geographical location is of secondary importance. Exposure to diverse settings will challenge assumptions and broaden perspectives. It will also foster stronger national bonds across ethnic and regional lines.

Why national service pays off in the long run

National youth service programmes, when well-designed and properly managed, are a promising yet underused tool for promoting national unity in Africa’s ethnically diverse societies. These initiatives can create meaningful opportunities for young people to engage across regional and ethnic lines. This helps to build trust, civic responsibility, and a shared sense of national identity.

Yet, in recent decades, many of these programmes have been scaled back or discontinued across the continent. Examples are Botswana, Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Zambia. The main reason? Cost. Governments have often viewed the logistical and financial demands of deploying tens of thousands of graduates each year as unsustainable. But this short-term budget logic misses the bigger picture.

Ghana’s scheme shows what’s possible. In recent years, the scheme’s deployment figures have reached record highs. It is now common for around 100,000 national service personnel to be mobilised in a single service year. The positive outcomes observed in Ghana offer clear, evidence-based lessons for policymakers across the continent. Investing in national service is not just a cost – it’s a commitment to a more united future.

Arnim Langer receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO).

Bart Meuleman receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO)

Lucas Leopold receives funding from Research Foundation Flanders (FWO).

– ref. University graduates in Ghana must serve society for a year – study suggests it’s good for national unity – https://theconversation.com/university-graduates-in-ghana-must-serve-society-for-a-year-study-suggests-its-good-for-national-unity-258743

July 14, 2025

Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julie Shantone Rubbi Nunan, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Early Childhood Education and Development, University of South Africa

South African primary schools are facing a crisis. Every day, learners fight, bully, destroy property, and intimidate other learners and teachers, turning what should be safe spaces into places of fear and mistrust.

Research shows that learner behaviour frequently involves violence, bullying and vandalism (damage to school property) that threatens the safety of both learners and staff.

The media usually report only serious cases of violence, but schools and teachers face challenging and dangerous behaviour every day that often goes unreported. This underreporting is not unique to South Africa; it’s a challenge seen in other countries too.

Research shows that this kind of behaviour disrupts teaching and learning, leading to poor learner performance and school dropouts.

Teachers frequently face aggression and intimidation from learners, which undermines their ability to teach effectively. They feel unsafe and frustrated when learners act aggressively, and this problem worsens when parents protect their children’s bad behaviour instead of addressing it.

Violence, bullying, and damage to school property don’t just cause harm to learners and teachers. They also cost schools money to repair the damage and cause emotional trauma and suffering for victims and their families.

Given these realities, it is important to carefully explore the lived experiences of teachers, school leaders and caretakers to fully understand the severity and complexity of challenging learner behaviour. This understanding is essential for developing effective policies and interventions aimed at restoring safety and improving learning environments in South African primary schools.

As part of a wider study of challenging learner behaviour, I interviewed 21 participants from three primary schools in Durban, South Africa. It was a qualitative case study, in which the small sample size was well-suited and provided relevant and credible information on challenging learner behaviour. Thematic analysis was appropriate for identifying patterns and themes for further exploration.

The aim was to probe the participants’ perspectives to understand how learners’ challenging behaviour is experienced in primary schools. I wanted to know more about how behaviour stemming from children’s homes and environments, playing out at school, was affecting teachers and the overall school climate.

The interviews indicated that teachers were unhappy and wanting to quit the profession, learner victims faced constant fear and distress, and caretakers felt degraded. If this is a sign of how teachers, children and caretakers are feeling around South Africa, it points to the need for ways to reduce their stress.

Voices from schools

The schools in my study are located in semi-urban areas within the same district and serve learners from grade R (about age 5) to grade 7 (about age 12). The surrounding communities face high levels of unemployment, domestic violence, and various social challenges.

Fifteen teachers, three governors, and three caretakers shared their experiences through interviews, enabling open discussion and deeper insights. Consistency across school sites supported the trustworthiness of the findings. Ethical guidelines were followed throughout.

Across the three schools, participants described an environment where serious learner misconduct was a common, everyday problem.

Teachers, governors, and caretakers reported daily disruptions that affected teaching, learning and emotional wellbeing. Aggression and violence were constant. Learners engaged in physical fights – punching, kicking, and using sharp objects like pencils and knives. These were not minor scuffles but incidents that caused serious injuries. Teachers were also threatened, shouted at, and occasionally physically harmed.

Bullying was widespread, both verbal and physical. Learners harassed peers through name-calling, exclusion, extortion and intimidation, often in unsupervised spaces like toilets and tuckshops. Victims lived in fear, while teachers struggled to maintain discipline and protect vulnerable learners.

Vandalism and property damage were routine. Learners tore up textbooks, damaged desks and windows, defaced walls with vulgar graffiti, and clogged toilets with rubbish. Caretakers faced degrading tasks like cleaning and scrubbing faeces and graffiti off the walls. The costs of repairing damage strained already limited school budgets.

Adding to the tension, gang-like behaviour emerged. Small groups banded together to provoke fights, intimidate others, and sometimes fuel unrest rooted in xenophobia or local politics, creating fear, uncertainty and division among learners.

Some incidents had gendered and criminal implications, including the reporting of boys violating the privacy and rights of other boys in the school toilets, and girls being inappropriately touched and harassed. This contributed to emotional trauma and, in some cases, learner dropout – especially among girls. The United Nations Children’s Fund posits that school violence contributes to girls dropping out of school. The dropout rate is a concern in South Africa.

Stealing and lying were common. Learners stole from classmates, teachers, and school offices, often without remorse, and frequently lied or blamed others when confronted, further eroding trust and accountability.

Many participants believed learners expressed unspoken pain or mirrored violence and instability seen at home and in their communities. According to social cognitive theory, such behaviours are learned. Children exposed to violence, neglect, or chaos often replicate these actions in school. Without consistent guidance, role models, or consequences, the cycle intensifies.

Moving forward

In short, these schools are no longer safe havens for learning – they are in crisis. Without urgent and effective intervention, the very mission of basic education – and the wellbeing of children – is at risk.

Primary schools depend on governing authorities and communities for their safety and success. Stakeholders must take collective action to reclaim schools as safe learning spaces.

Governing authorities should address the issues raised by reviewing policies and implementing support programmes, including counselling, family-school partnerships, and teacher training to handle challenging behaviour in positive and sustainable ways.

Julie Shantone Rubbi Nunan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bullying, violence and vandalism in primary school: study explores a growing crisis in South Africa – https://theconversation.com/bullying-violence-and-vandalism-in-primary-school-study-explores-a-growing-crisis-in-south-africa-260111

July 14, 2025

4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Philipp Kastner, Senior Lecturer in International Law, The University of Western Australia

The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda concluded a peace treaty in June 2025, aimed at ending a decades-long war in eastern DRC. The United Nations welcomed the agreement as “a significant step towards de-escalation, peace and stability” in the region.

I have analysed several different peace negotiations and agreements. It’s important to distinguish between what’s needed to get warring parties to the table, and what’s eventually agreed on. In this article, I examine whether the DRC-Rwanda deal has got the four essential components that usually signal that an agreement will hold.

Two broad points about peace agreements, first – and one particular complication in the DRC-Rwanda case.

Firstly, one agreement is rarely enough to resolve a complex conflict. Most deals are part of a series of agreements, sometimes between different actors. They often mention previously concluded ones, and will be referred to by subsequent ones.

Secondly, peace is a process, and requires broad and sustained commitment. It is essential that other actors, like armed groups, are brought on board. Importantly, this also includes civil society actors. An agreement will be more legitimate and effective if different voices are heard during negotiations.

One major complication in relation to the DRC-Rwanda deal is that the United States has been the prime broker. But rather than acting as a neutral mediator trying to bring about peace, Washington seems to be pursuing its own economic interests. This does not bode well.

There is no simple recipe for a good peace agreement, but research shows that four elements are important: a serious commitment from the parties, precise wording, clear timelines and strong implementation provisions.

What underpins a good agreement

First, the parties need to be serious about the agreement and able to commit to its terms. It must not be used as a cover to buy time, re-arm or pursue fighting. Moreover, lasting peace cannot be made exclusively at the highest political level. Agreements that are the result of more inclusive processes, with input by and support from the communities concerned, have a higher success rate.

Second, the agreement must address the issues it aims to resolve, and its provisions must be drafted carefully and unambiguously. When agreements are vague or silent on key aspects, they are often short-lived. Previous experiences can guide peace negotiators and mediators in the drafting process. Peace agreement databases established by the United Nations and academic institutions are a useful tool for this.

Third, clear and realistic timelines are essential. These can concern the withdrawal of armed forces from specified territories, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and the establishment of mechanisms providing reparations or other forms of transitional justice.

Fourth, an agreement should include provisions on its implementation. External support is usually helpful here. Third states or international organisations, liked the United Nations and the African Union, can be mandated to oversee this phase. They can also provide security guarantees or even deploy a peacekeeping operation. What is crucial is that these actors are committed to the process and don’t pursue their own interests.

To know what to realistically expect from a specific peace agreement, it’s important to understand that such agreements can take very different forms. These range from pre-negotiation arrangements and ceasefires to comprehensive peace accords and implementation agreements.

A lasting resolution of the conflict should not be expected when only a few conflict parties have concluded a temporary ceasefire.

The DRC-Rwanda agreement: an important step with lots of shortcomings

It’s difficult to tell at this point how serious the DRC and Rwanda are about peace, and if their commitment will be enough.

Their assertion that they will respect each other’s territory and refrain from acts of aggression is certainly important.

But Rwanda has a history of direct military activities in the DRC since the 1990s. And the treaty only includes rather vague references to the “disengagement of forces/lifting of defensive measures by Rwanda”. It doesn’t specifically mention the withdrawal of the reportedly thousands of Rwandan troops deployed to eastern DRC.

The Paul Kagame-led Rwandan government has also supported Tutsi-dominated armed groups in the DRC since the Rwandan genocide in 1994. The Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23) is the current primary military actor in eastern DRC. But the agreement between the governments of DRC and Rwanda didn’t include the M23 or other groups. The two governments only commit themselves to supporting the ongoing negotiations between the DRC and the M23 facilitated by Qatar.

The agreement also foresees the “neutralisation” of another armed group, the Hutu-dominated Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR). This group claims to protect Rwandan Hutu refugees in the DRC, but is considered “genocidal” by the Rwandan government. The group has reacted to this plan by calling for a political solution and a more inclusive peace process.

What’s needed

The DRC-Rwanda agreement includes provisions that are vital to the people most affected by the conflict, such as the return of the millions of people displaced because of the fighting in eastern DRC. But it does not address other key issues.

For instance, aside from a general commitment to promote human rights and international humanitarian law, there is no reference to the widespread violations of human rights and war crimes reportedly committed by all sides. These include summary executions, and sexual and gender-based violence, including violence against children.

Some form of justice and reconciliation mechanism to deal with such large-scale violence should be considered in this situation, as for instance in the fairly successful 2016 agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC). This could contribute to preventing further violations as it sends a clear signal that committing crimes will not be rewarded. It also helps the population heal and gives peace a better chance.

There is no single model for this, and so-called transitional justice (defined as the “range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation”) remains highly controversial. For instance, insisting on war crimes trials can be seen as endangering a fragile peace process.

But peace agreements across the world, from Libya to the Central African Republic, have over past decades moved away from blanket amnesties. They have increasingly included provisions to ensure accountability, especially for serious crimes. The DRC-Rwanda deal is silent on these questions.

A twist in the tale

The DRC-Rwanda deal is complicated by Washington’s role and pursuit of economic interests.

The two states agreed to establish a joint oversight committee, with members of the African Union, Qatar and the United States. It foresees a “regional economic integration framework”, which has been criticised as opening the door for foreign influence in the DRC’s rich mineral resources. The country is the world’s largest producer of cobalt, for instance, which is essential for the renewable energy sector.

Such a neocolonial “peace for exploitation bargain” does not send a positive signal. And it will probably not contribute to ending an armed conflict that has been fuelled by the exploitation of natural resources.

Philipp Kastner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 4 things every peace agreement needs – and how the DRC-Rwanda deal measures up – https://theconversation.com/4-things-every-peace-agreement-needs-and-how-the-drc-rwanda-deal-measures-up-260944

July 14, 2025

Is there any hope for the internet?

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Aarushi Bhandari, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Davidson College

Hate and mental illness fester online because love and healing seem to be incompatible with profits. Ihor Lukianenko/iStock via Getty Images

In 2001, social theorist bell hooks warned about the dangers of a loveless zeitgeist. In “All About Love: New Visions,” she lamented “the lack of an ongoing public discussion … about the practice of love in our culture and in our lives.”

Back then, the internet was at a crossroads. The dot-com crash had bankrupted many early internet companies, and people wondered if the technology was long for this world.

The doubts were unfounded. In only a few decades, the internet has merged with our bodies as smartphones and mined our personalities via algorithms that know us more intimately than some of our closest friends. It has even constructed a secondary social world.

Yet as the internet has become more integrated in our daily lives, few would describe it as a place of love, compassion and cooperation. Study after study describe how social media platforms promote alienation and disconnection – in part because many algorithms reward behaviors like trolling, cyberbullying and outrage.

Is the internet’s place in human history cemented as a harbinger of despair? Or is there still hope for an internet that supports collective flourishing?

Algorithms and alienation

I explore these questions in my new book, “Attention and Alienation.”

In it, I explain how social media companies’ profits depend on users investing their time, creativity and emotions. Whether it’s spending hours filming content for TikTok or a few minutes crafting a thoughtful Reddit comment, participating on these platforms takes work. And it can be exhausting.

Even passive engagement – like scrolling through feeds and “lurking” in forums – consumes time. It might feel like free entertainment – until people recognize they are the product, with their data being harvested and their emotions being manipulated.

Blogger, journalist and science fiction writer Cory Doctorow coined the term “enshittification” to describe how experiences on online platforms gradually deteriorate as companies increasingly exploit users’ data and tweak their algorithms to maximize profits.

For these reasons, much of people’s time spent online involves dealing with toxic interactions or mindlessly doomscrolling, immersed in dopamine-driven feedback loops.

This cycle is neither an accident nor a novel insight. Hate and mental illness fester in this culture because love and healing seem to be incompatible with profits.

Care hiding in plain sight

In his 2009 book “Envisioning Real Utopias,” the late sociologist Erik Olin Wright discusses places in the world that prioritize cooperation, care and egalitarianism.

Wright mainly focused on offline systems like worker-owned cooperatives. But one of his examples lived on the internet: Wikipedia. He argued that Wikipedia demonstrates the ethos “from each according to ability, to each according to need” – a utopian ideal popularized by Karl Marx.

Wikipedia still thrives as a nonprofit, volunteer-ran bureaucracy. The website is a form of media that is deeply social, in the literal sense: People voluntarily curate and share knowledge, collectively and democratically, for free. Unlike social media, the rewards are only collective.

There are no visible likes, comments or rage emojis for participants to hoard and chase. Nobody loses and everyone wins, including the vast majority of people who use Wikipedia without contributing work or money to keep it operational.

Building a new digital world

Wikipedia is evidence of care, cooperation and love hiding in plain sight.

In recent years, there have been more efforts to create nonprofit apps and websites that are committed to protecting user data. Popular examples include Signal, a free and open source instant messaging service, and Proton Mail, an encrypted email service.

These are all laudable developments. But how can the internet actively promote collective flourishing?

An open laptop resting on green grass, surrounded by yellow and pink flowers. — What if Wikipedia were less the exception, and more the norm?
Andriy Onufriyenko/Moment via Getty Images

In “Viral Justice: How We Grow the World We Want,” sociologist Ruha Benjamin points to a way forward. She tells the story of Black TikTok creators who led a successful cultural labor strike in 2021. Many viral TikTok dances had originally been created by Black artists, whose accounts, they claimed, were suppressed by a biased algorithm that favored white influencers.

TikTok responded to the viral #BlackTikTokStrike movement by formally apologizing and making commitments to better represent and compensate the work of Black creators. These creators demonstrated how social media engagement is work – and that workers have the power to demand equitable conditions and fair pay.

This landmark strike showed how anyone who uses social media companies that profit off the work, emotions and personal data of their users – whether it’s TikTok, X, Facebook, Instagram or Reddit – can become organized.

Meanwhile, there are organizations devoted to designing an internet that promotes collective flourishing. Sociologist Firuzeh Shokooh Valle provides examples of worker-owned technology cooperatives in her 2023 book, “In Defense of Solidarity and Pleasure: Feminist Technopolitics in the Global South.” She highlights the Sulá Batsú co-op in Costa Rica, which promotes policies that seek to break the stranglehold that negativity and exploitation have over internet culture.

“Digital spaces are increasingly powered by hate and discrimination,” the group writes, adding that it hopes to create an online world where “women and people of diverse sexualities and genders are able to access and enjoy a free and open internet to exercise agency and autonomy, build collective power, strengthen movements, and transform power relations.”

In Los Angeles, there’s Chani, Inc., a technology company that describes itself as “proudly” not funded by venture capitalists. The Chani app blends mindfulness practices and astrology with the goal of simply helping people. The app is not designed for compulsive user engagement, the company never sells user data, and there are no comments sections.

No comments

What would social media look like if Wikipedia were the norm instead of an exception?

To me, a big problem in internet culture is the way people’s humanity is obscured. People are free to speak their minds in text-based public discussion forums, but the words aren’t always attached to someone’s identity. Real people hide behind the anonymity of user names. It isn’t true human interaction.

In “Attention and Alienation,” I argue that the ability to meet and interact with others online as fully realized, three-dimensional human beings would go a long way toward creating a more empathetic, cooperative internet.

When I was 8 years old, my parents lived abroad for work. Sometimes we talked on the phone. Often I would cry late into the night, praying for the ability to “see them through the phone.” It felt like a miraculous possibility – like magic.

I told this story to my students in a moment of shared vulnerability. This was in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, so the class was taking place over videoconferencing. In these online classes, one person talked at a time. Others listened.

It wasn’t perfect, but I think a better internet would promote this form of discussion – people getting together from across the world to share the fullness of their humanity.

Efforts like Clubhouse have tapped into this vision by creating voice-based discussion forums. The company, however, has been criticized for predatory data privacy policies.

What if the next iteration of public social media platforms could build on Clubhouse? What if they brought people together and showcased not just their voices, but also live video feeds of their faces without harvesting their data or promoting conflict and outrage?

Raised eyebrows. Grins. Frowns. They’re what make humans distinct from increasingly sophisticated large language models and artificial intelligence chatbots like ChatGPT.

After all, is anything you can’t say while looking at another human being in the eye worth saying in the first place?

Aarushi Bhandari does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is there any hope for the internet? – https://theconversation.com/is-there-any-hope-for-the-internet-259251

July 14, 2025

Listening to nonhumans: What music can teach about humanity’s relationships with nature and the divine

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jeffers Engelhardt, Professor of Music, Amherst College

Members of the Alevi Muslim community perform a ritual semah dance during celebrations for Norooz, or the Persian New Year, in Berlin. Adam Berry/Getty Images

As someone who teaches and researches music and religion, I’ve always been curious about inspiration and how it connects humans to other beings.

Musicians can be inspired by great artists, living and dead; by technologies that expand their experience, like artist Brian House’s macrophones that capture low-frequency infrasound; by plants and animals; and by the unseen, unheard presence of the supernatural. After all, the word inspiration is rooted in the Latin for “breathing in.” Often, it was associated with spiritual or divine influence – inspiration coming from other realms.

In my research and teaching, recognizing non-human beings is ethically important and an act of intellectual humility. It ensures that I honor other people’s religious and musical experiences, and it admits that we cannot know precisely what they know. One person’s reality may not translate to our own understanding.

That’s what led me to design this course: “Music, Sound and Research with Non-Humans.”

What does the course explore?

The “with” in the course title is key: I want students to learn about how human knowledge exists in relationship with non-humans. To do this, we read and listen widely.

In research using Actor-Network Theory, for example, relationships between humans and non-humans are central: musicians, scientists and their instruments; you and your smartphone; humans and gods. In each case, humans and non-humans are both considered actors – beings that make a real difference in the world.

Music scholar Peter McMurray uses a similar lens in his work on Alevi “semah” ritual, which involves music, movement and poetry. Alevism is a mystical tradition of Islam in Turkey that has long faced discrimination. Some of the sung poetry used for semah is inspired by sacred animals, such as cranes. In semah, participants experience cranelike flight through music and dance, which are central to Alevi ritual.

Dance is an important part of Alevi semah.

Or consider traditions of chanting revealed in texts like the Quran, which means “recitation” in Arabic. Spiritually, the purpose is not only to learn the scripture, but to draw closer to its sonic essence. Recitation recalls moments of encounter between humans and the divine, most important being the Prophet Muhammad receiving the Quran through the Angel Gabriel.

We also look beyond music, to everything from medicine and biology to economics, to study relationships between humans and non-humans. One of our favorite readings, for example, is “The Mushroom at the End of the World” by anthropologist Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing. This is a rich ethnographic account of the relationships between humans and matsutake mushrooms, which are highly prized in Japanese cuisine: the piney forests where matsutake grow, the human activities that make them thrive, the foragers who collect them, and the global markets where they are traded.

My students Luana Espinoza and Sofia Ahmed Seid describe our course as exploring a kind of symbiosis: the word biologists use to describe close, often mutually beneficial, relationships between species.

What’s a critical lesson from the course?

This course readies students to confront serious, challenging forms of intellectual diversity, considering how the possibilities of different truths and paradigms might inform their research.

Both students this semester are science majors working on senior theses: Espinoza in chemistry and Seid in neuroscience. By reading and listening to others’ accounts of human and non-human relationships, they say they no longer feel required to leave an essential part of themselves at the classroom door.

Music and sound bridge the physical and metaphysical, the natural and the supernatural. Because of this, they are invaluable for encountering complex truths.

Amherst College students Sofia Ahmed Seid and Luana Espinoza contributed to the preparation of this article.

Uncommon Courses is an occasional series from The Conversation U.S. highlighting unconventional approaches to teaching.

Jeffers Engelhardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Listening to nonhumans: What music can teach about humanity’s relationships with nature and the divine – https://theconversation.com/listening-to-nonhumans-what-music-can-teach-about-humanitys-relationships-with-nature-and-the-divine-256840

July 14, 2025

How Eurostack could offer Canada a route to digital independence from the United States

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ted Palys, Professor of Criminology, Associate Member of Dept. of Indigenous Studies, Simon Fraser University

The contemporary internet has been with us since roughly 1995. Its current underlying economic model — surveillance capitalism — began in the early 2000s, when Google and then Facebook realized how much our personal information and online behaviour revealed about us and claimed it for themselves to sell to advertisers.

Perhaps because of Canada’s proximity to the United States, coupled with its positive shared history with the U.S. and their highly integrated economies, Canada went along for that consumerist ride.

The experience was different on the other side of the Atlantic. The Stasi in the former East Germany and the KGB under Josef Stalin maintained files on hundreds of thousands of citizens to identify and prosecute dissidents.

Having witnessed this invasion of privacy and its weaponization first-hand, Europe has been far ahead of North America in developing protections. These include the General Data Protection Regulation and the Law Enforcement Directive, with protection of personal data also listed in the European Union’s Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Canada clearly took too much for granted in its relationship with the U.S. Suddenly, Canada is being threatened with tariffs and President Donald Trump’s expressed desire to make Canada the 51st American state.

This has fuelled the motivation of Canada both internally and in co-operation with western European governments to seek greater independence in trade and military preparedness by diversifying its relationships.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has begun promoting “nation-building projects,” but little attention has been paid to Canada’s digital infrastructure.

Three areas of concern

Three recent developments suggest Canada would be well-advised to start paying close attention:

1. The current U.S. administration has raised concerns about its reliability as a partner and friend to Canada. Most of the concerns raised in Canada have been economic. However, Curtis McCord, a former national security and technology researcher for the Canadian government, has said the current situation has created vulnerabilities for national security as well:

“With Washington becoming an increasingly unreliable ally, Mr. Carney is right to look for ways to diversify away from the U.S. But if Canada wants to maintain its sovereignty and be responsible for its national security, this desire to diversify must extend to the U.S. domination of Canada’s digital infrastructure.”

2. Silicon Valley is exhibiting a newfound loyalty to Trump. The photo of the “broligarchy” at Trump’s inauguration spoke volumes, as their apparent eagerness to appease the president brings the data gathered by the internet’s surveillance-based economy under state control.

3. Trump’s recent executive order entitled “Stopping waste, fraud and abuse by eliminating information silos” is alarming. The order became operational when the Trump administration contracted with Palantir, a company known for its surveillance software and data analytics in military contexts. Its job? To combine databases from both the state and federal levels into one massive database that includes every American citizen, and potentially any user of the internet.

Combining multiple government databases is concerning. Combining them with all the personal data harvested by Silicon Valley and providing them to a government showing all the hallmarks of an authoritarian regime sounds like Big Brother has arrived.

Civil liberties groups such as the Electronic Freedom Foundation, academics and even former Palantir employees have raised alarms about the possibilities for abuse, including the launch of all the vendettas Trump and his supporters have pledged to undertake.

The appeal of Eurostack

European governments have attempted to rein in Silicon Valley’s excesses for years. Trump’s re-election and his moves toward potentially weaponizing internet data have further boosted Europe’s resolve to move away from the U.S.-led internet.

One newer effort is Eurostack. A joint initiative involving academics, policymakers, companies and governments, it envisions an independent digital ecosystem that better reflects European values — democratic, sovereign, inclusive, transparent, respectful of personal privacy and innovation-driven.

Spokesperson Francesca Bria explains the “stack” arises from the idea that a digitally sovereign internet needs to have European control from the ground up.

Bria discusses Eurostack in May 2025. (re:publica)

That includes the acquisition of raw materials and manufacture and operation of the physical components that comprise computers and servers; the cloud infrastructure that has the processing power and storage to be operational at scale; the operating systems and applications that comprise the user interface; the AI models and algorithms that drive services and its policy and governance framework.

Prospective gains to Europe are considerable. They include greater cybersecurity, promoting innovation, keeping high-end creative jobs in Europe, promoting collaboration on equitable terms and creating high-skilled employment opportunities.

Canada receives no mention in the Eurostack proposal to date, but the project is still very much in the developmental phase. Investment so far is in the tens of millions instead of the billions it will require.

Canada has a lot to offer and to gain from being part of the Eurostack initiative. With the project still taking shape, now is the perfect time to get on board.

Ted Palys does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How Eurostack could offer Canada a route to digital independence from the United States – https://theconversation.com/how-eurostack-could-offer-canada-a-route-to-digital-independence-from-the-united-states-260663

July 14, 2025

Most Pennsylvania voters ignore judicial elections − a political scientist explains why they matter, especially in a battleground state

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel J. Mallinson, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Administration, Penn State

Three of the seven judges on PA’s state supreme court are up for retention votes in November 2025. AP Photo/Matt Rourke

This November, there will be no candidate for president, governor, senator or even representative on the Pennsylvania ballot.

Pennsylvanians will vote, however, on three members of their seven-member state Supreme Court.

These are retention elections, which means that voters will decide whether to keep the current members of the court or remove them.

The three seats up for grabs are three of the five Democrats that hold the majority on the court. They are Justices Christine Donohue, Kevin Dougherty and David Wecht.

While the typical voter may not think much about judicial elections, political operatives and political scientists, like me, know they have consequences.

I think it’s important that voters understand what a retention election is and why state judicial elections are growing in political importance in the U.S.

Retention elections

Federal judges are appointed by the U.S. president, confirmed by the U.S. Senate, and can serve for the rest of their lives. State judges, however, are put in place in a variety of ways.

The most powerful state courts are the so-called “courts of last resort.” These are essentially the supreme courts of each state. The method for selecting judges in these courts has varied over time and across the states. Currently, states use either gubernatorial appointment, legislative appointment, partisan elections, nonpartisan elections, or a merit process for selecting the judges of their highest courts.

Pennsylvania has partisan elections, meaning judges run for office attached to political parties, just like a candidate would run for governor or president. However, it is only in their first race for office that a judge runs in a competitive partisan election. After they assume the bench, they participate in retention elections every 10 years. These retention elections are considered nonpartisan, since party labels do not appear on the ballot.

Essentially, a retention election is an up or down vote. If more than 50% of voters cast a vote in opposition to a sitting judge, that judge will be out of the office at the end of their term. The governor, who is currently Democrat Josh Shapiro, then makes a temporary appointment to fill the seat with a special election held in the next odd year – in this case, 2027. But any appointments would need to be confirmed by the Republican-controlled state Senate, which may not confirm his picks.

Politicization of the state courts

Judges win retention elections over 90% of the time. So why should people bother to cast their vote?

Courts, including state courts, have become highly politicized over the past several decades. A marked increase in politicization occurred for the U.S. Supreme Court after the failed nomination of Robert Bork in the 1980s.

This politicization has since trickled down to lower federal courts and the states.

State supreme courts have always made big decisions, but the nationalization of American politics – where national partisan politics drive voter behavior in local elections – has elevated the controversy over state supreme court decisions on issues such as reproductive rights, trans rights, COVID-19 restrictions, environmental protection and more.

This issue became more acute when courts in battleground states were thrust to the center of adjudicating false claims of election fraud during the 2020 U.S. presidential election. And judges have faced increasing threats, particularly when opposing actions of the Trump administration, as President Donald Trump is prone to calling out specific judges in decisions that he does not like.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court has received additional attention, in part due to the outsized role it has played in recent redistricting. In 2018, the court threw out the congressional districts drawn by the General Assembly in 2011 and invited a new plan from the governor and General Assembly. The two came to a political loggerhead, so the Supreme Court ended up using its own map as a replacement.

In 2022, the state Supreme Court once again took control of redistricting after Pennyslvania’s then-Gov. Tom Wolf vetoed the congressional district map approved by the General Assembly.

Given the importance of state supreme courts, particularly in federal elections cases in battleground states like Pennsylvania, it is little wonder why their elections are gaining attention.

The April 2025 Wisconsin Supreme Court race was the most expensive state judicial race in U.S. history, with $100 million in spending, including significant contributions from billionaires Elon Musk and George Soros.

Woman in white blazer stands at podium and smiles as she waves at the crowd — Former prosecutor Susan Crawford won the highly politicized race for Wisconsin Supreme Court justice in 2025. It was the most expensive state supreme court race in U.S. history.
Scott Olson via Getty Images

That was one seat.

Pennsylvania has three up for grabs in November 2025, with the potential to swing the current Democratic majority.

And retention elections are politically simple for opponents. As one Republican political consultant told investigative news outlet Spotlight PA: “This is a political consultant’s dream, because your message is just one thing, and that’s ‘No.’”

This can give some advantage to Republicans in a state that Trump won in 2024 and in a low-turnout election. The question will be whether there is more energy motivating opponents to turn out against the Democratic majority or supporters seeking to maintain the status quo.

Interior of stately courtroom with dark wood furnishings and gold trim — The 2025 retention elections could change the balance of power in the court.
AP Photo/Aimee Dilger

The stakes for Pennsylvania in 2025

Much is at stake for Pennsylvanians in the fall. Republicans see this as their best opportunity to break the firm 5-2 Democratic majority on the court. This would pave the way for very different judicial decisions. Many of the court’s recent election-related rulings were made on narrow 4-3 votes that could swing differently if the composition of the court changes.

Republicans have had their power in Harrisburg diminished with Shapiro in the governor’s mansion and a one-seat Democratic majority in the state House of Representatives over the past two terms.

A Republican majority on the court would significantly change the balance of power in Harrisburg.

But it is important to focus not only on the top court. The state’s two appellate-level courts – one step below the state Supreme Court – also have two important races and two retention votes in November that will decide the judiciary’s relationship with the governor and General Assembly.

Daniel J. Mallinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Most Pennsylvania voters ignore judicial elections − a political scientist explains why they matter, especially in a battleground state – https://theconversation.com/most-pennsylvania-voters-ignore-judicial-elections-a-political-scientist-explains-why-they-matter-especially-in-a-battleground-state-259775

July 14, 2025

2026 FIFA World Cup expansion will have a big climate footprint, with matches from Mexico to Canada – here’s what fans can do

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Brian P. McCullough, Associate Professor of Sport Management, University of Michigan

Lionel Messi celebrates with fans after Argentina won the FIFA World Cup championship in 2022 in Qatar. Michael Regan-FIFA/FIFA via Getty Images

When the FIFA World Cup hits North America in June 2026, 48 teams and millions of sports fans will be traveling among venues spread across Canada, the United States and Mexico.

It’s a dramatic expansion – 16 more teams will be playing than in recent years, with a jump from 64 to 104 matches. The tournament, whether you call it soccer or football, is projected to bring in over US$10 billion in revenue. But the expansion will also mean a lot more travel and other activities that contribute to climate change.

The environmental impacts of giant sporting events like the World Cup create a complex paradox for an industry grappling with its future in a warming world.

A sustainability conundrum

Sports are undeniably experiencing the effects of climate change. Rising global temperatures are putting athletes’ health at risk during summer heat waves and shortening winter sports seasons. Many of the 2026 World Cup venues often see heat waves in June and early July, when the tournament is scheduled.

There is a divide over how sports should respond.

Some athletes are speaking out for more sustainable choices and have called on lawmakers to take steps to limit climate-warming emissions. At the same time, the sport industry is growing and facing a constant push to increase revenue. The NCAA is also considering expanding its March Madness basketball tournaments from 68 teams currently to as many as 76.

A sweating soccer player squirts water from a bottle onto his forehead during a match. — Park Yong-woo of team Al Ain from Abu Dhabi tries to cool off during a Club World Cup match on June 26, 2025, in Washington, D.C., which was in the midst of a heat wave. Some players have raised concerns about likely high temperatures during the 2026 World Cup, with matches scheduled June 11 to July 19.
AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson

Estimates for the 2026 World Cup show what large tournament expansions can mean for the climate. A report from Scientists for Global Responsibility estimates that the expanded World Cup could generate over 9 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent, nearly double the average of the past four World Cups.

This massive increase – and the increase that would come if the NCAA basketball tournaments also expand – would primarily be driven by air travel as fans and players fly among event cities that are thousands of miles apart.

A lot of money is at stake, but so is the climate

Sports are big business, and adding more matches to events like the World Cup and NCAA tournaments will likely lead to larger media rights contracts and greater gate receipts from more fans attending the events, boosting revenues. These are powerful financial incentives.

In the NCAA’s case, there is another reason to consider a larger tournament: The House v. NCAA settlement opened the door for college athletic departments to share revenue with athletes, which will significantly increase costs for many college programs. More teams would mean more television revenue and, crucially, more revenue to be distributed to member NCAA institutions and their athletic conferences.

When climate promises become greenwashing

The inherent conflict between maximizing profit through growth and minimizing environmental footprint presents a dilemma for sports.

Several sport organizations have promised to reduce their impact on the climate, including signing up for initiatives like the United Nations Sports for Climate Action Framework.

However, as sports tournaments and exhibition games expand, it can become increasingly hard for sports organizations to meet their climate commitments. In some cases, groups making sustainability commitments have been accused of greenwashing, suggesting the goals are more about public relations than making genuine, measurable changes.

For example, FIFA’s early claims that it would hold a “fully carbon-neutral” World Cup in Qatar in 2022 were challenged by a group of European countries that accused soccer’s world governing body of underestimating emissions. The Swiss Fairness Commission, which monitors fairness in advertising, considered the complaints and determined that FIFA’s claims could not be substantiated.

A young man looks up as he prepares to board a plane on the tarmac in Milan, Italy, for a flight to Rome on Dec. 15, 2024. — Alessandro Bastoni, of Inter Milan and Italy’s national team, prepares to board a flight from Milan to Rome with his team.
Mattia Ozbot-Inter/Inter via Getty Images

Aviation is often the biggest driver of emissions. A study that colleagues and I conducted on the NCAA men’s basketball tournament found about 80% of its emissions were connected to travel. And that was after the NCAA began using the pod system, which is designed to keep teams closer to home for the first and second rounds.

Finding practical solutions

Some academics, observing the rising emissions trend, have called for radical solutions like the end of commercialized sports or drastically limiting who can attend sporting events, with a focus on fans from the region.

These solutions are frankly not practical, in my view, nor do they align with other positive developments. The growing popularity of women’s sports shows the challenge in limiting sports events – more games expands participation but adds to the industry’s overall footprint.

Further compounding the challenges of reducing environmental impact is the amount of fan travel, which is outside the direct control of the sports organization or event organizers.

Many fans will follow their teams long distances, especially for mega-events like the World Cup or the NCAA tournament. During the men’s World Cup in Russia in 2018, more than 840,000 fans traveled from other countries. The top countries by number of fans, after Russia, were China, the U.S., Mexico and Argentina.

There is an argument that distributed sporting events like March Madness or the World Cup can be better in some ways for local environments because they don’t overwhelm a single city. However, merely spreading the impact does not necessarily reduce it, particularly when considering the effects on climate change.

How fans can cut their environmental footprint

Sport organizations and event planners can take steps to be more sustainable and also encourage more sustainable choices among fans. Fans can reduce their environmental impact in a variety of ways. For example:

Avoid taking airplanes for shorter distances, such as between FIFA venues in Philadelphia, New York and Boston, and carpool or take Amtrak instead. Planes can be more efficient for long distances, but air travel is still a major contributing factor to emissions.
While in a host city, use mass transit or rent electric vehicles or bicycles for local travel.
Consider sustainable accommodations, such as short-term rentals that might have a smaller environmental footprint than a hotel. Or stay at a certified green hotel that makes an effort to be more efficient in its use of water and energy.
Engage in sustainable pregame and postgame activities, such as choosing local, sustainable food options, and minimize waste.
You can also pay to offset carbon emissions for attending different sporting events, much like concertgoers do when they attend musical festivals. While critics question offsets’ true environmental benefit, they do represent people’s growing awareness of their environmental footprint.

Through all these options, it’s clear that sports face a significant challenge in addressing their environmental impacts and encouraging fans to be more sustainable, while simultaneously trying to meet ambitious business and environmental targets.

In my view, a sustainable path forward will require strategic, yet genuine, commitment by the sports industry and its fans, and a willingness to prioritize long-term planetary health alongside economic gains – balancing the sport and sustainability.

Brian P. McCullough does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 2026 FIFA World Cup expansion will have a big climate footprint, with matches from Mexico to Canada – here’s what fans can do – https://theconversation.com/2026-fifa-world-cup-expansion-will-have-a-big-climate-footprint-with-matches-from-mexico-to-canada-heres-what-fans-can-do-259437

July 14, 2025

Afrique de l’Ouest : cinq leçons pour comprendre la vague de coups d’État et préserver la démocratie

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Salah Ben Hammou, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Rice University

Août 2025 marque les cinq ans du coup d’État au Mali. En 2020, des soldats ont renversé le président Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta. Ce coup a bouleversé la vie politique malienne. Mais il a aussi ouvert la voie à une série de prises de pouvoir militaires dans d’autres pays africains, entre 2020 et 2023

Des soldats ont renversé les gouvernements du Niger, du Burkina Faso (à deux reprises), du Soudan, du Tchad, de la Guinée et du Gabon.

Le retour des coups d’État militaires a choqué de nombreux observateurs.
On pensait que ces pratiques appartenaient au passé, à l’époque de la guerre froide. Elles semblaient avoir disparu. Pourtant, elles font leur retour.

Aucun nouveau coup d’État n’a eu lieu depuis celui du Gabon en 2023. Mais les conséquences sont toujours là. En mai 2025, le général Brice Oligui Nguema, auteur du coup au Gabon, a été officiellement investi président. Ce faisant, il a rompu sa promesse de retirer l’armée du pouvoir.

Au Mali, la junte au pouvoir a dissous tous les partis politiques afin de renforcer son emprise sur le pouvoir.

Dans tous les pays touchés, les dirigeants militaires restent bien implantés. Le Soudan, pour sa part, a sombré dans une guerre civile dévastatrice à la suite du coup d’État de 2021.

Les analystes invoquent souvent la faiblesse des institutions, l’insécurité croissante et le mécontentement populaire à l’égard des gouvernements civils pour expliquer les coups d’État. Si ces facteurs comptent, ils ne suffisent pas pour comprendre ce qui se passe.

J’étudie et écris sur les coups d’État militaires depuis près de dix ans, en particulier sur cette vague de coups d’État.

Mon analyse montre que la communauté internationale doit changer de regard. Ces coups ne sont pas des événements isolés. Ils suivent une logique. Les chefs de junte ne font pas que prendre le pouvoir. Ils s’inspirent les uns des autres. Ils apprennent à s’installer durablement, à contourner les pressions internationales, et à construire un discours qui légitime leur pouvoir.

Pour défendre la démocratie, la communauté internationale doit tirer cinq enseignements des récentes prises de pouvoir militaires.

Principaux enseignements

L’effet domino: À peine un mois après que l’armée guinéenne a renversé le président Alpha Condé, l’armée soudanaise interrompait la transition démocratique dans le pays. Trois mois plus tard, des officiers burkinabés ont renversé le président Roch Marc Christian Kaboré dans un contexte d’insécurité croissante.

Chaque coup d’État a eu des déclencheurs spécifiques, mais le timing suggère plus qu’une simple coïncidence.

Les putschistes potentiels observent ce qui se passe ailleurs. Ils veulent savoir si un coup réussit, mais aussi quels problèmes apparaissent ensuite. Si les auteurs d’un coup sont punis sévèrement, cela peut décourager d’autres tentatives.

La propagation des coups d’État dépend autant des risques perçus que des opportunités. Mais lorsque les coups d’État réussissent, en particulier si les nouveaux dirigeants prennent rapidement le contrôle et évitent une instabilité immédiate, cela envoie un signal encourageant à d’autres militaires tentés par le pouvoir.

Le soutien de la population civile est important : le soutien de la population civile aux coups d’État est une réalité observable.

Depuis le début de la récente vague de coups d’État en Afrique, de nombreux observateurs ont souligné les foules en liesse qui accueillent souvent les soldats, célébrant la chute de régimes impopulaires. Le soutien de la population civile est un aspect souvent sous-estimé.

Pourtant, il donne de la légitimité aux putschistes. Il leur permet aussi de mieux résister aux critiques, aussi bien internes qu’internationales. Par exemple, à la suite du coup d’État de 2023 au Niger, les putschistes ont été confrontés à la condamnation internationale et à la menace d’une intervention militaire. En réponse, des milliers de partisans se sont rassemblés dans la capitale, Niamey, pour soutenir les dirigeants putschistes.

Au Mali, des manifestants ont envahi les rues en 2020 pour saluer le renversement par l’armée du président Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta. En Guinée, des foules se sont rassemblées derrière la junte après la destitution d’Alpha Condé en 2021. Et au Burkina Faso, les deux coups d’État de 2022 ont été accueillis par une approbation généralisée.

Réactions internationales : La réaction de la communauté internationale envoie des signaux tout aussi forts. Lorsque ces réactions sont faibles, tardives ou incohérentes – comme l’absence de sanctions significatives, la suspension symbolique de l’aide ou l’exclusion symbolique des instances régionales –, elles peuvent donner l’impression que la prise illégale du pouvoir ne coûte pas grand chose.

Les réactions internationales aux récents coups d’État ont été mitigées. Certaines, comme celle du Niger, ont déclenché des réactions initiales fortes, notamment des sanctions et des menaces d’intervention militaire .

Mais au Tchad, la prise de pouvoir de Mahamat Déby en 2021 a été légitimée par les principaux acteurs internationaux, qui l’ont présentée comme une mesure nécessaire pour assurer la stabilité après la mort au combat de son père, le président Idriss Déby, aux mains des forces rebelles.

En Guinée et au Gabon, les mesures de suspensions régionales ont été largement symboliques, avec peu de pression pour rétablir le pouvoir civil. Au Mali et au Burkina Faso, les calendriers de transition ont été prolongés à plusieurs reprises sans grande opposition.

Cette incohérence indique aux auteurs des coups d’État que la prise du pouvoir peut provoquer l’indignation, mais rarement des conséquences durables.

Les auteurs de coups d’État apprennent les uns des autres : l’effet domino ne se limite pas au moment de la prise de pouvoir. Les auteurs de coups d’État tirent également des leçons de la manière dont leurs prédécesseurs se sont maintenus au pouvoir. Ils observent quelles tactiques permettent de neutraliser l’opposition et de prolonger leur emprise sur le pouvoir.

En général, dans les pays touchés, le pouvoir militaire s’installe dans la durée. En moyenne, les dirigeants militaires restent au pouvoir pendant près de 1 000 jours depuis le début de la vague actuelle. Avant cette vague, les dirigeants militaires conservaient le pouvoir pendant 22 jours en moyenne depuis l’année 2000.

Au Tchad, Mahamat Déby a consolidé son pouvoir grâce à des élections contestées en 2024. Le Gabonais Nguema lui a emboîté le pas en 2025, remportant près de 90 % des voix après que des modifications constitutionnelles lui ont ouvert la voie.

Dans ces deux cas, les élections ont servi à donner une apparence démocratique à des régimes militaires. Mais sur le fond, le rôle de l’armée reste inchangé.

Relier les pièces du puzzle

Les gouvernements putschistes du Mali, du Burkina Faso et du Niger ont tourné le dos à l’Occident pour se rapprocher de la Russie, renforçant ainsi leurs liens militaires et économiques. Les trois pays ont quitté la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et formé l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES), dénonçant les pressions régionales.

S’aligner sur la Russie offre à ces régimes un soutien extérieur et un vernis de souveraineté, tout en légitimant l’autoritarisme sous couvert d’indépendance.

La dernière leçon est claire : lorsque les coups d’État sont traités comme des événements isolés plutôt que comme des phénomènes interconnectés, il y a de fortes chances que d’autres suivent. Les comploteurs potentiels observent la réaction des citoyens, la réponse du monde et la manière dont les autres leaders putschistes consolident leur pouvoir.

Et si le message qu’ils reçoivent est que les coups sont tolérés, qu’ils peuvent réussir, l’effet dissuasif s’affaiblit.

Poema Sumrow, chercheur au Baker Institute, a contribué à cet article

Salah Ben Hammou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Afrique de l’Ouest : cinq leçons pour comprendre la vague de coups d’État et préserver la démocratie – https://theconversation.com/afrique-de-louest-cinq-lecons-pour-comprendre-la-vague-de-coups-detat-et-preserver-la-democratie-260641

July 14, 2025

Who was the first pirate?

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Brandon Prins, Professor of Political Science, University of Tennessee

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to curiouskidsus@theconversation.com.

Who was the first pirate? – Yandel R., age 11, Lakewood Ranch, Florida

When most people imagine a pirate, they picture actor Johnny Depp playing the mad but likable swashbuckler Jack Sparrow, captain of the sailing ship the Black Pearl.

Depp’s pirate portrayal was inspired by seafaring bandits in older make-believe tales, such as Long John Silver in “Treasure Island,” Captain Hook in “Peter Pan,” or sailor Edmond Dantès in “The Count of Monte Cristo.”

painting of one-legged pirate with parrot on shoulder holds a sword — A 1915 edition of ‘Treasure Island’ illustrated Long John Silver with iconic pirate features.
Louis Rhead/Historica Graphica Collection/Heritage Images via Getty Images

Pirates in these stories were mischievous but also glamorous, courageous and mostly kindhearted. They wore flashy costumes. They had missing limbs, like Captain Cook’s iron hook for a left hand and Long John Silver’s wooden peg leg. They buried treasure chests of gold and silver, forced enemies to walk the plank and had talking parrots as shipboard companions. They flew the Jolly Roger skull and crossbones flag from the ship’s mast to frighten enemies. The new Netflix series “One Piece,” which is based on a Japanese comic book, continues this popular depiction of pirates.

While fun, these portrayals of pirates are mostly invented.

I’m a political scientist who studies modern-day commerce raiding: robbing of private cargo vessels on the high seas. I’m interested in where it happens in the world, who does it and what can be done to stop it. My research finds today’s pirates to be less like swashbuckling Jack Sparrow and more like regular old thieves.

Pirates in the ancient world

Since pirates have been around for as long as people have moved things by boat, it is hard to pin down the very first pirate.

stone relief carving depicting ancient Egyptians in a low boat carrying birds in a cage — Ancient Egyptians tied bundles of reeds together to form watertight boats.
Werner Forman/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

But archaeological evidence shows that boatbuilding goes all the way back to the ancient Egyptians, who used boats made from papyrus reeds as early as 6,000 years ago. These vessels likely carried valuable goods up and down the Nile River, and where valuable goods can be found, you can usually find thieves too. In fact, researchers know that pirates – basically just thieves on the water – targeted these river boats, because Egyptian pharaohs left records grumbling about pirates and their widespread pillaging.

By 3,500 years ago, thieves were using sailing vessels to raid coastal towns and villages in and around the Nile Delta, as well as the Aegean and Adriatic basins. Attacking ships far from land on the high seas and stealing the cargo was a logical next step in the tactics of seafaring raiders.

As trade increased across the Mediterranean Sea, boats carrying valuable cargo, such as pottery, silk, glass, spices and metals, became the targets of ancient pirates. Given the worth of these goods, pirate attacks became widespread across the ancient Mediterranean Sea. With money from the Roman senate and strong effort by a military leader named Pompey, the Roman navy worked hard to stop the pirates – and for a while it did.

The earliest named pirate?

The first mention of a pirate by name may have been in a Greek history book written in the fifth century BCE by an ancient historian named Herodotus.

He briefly describes the adventures of a naval commander by the name of Dionysius who was from Ionia, which is in modern-day Turkey. Dionysius set up a pirate base on the island of Sicily that allowed him and his fellow pirates to plunder ships that happened to sail past.

Pirates of the Caribbean

While Dionysius may have been the first recorded pirate, the most famous pirates lived during the 17th and 18th centuries, which came to be known as the golden age of sea piracy.

This was the heyday of pirates such as Blackbeard, also known as Edward Teach; William Kidd; Henry Morgan; Calico Jack; and Anne Bonny. They plundered Spanish treasure ships in the Caribbean, known as the Spanish Main, that were carrying silver from the mines in Bolivia back to the king of Spain.

Islands such as Jamaica, Tortuga and the Bahamas, as well the North Carolina coast, all became notable pirate havens. Port Royal, on the island of Jamaica, in particular, was a notorious pirate refuge. It was ideally positioned for preying upon Spanish galleons sailing across the Atlantic from ports in Panama and Venezuela. Johnny Depp’s character, Jack Sparrow, swashbuckled around a fictionalized Port Royal in the first “Pirates of the Caribbean” film.

map from west coast of Africa to east coast of Asia with red dots denoting pirate attacks along coasts — Each dot represents a maritime pirate attack that happened between 1995 and 2023.
Brandon Prins

21st-century pirates

The 2013 Hollywood movie “Captain Phillips,” starring Tom Hanks, drew attention back to real-world pirates and piracy. The movie was based on a real-life 2009 attack by Somali pirates on a ship named the MV Maersk Alabama, which was carrying food to Kenya. The 500-foot-long vessel and its crew were rescued by the U.S. Navy.

To better understand 21st-century piracy, my research team compiled data on all pirate attacks from 1995 to the present day. We found three main piracy hot spots: the Gulf of Aden near Somalia, the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia and the Gulf of Guinea off the coast of West Africa. All three locations experience the conditions that attract pirates: ship traffic, valuable cargo and weak governments.

Why become a pirate?

People become pirates for many reasons, not the least of which is to escape poverty and enslavement. Others just want adventure and to travel the world. These are the same motivations that drove commerce raiding in the ancient world, during the golden age of piracy, and even today.

While we may never know the first pirate, just like we will never know the very first thief, historical evidence shows that sea-raiding has been around since the very first boats traversed the world’s waterways. Despite efforts to end piracy, my research shows that the conditions that produce ship looting remain and will likely always exist.

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And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

Brandon Prins received funding from the U.S. Department of Defense, Office of Naval Research, through the Minerva Initiative, awards #N00014-21-1-2030 and #N00014-14-1-0050.

– ref. Who was the first pirate? – https://theconversation.com/who-was-the-first-pirate-256314