Le conflit chez Air Canada pourrait marquer un tournant pour les normes de travail dans l’aviation

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Isabelle Dostaler, Vice-rectrice aux études et à la recherche, Université de l’Ontario français

Le récent conflit de travail entre Air Canada et ses agentes et agents de bord a mis en lumière une injustice persistante de l’industrie aérienne : le personnel de cabine n’est payé que lorsque les avions sont en mouvement, une pratique qui perdure depuis plus de 50 ans dans le monde du transport aérien.

Le 14 août, Air Canada a commencé à annuler des vols en prévision d’une grève potentielle afin de permettre un arrêt « ordonné » des opérations. La grève a débuté le 16 août, mais moins de 12 heures plus tard, le gouvernement fédéral tentait d’imposer un arbitrage exécutoire entre la compagnie aérienne et le syndicat.

Le syndicat a défié l’ordre du gouvernement de reprendre le travail — un ordre qui n’a jamais été ratifié par la cour — jusqu’à ce qu’une entente de principe soit conclue au petit matin, le 19 août.

Les enjeux étaient importants pendant le conflit, et il est probable que syndicats et transporteurs du monde entier l’ont suivi de près. Le trafic passager est revenu à ses niveaux d’avant la pandémie, mais les marges bénéficiaires restent minces. Des prix du carburant stables procurent un certain allègement des pressions financières, mais l’incertitude économique et géopolitique incitent les transporteurs à la prudence à l’égard d’une hausse des coûts de main-d’œuvre.

Le syndicat voyait bien sûr les choses autrement. Pour lui, le conflit était une tentative d’ouvrir une brèche et de faire en sorte que la rémunération du travail au sol devienne la nouvelle norme dans l’industrie.




À lire aussi :
L’annulation de vols régionaux d’Air Canada affaiblit les communautés éloignées. Il faut repenser le transport régional


Pourquoi cette injustice a-t-elle perduré ?

La persistance du temps au sol non rémunéré dans l’industrie de l’aviation peut s’expliquer par la théorie de l’isomorphisme institutionnel, un concept introduit par les sociologues Paul DiMaggio et Walter Powell en 1983.

Alors que les théoriciens des organisations s’étaient traditionnellement intéressés à la diversité des structures et des stratégies organisationnelles, DiMaggio et Powell ont soutenu qu’avec le temps, les organisations d’un même secteur tendent à se ressembler et à se comporter de la même façon.

L’isomorphisme institutionnel aide à comprendre pourquoi les acteurs de l’industrie aérienne se conforment aux pratiques établies, même lorsque le changement serait justifié sur le plan commercial. Bien que l’on ait tendance à penser que la performance de l’entreprise est l’objectif premier des gestionnaires, en réalité, la recherche de légitimité est un moteur essentiel de leur comportement.

Ainsi, alors qu’offrir de meilleurs salaires pour attirer du personnel dans une industrie encore touchée par une pénurie de main-d’œuvre peut sembler une décision rationnelle, la réticence à agir différemment des autres entreprises du même secteur peut l’emporter sur cette logique.

Les forces qui maintiennent le non-paiement du temps au sol

DiMaggio et Powell ont défini trois types d’isomorphisme institutionnel : coercitif, mimétique et normatif. L’isomorphisme coercitif renvoie aux pressions exercées sur les organisations par des contraintes formelles et informelles d’un secteur donné. Ces contraintes sont particulièrement marquées dans le transport aérien, qui est fortement réglementé afin d’assurer la sécurité des passagers.

Dans ce cadre réglementaire, le « temps de vol » — soit la période pendant laquelle un aéronef est dans les airs, du décollage à l’atterrissage — est devenu une mesure standard de l’industrie. Les autorités aéronautiques et organismes sectoriels tels l’Association du transport aérien international, l’Organisation de l’aviation civile internationale et l’Agence de l’Union européenne pour la sécurité aérienne en ont renforcé l’usage en l’intégrant dans les normes de sécurité, les pratiques organisationnelles et les cadres réglementaires auxquels les compagnies aériennes et les régulateurs nationaux doivent se conformer.

La persistance du concept de temps de vol s’explique également par l’isomorphisme mimétique. Il se manifeste lorsque les organisations imitent les pratiques des autres. Dans le cas de l’aviation, reproduire des pratiques historiques comme les structures salariales a permis aux compagnies aériennes de composer avec l’incertitude d’un secteur devenu hautement cyclique depuis la dérèglementation amorcée aux États-Unis en 1978.

Enfin, l’isomorphisme normatif, sans doute le plus intéressant, renvoie à l’influence des institutions d’enseignement et des réseaux professionnels sur le comportement organisationnel.

Il découle de la professionnalisation du travail, selon DiMaggio et Powell. Infirmières et infirmiers, médecins, ingénieures et ingénieurs, comptables, pilotes, agentes et agents de bord s’identifient à leur profession au moins autant, sinon plus, qu’à l’entreprise où elles et ils travaillent.

Le transport aérien était un domaine prestigieux à ses débuts, ce qui a pu contribuer à la croyance que seul le travail en vol constituait du « vrai travail ». En un sens, le personnel de cabine lui-même a peut-être, sans le vouloir, aidé au renforcement de cette norme.




À lire aussi :
La crise de la Covid-19 a provoqué l’adoption de mesures radicales, comme le confinement. Étaient-elles justifiées ?


Le conflit chez Air Canada pourrait-il amorcer un changement ?

Le conflit chez Air Canada pourrait marquer un tournant pour les normes de travail dans l’industrie aérienne.


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Dans la période post-pandémique, où les retards ont été fréquents en raison de la pénurie de main-d’œuvre chez les mécaniciens, les contrôleurs aériens et les pilotes, l’injustice de ne pas rémunérer les agentes et les agents de bord pour le travail accompli au sol est devenue plus visible.

Une victoire syndicale sur ce front pourrait créer un effet boule de neige, transformant le temps au sol non rémunéré en une pratique jugée illégitime dans l’industrie.

Reste à savoir si ce conflit très médiatisé entraînera un véritable changement de paradigme et fera du paiement du temps au sol la nouvelle norme de l’industrie aérienne. Il semble toutefois probable qu’après avoir appuyé les agentes et les agents de bord malgré les désagréments et perturbations causés par la grève, le public voyageur verrait d’un bon œil un changement institutionnel aussi profond.

La Conversation Canada

Isabelle Dostaler ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Le conflit chez Air Canada pourrait marquer un tournant pour les normes de travail dans l’aviation – https://theconversation.com/le-conflit-chez-air-canada-pourrait-marquer-un-tournant-pour-les-normes-de-travail-dans-laviation-264853

Sourdough and submission in the name of God: How tradwife content fuses femininity with anti-feminist ideas

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Arie Perliger, Director of Security Studies and Professor of Criminology and Justice Studies, UMass Lowell

Tradwives’ content, from recipes to makeup tips, often appeals to a wider audience than their views on religion, politics and gender. shironosov/iStock via Getty Images Plus

When people think about online misogyny, they probably envision forums and video game chat rooms filled with young men using lewd language, promoting sexist stereotypes and longing for the good old days when women “knew” their place. Arguably the most popular anti-feminist content today, though, is produced by women: tradwives.

The term “tradwife” is an abbreviation of “traditional wife” – often portrayed on these platforms as a white, married, stay-at-home mother. Since the mid-2000s, tradwives have developed a substantial online presence and following, introducing their lifestyle and views to masses of women.

Many viewers are introduced to tradwife content through videos on cooking or decorating – posts that could appeal to a wide audience. But at the core of the tradwives movement are more divisive beliefs: that women are meant to “submit” to their husband’s leadership, for example, or are not meant to work outside the home.

We define misogyny as hatred, prejudice or hostility directed toward women as a group. Many tradwives argue that their lifestyle empowers women to fulfill their true role. Yet some content in the tradwife landscape is indeed rooted in misogynistic beliefs that women are, in some ways, less capable than men. And much more “trad” content is directly opposed to feminist ideas, such the importance of women’s economic independence and sexual freedom.

A growing number of academics and news reports have highlighted tradwives’ growing cultural influence. There’s been less attention, however, on one of the most prominent features distinguishing them from other misogynist online movements: the role of religious beliefs.

As researchers of extremism, we have been working on a new book about the contemporary landscape of misogyny, examining movements such as “incels” and “men’s rights” activists, as well as chauvinist far-right groups such as the Proud Boys.

As part of our research, we analyzed hundreds of tradwife social media posts, videos and blogs. We assert that tradwife culture is not just aiming to restore “traditional” gender roles. It is also an important force in formulating a new model of womanhood: one that incorporates strong religious identity, a specific feminine aesthetic, and far-right ideas.

Filtered femininity

Tradwives create content that fuses what they call “traditional” and “feminine” lifestyles. Specifically, they tend to emphasize the importance of a wife’s submissiveness to her husband, immersion in conservative Christian values, and support for causes such as anti-abortion advocacy. Yet “tradwife’ content spans a broad spectrum: Some influencers focus on relatively apolitical topics like baking and parenting, while others combine those with more ideologically charged content.

In addition, tradwives stress self-sufficient homemaking skills, such as eating homemade and unprocessed food. At times, that emphasis on “wholesomeness” or living “naturally” includes skepticism about mainstream health care, as well as touting “naturopathic” or alternative medicine.

One of the main reasons so many viewers are attracted to the tradlife content is their nostalgic and calming aesthetic, including a focus on cottage-core content: quaint scenes that evoke life on the prairie, capitalizing on viewers’ nostalgia and desire for escapism.

A woman in a pink dress holds her phone in a kitchen as she films a young child sitting on a countertop besides a carton of eggs.
Influencers’ cozy aesthetic masks the hours of work behind posts and clips.
Galina Zhigalova/Moment via Getty Images

This type of soft-living content is inviting and relaxing. Loose wavy hair, fresh homemade cooking and a farmhouse aesthetic bring to mind “Little House on the Prairie” and help viewers forget the crises of the world outside. We can’t help but feel like we are in the influencer’s kitchen, smelling freshly baked bread and hearing the laughter of children frolicking about.

Yet nothing about tradlife content is effortless. The filters and glamour of Instagram never reflect the hours influencers spend setting up their homes, testing recipes, buying filming equipment and fixing up their appearance for these videos, as shown in countless “get ready with me” videos.

Nevertheless, tradwives often glorify the idea of women’s helplessness,. Some encourage women to focus on what tradwives call “pink jobs,” such as homemaking or child-rearing tasks, not physically demanding “blue jobs,” such as house repairs or extensive landscaping.

In tradwives’ narrative, women aren’t “wired” or “made” to be in the workforce or to be the breadwinner. It is not only too demanding, some of these influencers argue, but actually against nature and God’s intentions to try to “have it all.”

Faith and submission

Most tradwife influencers who talk about faith are Christians of one denomination or another, including Catholics and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. During analysis for our forthcoming book, we analyzed language in a sample of 23 videos from the seven most popular influencers and found that “God” was the fourth-most popular term – following “women,” “life” and “husband.”

For many influencers, religious piety is a crucial component of their views on gender and convincing viewers to embrace them – particularly their belief that a wife’s fundamental role is to let God and her husband lead the way. Thus, while they don’t necessarily see men and women as unequal, they believe men and women have different roles and different abilities.

Insisting that God is on their side also enhances influencers’ sense of community with their followers, making some platforms almost seem like a parish. They will emphasize specific biblical verses supporting the norms they advocate – such as Titus 2:5, which they interpret as advising women to stay at home; and Genesis 1:28, in which God commands humans to “be fruitful, and multiply.”

“Womanhood is not a man-made idea constructed from ancient traditions and cultural trends,” the sisters behind the YouTube channel “Girl Definedwrite in their book, “Made to be She: Reclaiming God’s Plan for Fearless Femininity.” “It’s a God-designed reality that He established from the beginning of time.”

Political voice

Some tradwife influencers focus on household management and religious content, while others are bolder in their political commentary – from simple TikToks to hours of live-streamed podcasts with guest speakers discussing hot-button issues. One frequent theme is opposition to abortion, especially since the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022.

The LGBTQ+ rights debate and related questions about how to define a woman have also become a focus for many tradwives, who argue only God can assign gender, and that it is synonymous with biological sex.

A close-up shot of a blonde woman in a blue shirt holding a Bible as she sits in front of an open laptop.
Conservative Christian teachings are often key in how tradwife influencers explain their view of gender roles.
SDI Productions/E+ via Getty Images

In some cases, tradwives’ advocacy extends to white nationalism and nativism. For example, some tradwives will justify the virtue of a large family by alluding to the importance of maintaining a white, Christian majority in the United States.

Modern anxiety

Much of tradwives’ messaging revolves around cultural flash points, problems that underscore anxiety about modern womanhood: challenges in forming stable relationships, providing nutritious meals, and building a career while trying to raise a family. One popular video on the Girls Defined channel, less than a minute long, warns viewers about birth control, Planned Parenthood, feminism and mood stabilizers. “Women, through all the years of feminism, through all the years of freedom, women are more depressed, more anxious, hurting more than ever,” one of the sisters says, “and what we are being told to do is not working.”

These challenges are presented as inevitable consequences of abandoning divinely ordained feminine roles – positioning religious tradwives’ messages as not merely personal opinions, but sacred truths. Any effort to counter misogynist messaging on these platforms, we argue, cannot just rely on facts, but exposing followers to other visions of what it means to be a religious woman.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sourdough and submission in the name of God: How tradwife content fuses femininity with anti-feminist ideas – https://theconversation.com/sourdough-and-submission-in-the-name-of-god-how-tradwife-content-fuses-femininity-with-anti-feminist-ideas-263096

Suicide-by-chatbot puts Big Tech in the product liability hot seat

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Brian Downing, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Mississippi

AI companies are finding that chatbots don’t have the same liability shield that internet platforms do. Westend61 via Getty Images

It is a sad fact of online life that users search for information about suicide. In the earliest days of the internet, bulletin boards featured suicide discussion groups. To this day, Google hosts archives of these groups, as do other services.

Google and others can host and display this content under the protective cloak of U.S. immunity from liability for the dangerous advice third parties might give about suicide. That’s because the speech is the third party’s, not Google’s.

But what if ChatGPT, informed by the very same online suicide materials, gives you suicide advice in a chatbot conversation? I’m a technology law scholar and a former lawyer and engineering director at Google, and I see AI chatbots shifting Big Tech’s position in the legal landscape. Families of suicide victims are testing out chatbot liability arguments in court right now, with some early successes.

Who is responsible when a chatbot speaks?

When people search for information online, whether about suicide, music or recipes, search engines show results from websites, and websites host information from authors of content. This chain, search to web host to user speech, continued as the dominant way people got their questions answered until very recently.

This pipeline was roughly the model of internet activity when Congress passed the Communications Decency Act in 1996. Section 230 of the act created immunity for the first two links in the chain, search and web hosts, from the user speech they show. Only the last link in the chain, the user, faced liability for their speech.

Chatbots collapse these old distinctions. Now, ChatGPT and similar bots can search, collect website information and speak out the results – literally, in the case of humanlike voice bots. In some instances, the bot will show its work like a search engine would, noting the website that is the source of its great recipe for miso chicken.

When chatbots appear to be just a friendlier form of good old search engines, their companies can make plausible arguments that the old immunity regime applies. Chatbots can be the old search-web-speaker model in a new wrapper.

a computer screen showing a small amount of text
AI chatbots engage users in open-ended dialog, and in many cases don’t provide sources for the information they provide.
AP Photo/Kiichiro Sato

But in other instances, it acts like a trusted friend, asking you about your day and offering help with your emotional needs. Search engines under the old model did not act as life guides. Chatbots are often used this way. Users often do not even want the bot to show its hand with web links. Throwing in citations while ChatGPT tells you to have a great day would be, well, awkward.

The more that modern chatbots depart from the old structures of the web, the further away they move from the immunity the old web players have long enjoyed. When a chatbot acts as your personal confidant, pulling from its virtual brain ideas on how it might help you achieve your stated goals, it is not a stretch to treat it as the responsible speaker for the information it provides.

Courts are responding in kind, particularly when the bot’s vast, helpful brain is directed toward aiding your desire to learn about suicide.

Chatbot suicide cases

Current lawsuits involving chatbots and suicide victims show that the door of liability is opening for ChatGPT and other bots. A case involving Google’s Character.AI bots is a prime example.

Character.AI allows users to chat with characters created by users, from anime figures to a prototypical grandmother. Users could even have virtual phone calls with some characters, talking to a supportive virtual nanna as if it were their own. In one case in Florida, a character in the “Game of Thrones” Daenerys Targaryen persona allegedly asked the young victim to “come home” to the bot in heaven before the teen shot himself. The family of the victim sued Google.

Parents of a 16-year-old allege that ChatGPT contributed to their son’s suicide.

The family of the victim did not frame Google’s role in traditional technology terms. Rather than describing Google’s liability in the context of websites or search functions, the plaintiff framed Google’s liability in terms of products and manufacturing akin to a defective parts maker. The district court gave this framing credence despite Google’s vehement argument that it is merely an internet service, and thus the old internet rules should apply.

The court also rejected arguments that the bot’s statements were protected First Amendment speech that users have a right to hear.

Though the case is ongoing, Google failed to get the quick dismissal that tech platforms have long counted on under the old rules. Now, there is a follow-on suit for a different Character.AI bot in Colorado, and ChatGPT faces a case in San Francisco, all with product and manufacture framings like the Florida case.

Hurdles for plaintiffs to overcome

Though the door to liability for chatbot providers is now open, other issues could keep families of victims from recovering any damages from the bot providers. Even if ChatGPT and its competitors are not immune from lawsuits and courts buy into the product liability system for chatbots, lack of immunity does not equal victory for plaintiffs.

Product liability cases require the plaintiff to show that the defendant caused the harm at issue. This is particularly difficult in suicide cases, as courts tend to find that, regardless of what came before, the only person responsible for suicide is the victim. Whether it’s an angry argument with a significant other leading to a cry of “why don’t you just kill yourself,” or a gun design making self-harm easier, courts tend to find that only the victim is to blame for their own death, not the people and devices the victim interacted with along the way.

But without the protection of immunity that digital platforms have enjoyed for decades, tech defendants face much higher costs to get the same victory they used to receive automatically. In the end, the story of the chatbot suicide cases may be more settlements on secret, but lucrative, terms to the victims’ families.

Meanwhile, bot providers are likely to place more content warnings and trigger bot shutdowns more readily when users enter territory that the bot is set to consider dangerous. The result could be a safer, but less dynamic and useful, world of bot “products.”

The Conversation

I worked for Google for 16 years, and thus received compensation from them to protect against external liability.

ref. Suicide-by-chatbot puts Big Tech in the product liability hot seat – https://theconversation.com/suicide-by-chatbot-puts-big-tech-in-the-product-liability-hot-seat-265550

Nuclear in your backyard? Tiny reactors could one day power towns and campuses – but community input will be key

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Aditi Verma, Assistant Professor of Nuclear Engineering and Radiological Sciences, University of Michigan

Factories could one day produce and ship small nuclear reactors across the country. U.S. Department of Energy Office of Nuclear Energy

You might imagine nuclear power plants as behemoth facilities spanning hundreds of acres. Nuclear microreactors, by contrast, could sit on land the size of a football field and power a whole town.

However, after decades of fraught relationships between the nuclear industry and communities in many parts of the U.S., building these tiny reactors requires reckoning with the complex history of nuclear technology and rebuilding public trust.

Microreactor technology for use in towns or cities hasn’t been developed yet, but many researchers have been building the case for its use.

For example, this technology could benefit college campuses, remote communities in Alaska primarily powered by oil and diesel, tech companies looking for reliable electricity for AI data centers, companies in need of high-temperature heat for manufacturing and industrial processes, mining operations that need a clean energy source and even military bases in search of a secure source of energy.

I’m a nuclear engineer who has been exploring nuclear microreactors’ potential. My research and teaching focuses on some of the questions that would come with placing miniature nuclear reactors close to where people live.

Microreactors: A history

Nuclear microreactors as a technology are both new and old. In the 1940s and ’50s, the American military and government began developing small reactors and nuclear batteries to power submarines and spacecraft.

After developing these small-scale reactors and batteries for various missions, the nuclear industry’s focus shifted to power reactors. They began to rapidly scale up their designs from producing tens of megawatts to the gigawatt-scale systems common around the world today.

These historical reactors were small because scientists were still learning about the physics and engineering underlying these systems. Today, engineers are deliberately designing microreactors to be small.

Microreactors aren’t to be confused with small modular reactors – these are often scaled-down, modularized versions of large reactors. Small, modular reactors can be built as single units or in clusters to achieve the same capacity as a full-size reactor. Microreactors would be smaller than these, with a power capacity under 20 megawatts.

A diagram showing three types of reactors – large, conventional reactors, labeled '700+MW(e)', small modular reactors, labeled 300+MW(e) and microreactors, labeled 'up to 10 MW(e)'
Microreactors are the smallest type of reactor.
A. Vargas/IAEA

Manufacturing and cost

Because they’re small, microreactors wouldn’t require a massive, multiyear construction project like large nuclear power reactors. Several units could be assembled in a factory each year and shipped off to their final destinations in a truck or on a barge.

A diagram of a semi truck. Its trailer is translucent, showing a microreactor inside.
Microreactors could be small enough to fit in the trailer of a truck.
Idaho National Laboratory

Large reactors are not inherently flawed – in many ways, they remain the more economic nuclear energy option. However, electric utility companies have recently hesitated to invest in large reactors because of the multibillion-dollar nature of these projects.

Microreactors require a different but equally significant kind of investment. Though individual units will have a significantly lower price tag, building a factory to produce these microreactors is a massive undertaking. Reactor companies are waiting for their order books to fill up before investing in factories.

It’s a catch-22. Without orders, technology developers are unlikely to build microreactor factories. And future users of these new reactors are unlikely to place orders until this new style of production has been tested and the initial units built.

An infographic reading 'Microreactors: Small reactors BIG potential' listing features and benefits of microreactors, and showing trucks driving microreactors from a factory to a plane and boat.
Microreactors could be built in a factory and shipped to their site.
U.S. Energy Information Association, U.S. Department of Energy Office of Nuclear Energy

Future users are also waiting to see what the microreactors will actually cost. Reactor developers have put forward many cost estimates, but in the past, estimates for nuclear reactors haven’t always been reliable. Developers likely won’t know the true numbers until the reactors are actually built.

Initial “first of a kind” units will undoubtedly cost significantly more than later units. As manufacturers learn the best production processes, they’ll be able to make more reactors for less.

In this paradoxical situation in which developers are waiting for orders and users are waiting to see the economics of initial reactors, government funding for building demonstration projects could help usher microreactor technology from early designs to the market.

First movers such as national laboratories, universities, data centers and military bases that are willing to buy these initial reactors also have a role to play in validating the economic feasibility of these new reactors.

Today’s microreactors

In a nuclear reactor, the combination of nuclear fuel and coolant – which is the substance used to both cool the fuel and transport the heat generated by it – used in its design determines what situations it will work best in. Many nonwater coolants can allow reactors to operate at lower pressures, which is a little more safe.

The microreactors being developed today are based on a wide range of reactor technologies and make use of many different combinations of nuclear fuels and coolants.

Some reactors, such as the submarine propulsion reactors, are small, pressurized water reactors – the same basic technology used in most large-scale nuclear power plants. Others use configurations that resemble the small reactors in spacecraft. Still others make use of nuclear fuel and coolant combinations previously attempted in much larger reactors, such as high-temperature gas reactors, sodium fast reactors and even molten salt reactors.

Though encompassing a range of technologies, microreactors are all significantly simpler than the large reactors in use today. In many cases, they have few to no moving parts.

Microreactor technology holds potential but isn’t ready for commerical use yet.

Microreactors, by virtue of being significantly simpler, are going to be more knowable. Because they’re easier to study and understand, simpler reactor systems have fewer points of failure and safety concerns.

Complex systems, such as the large nuclear power reactors, can be fundamentally unknowable, with unexpected entanglements of “unknown unknowns” creating instabilities, safety concerns and potential for failure. Large reactors operate safely today because we have learned about these unknown unknowns over decades of operation. Microreactors, because of their simplicity, will fundamentally be safer and more predictable than the large reactors were when they were first built.

Siting microreactors

Although the Department of Energy oversees microreactor demonstration projects, commercial deployment of microreactors requires approval from the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which could take several years and may ultimately determine how soon commercial reactors can be built. Several designs are now approaching or in the early stages of review.

To keep people safe, large reactors have designated emergency planning zones – usually 10 and 50 miles around – which require different degrees of planning and protection to enter. The 10-mile zone has specific shelters and evacuation plans in place, while people in the 50-mile zone may need to take precautions about what they eat and drink in the event of a catastrophic accident but will not need to evacuate.

A diagram showing a nuclear plant, with three rings around it. One has a 2 mile radius, one a 10 mile radius and one a 50 mile radius.
Nuclear plants designate emergency planning zones around the facility. These may demarcate where evacuation plans are in place, where people might be exposed and where researchers will take samples to make sure the surrounding environment and potential food sources are not contaminated.
U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission

Because microreactors are smaller and simpler, developers and regulators may significantly reduce their emergency planning zones. The zones could extend only to the facility’s site boundary, or perhaps a few hundred meters beyond it.

A reduced emergency planning zone could mean that microreactors could be built in towns and cities, or embedded in remote communities. They might one day become as ubiquitous as the solar panels and windmills you see when driving through the countryside. And like the submarine reactors that can power a small underwater community of 100, one microreactor could power a rural town.

But even if siting a nuclear microreactor near a town is technically feasible, would the community accept it?

Public engagement

My lab’s ongoing research suggests that the answer to this question is contingent on how technology developers engage with the communities that may host a microreactor. If they attempt to unilaterally decide, announce and defend their decision to build a microreactor without input, communities will likely push back.

However, if developers work with communities to understand their hopes, concerns and priorities, they will likely find that many people are receptive to hyperlocal nuclear energy facilities.

My team’s initial findings suggest that there isn’t a one-size-fits-all approach for designing these facilities. Each community will have its own set of preferences that developers will need to navigate alongside the engineering questions.

In our discussions with community members in southeast Michigan, my research team has seen interest in designing these small energy facilities as a feature of the community that’s easily accessible to local residents. Community members designing hypothetical microreactor facilities with us have proposed shared spaces, recreational facilities, onsite visitor centers or science museums, and public art projects. Instead of hiding these facilities out of sight, they want these places to be inviting and beautiful.

The Conversation

Aditi Verma receives research funding from the U.S. Department of Energy.
She is a board member for the Good Energy Collective and serves on various expert working groups of the OECD Nuclear Energy Agency.

ref. Nuclear in your backyard? Tiny reactors could one day power towns and campuses – but community input will be key – https://theconversation.com/nuclear-in-your-backyard-tiny-reactors-could-one-day-power-towns-and-campuses-but-community-input-will-be-key-261225

Naming and categorizing objects is part of how young kids develop executive function skills – new research

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Aaron Buss, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of Tennessee

Understanding how young kids develop executive function could be key to teaching children these skills in the future. University of Tennessee, Knoxville

Parents of young children probably recognize the hectic mornings filled with reminding the kids to eat breakfast, brush their teeth and put on their shoes – and hurry up, you’re gonna be late!

Most little kids can’t manage these morning routines on their own because they lack the necessary executive function: the set of skills that affect how people make purposeful decisions that align with their goals. It’s these skills that allow you to set and pursue short-term goals, such as making breakfast, and long-term goals, such as pursuing a successful career.

Early childhood marks a period of significant development in executive function ability. Research shows that children with better executive function tend to grow up to be financially stable, healthy and productive adults. For this reason, many psychologists and educators are seeking ways to help kids develop these skills in early childhood, potentially setting them up for later success.

As important as these skills are, though, attempts to understand where they come from and how to train them have been mostly unsuccessful – until now.

We are psychologists at the University of Tennessee in the Attention, Brain and Cognition Lab, and our recent study provides new insights into how executive function develops.

Where previous attempts failed

There have been many attempts to teach children executive function, in hopes that improvements will translate to other cognitive skills. But these have largely been unsuccessful for two reasons.

First, while children in these experiments learned specific tasks, they didn’t learn skills that would translate to the real world. It’s like how studying for your ACT may make you better at taking the ACT but not necessarily better at the skills you need for your future job.

Second, on the more technical side, measuring brain activity in young children is notoriously difficult. MRIs are too restrictive – not to mention scary – to be used on children while they perform tasks.

Child wearing hat with sensors on it next to cards with shapes of different colors
We fitted children in our lab with lightweight caps with near-infrared sensors in them to measure which parts of the brain were active during the sorting tasks.
University of Tennessee, Knoxville

New tools offer new insights

Many researchers now use a more child-friendly neuroimaging machine called functional near-infrared spectroscopy, which involves placing sensors on a child’s head – typically in the form of a lightweight cap – to track their brain function. This laser system monitors blood flow in the outer layer of the brain, known as the cortical surface. Blood flow indicates neural activity and reveals areas of the brain that are most busy.

This technology is a step in the right direction, but it’s still difficult to ensure that the sensors are placed in exactly the same way from one session to the next, and from one kid to the next. This challenge is particularly pronounced in longitudinal studies, because children’s heads grow over time.

To solve this problem, our team developed 3D-image reconstruction techniques that allow us to keep track of where brain activation is happening. With the 3D model, we are able to map and measure each child’s individual brain regions.

Our advanced analysis tools allowed us to collect multiple recordings from the same children over several years, confident the sensors were in the correct, consistent spots on their heads for each study phase.

By administering a wide range of tasks that tap into different aspects of neurocognitive function, we were able to pinpoint which regions of a child’s brain are active as they develop executive function skills.

Understanding the nature of executive function

One important aspect of executive function is the ability to filter what information is relevant for completing your goals. Based on previous executive function studies and our mathematical model of the brain’s connections, our team believes that the key is the process of what we call learning labels – that is, learning to name and sort the objects in your environment based on various categories they fit into.

Label learning allows you to move through your world finding tools you need to accomplish your goals and flexible uses for the objects around you. For instance, understanding the labels “smooth” and “concave” would help you identify a spoon. Knowing how the features of a spoon relate to other objects or processes such as “mixing,” “shoveling” or “slinging” can encourage flexible uses of the spoon, so that you recognize you can use the spoon to stir your chocolate milk, eat your cereal or even catapult a bit of breakfast onto your sibling.

So all that learning in a child’s early years of fundamentals such as color, shape and basic sounds and words is preparing them for a life where they can identify what they need to set and meet their goals, small and large.

Further, understanding how to identify and label items in your environment can help you be flexible and notice different aspects of an object when your goals change. For example, if there’s no cow’s milk available, but you know almond milk falls into the same category, you can use it as a substitute. In this way, learning labels for categories of objects lets you identify and act on goal-relevant information around you.

What we found

Using our near-infrared spectroscopy tools, we examined the brain function of 20 children during a series of tasks. We first assessed their label understanding at age 2½ by asking them simple questions about objects, such as, “Which one is red?” or “What color is this one?”

Two years later, when the children were 4½, we brought them back to the lab for an executive function task. First, they would play a few rounds of a shape-sorting game. Then the research assistant would ask them to switch to sorting the same objects by color. This task requires thinking flexibly about the objects and making different decisions about them when the rules change.

We found that brain activity differed before versus after children learned to categorize objects by shape and color. In addition, we found that children who showed stronger activation in their brain’s frontal cortex region during the simpler color and shape labeling tasks at age 2½ performed better on the complex task at 4½. We think this indicates that those children at 2½ were further along in the developmental trajectory of learning categories for objects around them, and thus had richer neurocognitive resources available at 4½ when performing the complex executive function task.

Our findings suggest that label learning extends beyond language and affects how kids can control and regulate their behavior. That is, by having ways of labeling different aspects of objects or the environment, children have ways to cognitively focus on that information in order to guide their behavior.

What’s next?

Our results open the door to finding ways to teach children executive function skills. Scientists can now try to create interventions focused on label learning and grouping objects based on their physical characteristics. Training would likely build on the sort of learning that naturally occurs during play time with caregivers, as well as via children’s books and edutainment videos.

Our team has already begun the next step in this work, examining how to facilitate these learning processes. Our goal is to develop interventions aimed at improving executive function skills in early childhood that will improve broad development outcomes as kids get older.

The Conversation

Aaron Buss received funding from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

Alexis McCraw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Naming and categorizing objects is part of how young kids develop executive function skills – new research – https://theconversation.com/naming-and-categorizing-objects-is-part-of-how-young-kids-develop-executive-function-skills-new-research-255943

More Americans meet criteria for high blood pressure under new guidelines

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By William Cornwell, Associate Professor of Cardiology, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

Under the new guidelines, more Americans qualify as having high blood pressure. Peter Dazeley/The Image Bank via Getty Images

Nearly half of all Americans have high blood pressure – a condition called hypertension.

Hypertension is the No. 1 risk factor for heart disease and stroke. In addition, hypertension increases risk of dementia and cognitive decline. Heart disease, stroke and dementia are the first-, fourth- and sixth-leading causes of death in the U.S. Unfortunately, only 1 in 4 people with a history of high blood pressure have this condition under control.

In August 2025, the American Heart Association and the American College of Cardiology released new guidelines on prevention and management of hypertension, based on a comprehensive analysis of literature published over the past 10 years.

The Conversation U.S. asked cardiologist Dr. William Cornwell of the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus to explain what the new guidelines mean and how you can work with your doctor to manage your blood pressure.

What are the primary takeaways of the new guidelines?

The most recent guidelines prior to this new statement were in 2017. Since that time, the medical community has learned a lot about hypertension and the best way to control it. The new guidelines provide a great deal of new information.

First, the definition of hypertension has changed. The criteria are more strict, and the target blood pressures are lower than in the past.

The criteria depend on the values of the “systolic” and the “diastolic” pressure. Systolic blood pressure, the top number, represents the pressure in the blood vessels when the heart is squeezing blood into the body. Diastolic blood pressure, the bottom number, is the pressure in the blood vessels when the heart is relaxing. Both numbers are important when determining the severity of hypertension and how it is most appropriately managed.

The new guidelines have removed the category of “prehypertension,” which was defined by a systolic pressure of 120-139 millimeters of mercury (mm Hg), or a diastolic pressure of 80-99 mm Hg. Now, patients are categorized as having “elevated blood pressure” if their blood pressure is 120-129 over less than 80 mm Hg, or stage 1 hypertension if they are 130-139/80-89.

A reading of 140/90 or more is considered stage 2 hypertension, and a reading of 180/120 or greater is a hypertensive crisis. In essence, the bar has been lowered, and this change may impact millions of Americans.

People need to ask their doctors if they have hypertension based on these new criteria and whether or not they should be treated. It is also very important for patients to get advice from their doctors about lifestyle habits that they can incorporate into their daily routine, like diet, exercise and healthy sleep habits to help lower blood pressure.

In addition, the guidelines encourage providers to use a risk calculator, called PREVENT – short for Predicting Risk of Cardiovascular Disease EVENTS – to determine a patient’s overall risk of cardiovascular disease and heart failure. This tool represents a significant advance in personalizing medical care, since it incorporates risk factors unique to the individual, allowing for a tailored approach to medical care.

Three-dimensional medical concept of narrowing of an artery
Alcohol consumption can lead to narrowing of the arteries, which can cause or worsen high blood pressure.
Chinnachart Martmoh/iStock via Getty Images Plus

What is the link between alcohol intake and high blood pressure?

The guidelines encourage people to limit alcohol intake because alcohol increases blood pressure.

A 2023 meta-analysis of seven studies with nearly 20,000 people showed that systolic blood pressure will increase by about 1mmHg for every 10 grams of alcohol consumed. A standard beer contains about 14 grams of alcohol, so regular alcohol consumption may increase blood pressure by several points over time. For people who have been drinking an excessive amount of alcohol but stop, their blood pressure may come back down.

That might not sound like much, but when combined with other unhealthy and risky behaviors, like sedentary behavior, excessive weight, inadequate sleep, psychological stress and smoking, the risk factors start to add up quickly. Together, they can very quickly increase the risk of heart disease, stroke and dementia.

The new guidelines encourage patients to reduce or eliminate alcohol consumption entirely compared with the old guidelines. For people who do want to drink alcohol, the new guidelines recommend that men should drink no more than two drinks per day, and women should drink no more than one drink per day.

What other lifestyle factors did the new report focus on?

The new guidelines also emphasize the fact that diet can have a major impact on blood pressure. They recommend that all adults – with or without hypertension – consume less than 2,300 milligrams of salt, or approximately 1 teaspoon, per day, and more ideally, less than 1,500 milligrams per day. For a comparison, the average American eats more than 3,300 milligrams of salt per day. Patients may also consider potassium-based salt substitutes to further lower blood pressure.

The guidelines recommend a specific diet called the DASH diet, short for Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension, for patients with or without hypertension to prevent or treat elevated blood pressure. The DASH diet emphasizes fruits, vegetables, low-fat or nonfat dairy and whole grains. This diet may lead to a reduction in blood pressure by up about 10 mm Hg.

The guidelines also emphasize the need to increase physical activity. On average, for every additional 30 minutes of aerobic exercise a person gets per week, systolic blood pressure decreases by 2 mm Hg and diastolic blood pressure drops by 1 mm Hg, with the largest reduction occurring at 150 minutes of dynamic exercise per week.

Regular exercise also helps you live longer and reduces the risk of cardiovascular disease, stroke and dementia.

Woman using blood pressure meter to check her blood and heart rate pressure at home.
The new guidelines recommend that doctors encourage patients to check their blood pressure at home.
Kmatta/Moment via Getty Images

What are the main preventive strategies in the report?

The PREVENT risk calculator that the new guidelines recommend incorporates several factors, including demographics, cholesterol levels, medical history and blood pressure, to determine risk. This risk calculator is free and available online to the general public. The PREVENT calculator may be a helpful tool for all Americans since it reliably provides patients and providers with an assessment of overall risk assessment. But it is particularly helpful for people with multiple chronic conditions, like hypertension, high cholesterol, overweight/obesity or diabetes.

The American Heart Association recommends eight essential health behaviors for controlling blood pressure and reducing risk of cardiovascular disease overall. These include healthy diet, regular exercise, stopping or avoiding smoking, sleeping seven to nine hours per night, and controlling weight, cholesterol, blood sugar and blood pressure.

Will the new guidelines change how doctors address high blood pressure?

One of the greatest advances with these new guidelines is the personalized approach to medical care through the use of the PREVENT calculator.

The guidelines recommend that doctors encourage their patients to check blood pressure at home to better understand the fluctuations in pressure that occur throughout the day.

Finally, the guidelines encourage physicians to be more aggressive about treating blood pressure. This may be an important change since uncontrolled blood pressure is a major risk factor for eventual development of heart disease and stroke.

The Conversation

William Cornwell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. More Americans meet criteria for high blood pressure under new guidelines – https://theconversation.com/more-americans-meet-criteria-for-high-blood-pressure-under-new-guidelines-263507

New website tracks how Pennsylvania’s $2.2B in opioid settlement funds is being spent

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jonathan Larsen, Legal Technology Manager, Beasley School of Law Center for Public Health Law Research, Temple University

There were about 3,330 overdose deaths in Pennsylvania in 2024, down from over 4,700 in 2023. Frazao Studio Latino/E+ Collection via Getty Images

Pennsylvania is due to receive US$2.2 billion dollars from the national opioid settlements, and a new database shows the public where that money is going.

Starting in 2021, a national, bipartisan coalition of attorneys general, including now-Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, reached settlements with opioid manufacturers and distributors who had directly contributed to the opioid addiction crisis.

That year, over 5,000 Pennsylvanians died from unintended drug overdoses. That number has since dropped, falling to about 3,300 in 2024.

The opioid settlement payments, which began in 2022 and are slated to continue until 2038, are supposed to fund opioid overdose prevention, treatment, harm reduction, recovery support and other programs. This includes a broad array of interventions in Pennsylvania, from first-responder training for law enforcement to handle people who have overdosed to stigma reduction education and support for medication-assisted treatment, to name just a few.

We are researchers from Penn State University, Temple University and the University of Pittsburgh who helped build a website, which launched in August 2025, that publishes and tracks opioid settlement fund spending data in Pennsylvania.

We are partnering with the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust, the County Commissioners Association of Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvania Career Development Association. Our team receives funding through the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust to help the trust with data collection, analysis and web design. However, our website is separate and independent from the trust.

Here are five things we believe Pennsylvania residents ought to know about the spending data, and how it can be used to improve public health:

1. Counties are in the driver’s seat

Out of the 48 states that have received settlements so far, Pennsylvania is one of nine states that have given majority control of settlement spending to local governments.

In Pennsylvania’s case, 70% of the funding goes to counties. Cities and other organizations that were involved in the lawsuits, such as county district attorney offices, get 15%. The remaining 15% goes to the state.

This means that in Pennsylvania, it is mostly up to counties to determine how to best spend the US$2.2 billion. Counties must interact directly with their communities through requests for proposals to distribute funds. They will face critical decisions about how to invest the funds in ways that move beyond pilot programs to sustainable, system-level change.

Requirements from the opioid settlement to spend at least 85% of the money on opioid abatement aim to avoid pitfalls of the 1990s tobacco settlement, when funds were often diverted to general budgets and spent on programs unrelated to getting people to quit smoking.

States that have not given majority control of settlement spending to local governments have created a variety of ways to spend the money. These include a mix of state and local disbursement, as well as special fund-governing bodies charged with deciding how settlement funds are distributed. In some states, the state is the primary decision-maker about how settlement funds are used.

The requirement in Pennsylvania that opioid settlement funds are primarily sent to counties creates an opportunity for local innovation. It will also, eventually, allow experts to evaluate the effectiveness of this local control of funds compared with state control or other structures.

A screenshot from a website that shows data in map, bar chart and table form
A screenshot from the Pennsylvania Opioid Settlement Data dashboard shows that Philadelphia has so far spent about $20 million of the $80 million it has received, with nearly $6 million going toward the city’s housing programs for people experiencing homelessness.
Pennsylvania Opioid Settlement Data

2. Website improves transparency and accountability

When members of the public can see where the money is going, they can hold systems accountable for using the funds effectively. County leaders, meanwhile, can see what programs are currently being funded in other counties that they may want to replicate or scale up.

3. Spending is a marathon, not a sprint

Settlement dollars are just beginning to be distributed and spent. According to the tracker, over $80 million had been spent on approved opioid remediation programs as of Dec. 31, 2024. Settlement payments will continue over the next seven to 18 years, varying by company.

This is a marathon and not a sprint, so communities and decision-makers will have to balance spending that produces short- and longer-term objectives.

Additionally, not all counties are receiving the same amount of money, and that affects what they can do with it.

A red package labeled 'Kama 7-hydroxy + pseudoindoxyl' contains eight pills
Kratom-derived products are increasingly available in smoke shops and gas stations. The products, which are largely unregulated, mimic opioids and can lead to addiction and cause withdrawal symptoms.
Alejandra Villa Loarca/Newsday RM via Getty Images

4. New challenges will arise in opioid crisis

Emerging issues in the opioid crisis will continue to evolve, such as how contaminants like the animal tranquilizers xylazine and medetomidine, or products derived from kratom, a tropical tree, have entered the street drug supply in recent years.

Systematically tracking data will help expand our knowledge base of all programs in Pennsylvania that aim to address the opioid crisis. Some of these programs are based on strong existing evidence, while others will help to build new evidence, especially considering the ever-changing landscape of the crisis.

5. Funding gaps will remain

Opioid settlement funds are an important opportunity to address the opioid crisis, but will not on their own cover all funding gaps needed to address the crisis or the broader public health crises that are its major drivers. These include food and housing insecurity, unemployment, lack of access to mental health care, and so many other related issues.

As the country faces major and rapid federal disinvestment in states and communities, these funding gaps will grow and increase the pressure on local decision-makers to make the most of each dollar while demonstrating evidence of impact.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter.

The Conversation

Jonathan Larsen receives funding from the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust. He is the Chair of the Haverford Township Democratic Committee.

Amy Yeung receives funding from the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust

Dennis Scanlon receives funding from the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust.

Renee Cloutier receives funding from the Pennsylvania Opioid Misuse and Addiction Abatement Trust.

ref. New website tracks how Pennsylvania’s $2.2B in opioid settlement funds is being spent – https://theconversation.com/new-website-tracks-how-pennsylvanias-2-2b-in-opioid-settlement-funds-is-being-spent-263765

Les États-Unis de l’après-Charlie Kirk, ou l’apogée de la polarisation affective

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Frédérique Sandretto, Adjunct assistant professor, Sciences Po

Dans le débat démocratique, il est normal que les tenants de positions politiques différentes expriment leurs divergences avec une certaine virulence. Mais les États-Unis ont dépassé ce stade depuis longtemps. Le pays est en proie à une profonde « polarisation affective », c’est-à-dire que les deux grands camps politiques se considèrent non plus comme des adversaires qui méritent le respect, mais comme des ennemis. Charlie Kirk, qui avait de son vivant largement participé à ce processus, a été la victime de ce contexte délétère – un contexte que l’instrumentalisation de son assassinat par Donald Trump et ses partisans dégrade chaque jour un peu plus.


Le 10 septembre 2025, Charlie Kirk, activiste conservateur et fondateur de l’organisation Turning Point USA, est mort assassiné alors qu’il s’exprimait lors d’un débat en plein air à l’Université de l’Utah Valley.

Cette disparition brutale ne saurait être interprétée uniquement comme un fait divers tragique. Elle s’inscrit dans un moment politique particulier où chaque acte violent est immédiatement instrumentalisé et réinscrit dans une guerre culturelle qui structure l’espace public américain et le polarise davantage.

Dès les premières heures, Donald Trump a publiquement accusé ce qu’il appelle « la gauche radicale » d’avoir créé un climat de haine propice à ce type de passage à l’acte.

Cette assertion a été reprise par le vice-président J. D. Vance qui a dénoncé, lors de l’émission The Charlie Kirk Show jusqu’ici animée par le défunt et dont il a exceptionnellement pris les rênes cinq jours après l’assassinat, « l’extrémisme de gauche incroyablement destructeur qui s’est développé au cours des dernières années et qui […] fait partie de la raison pour laquelle Charlie a été tué », soulignant que l’unité nationale est impossible avec ceux qui célèbrent le meurtre et appelant à la dénonciation de tels comportements. Vance a également promis qu’une répression sévère serait mise en œuvre contre les organisations de gauche qu’il considère comme « responsables de la violence politique ».

Ces mots ne sont pas anodins : ils condensent une manière de lire l’événement qui ne cherche pas à l’expliquer par des causes individuelles, mais à le transformer en preuve supplémentaire de la menace existentielle que représenterait le camp opposé. En ce sens, l’assassinat de Kirk devient le miroir d’une société qui ne se contente plus de débattre, mais qui pense et vit la politique en termes de survie collective.

La polarisation des réactions – expressions d’un deuil traumatisant, de nombreux rassemblements ayant été organisés partout dans le pays ; accusations mutuelles ; mais aussi appels à la vengeance – laisse présager une escalade dangereuse et une exacerbation de la polarisation politique américaine.

Qu’est-ce que la polarisation en politique ?

La polarisation se définit comme un durcissement et un éloignement croissant des positions entre deux camps opposés. Ce terme s’impose dans le vocabulaire politologique dans les années 1960 et 1970 à un moment où l’on commence à mesurer plus finement les comportements électoraux et à analyser la cohésion idéologique des partis. Mais c’est véritablement à partir des travaux de Keith Poole et Howard Rosenthal (1984), puis de Nolan McCarty (2019), que la notion devient un concept central.

Selon McCarty, la distance idéologique entre républicains et démocrates n’a cessé de croître depuis les années 1980, au point de créer deux blocs quasiment étanches. Elle s’est progressivement installée depuis plusieurs décennies, alimentée par l’évolution des partis politiques, la transformation du paysage médiatique et l’émergence de clivages culturels et sociétaux devenus inconciliables.

Du fait de ce processus de polarisation, la distinction entre les deux grands partis et leurs sympathisants respectifs ne se limite plus à des divergences programmatiques. Des identités antagonistes ont été façonnées, si bien que le camp adverse n’est plus seulement perçu comme un rival politique mais comme une menace existentielle.

Vers une polarisation affective

La polarisation idéologique ou politique n’est pas en soi catastrophique : des désaccords profonds peuvent exister sans détruire la démocratie. Ce qui est dangereux, c’est la polarisation affective, celle qui transforme l’adversaire en ennemi existentiel. Cette dernière nourrit la peur, le ressentiment et la haine, au point que l’on en vient à justifier, voire à applaudir, la souffrance de l’autre côté de l’échiquier politique.

Le terme de polarisation affective a été introduit par le politologue Shanto Iyengar au début des années 2010. Il désigne l’hostilité et l’antipathie ressenties envers les membres du parti opposé, indépendamment des divergences idéologiques relatives aux politiques publiques. S’inspirant de la théorie de l’identité sociale – qui postule notamment que la seule division d’un groupe initial en deux groupes distincts entraîne, au sein de chacun des deux groupes ainsi constitués, une hostilité à l’encontre de l’autre groupe –, Iyengar montre que l’affiliation partisane fonctionne comme un marqueur social générant des émotions négatives envers l’autre camp et des sentiments positifs envers le sien.

Cette polarisation influence les comportements sociaux, les relations interpersonnelles et la perception de menace politique. La polarisation affective explique pourquoi des électeurs proches idéologiquement peuvent néanmoins éprouver de la méfiance et du rejet envers l’autre parti. Elle ne se limite pas aux désaccords politiques, mais traduit une dimension émotionnelle et identitaire des divisions.

L’attentat contre Charlie Kirk est donc à la fois un symptôme – il apparaît que son assassin, Tyler Robinson, l’a pris pour cible par détestation pour ses idées et pour l’impact négatif que celles-ci avaient sur la société – et un accélérateur de cette dynamique.

La grande majorité des Américains n’a pas perçu la mort violente de l’activiste conservateur seulement comme la disparition d’un individu, mais comme une attaque dirigée contre tout un courant idéologique. L’émotion qu’elle a suscitée a immédiatement été récupérée par les discours partisans. Dans les heures qui ont suivi, les réseaux sociaux et les médias se sont enflammés, les uns accusant la gauche radicale d’avoir alimenté un climat propice à cette violence, les autres dénonçant au contraire l’exploitation de la tragédie à des fins politiques. Cet enchaînement montre à quel point la société américaine est enfermée dans une logique où chaque événement, aussi tragique soit-il, devient un nouvel argument dans une guerre de récits.

L’événement comme surcodage politique

Ce qui frappe également avec l’assassinat de Charlie Kirk, c’est la rapidité avec laquelle l’événement a immédiatement été surcodé politiquement. La mort de Kirk n’est pas d’abord racontée comme l’aboutissement du parcours criminel individuel de Tyler Robinson, mais comme une pièce supplémentaire dans une chaîne narrative de confrontation entre deux Amériques irréconciliables.

C’est précisément ce qui rend cet épisode fécond pour la réflexion académique : il nous invite à analyser la polarisation non seulement comme un état objectif de divergence politique, mais comme un processus performatif, alimenté par des discours, des symboles et des récits. La polarisation ne se constate pas seulement dans les sondages ou dans la distance programmatique entre élus ; elle se manifeste dans la manière dont chaque fait social ou chaque drame est saisi, déformé et redéployé dans une logique de combat partisan.

L’assassinat de Charlie Kirk est une tragédie individuelle qui révèle une tragédie collective. Il montre à quel point la société américaine est fracturée, à quel point chaque événement est interprété à travers le prisme de la polarisation affective. Mais il montre aussi la puissance performative des récits : ce ne sont pas seulement les balles qui tuent, ce sont aussi les mots qui prolongent l’acte et attisent la haine. La polarisation affective américaine, ce n’est pas un simple état de fait : c’est une dynamique, une spirale, une machine à produire de l’hostilité.

Pour la briser, il faudrait peut-être repenser les institutions, réinventer les récits et reconstruire la confiance. Sans cela, chaque nouvelle tragédie ne fera qu’ajouter une pierre au mur de la division.

The Conversation

Frédérique Sandretto ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Les États-Unis de l’après-Charlie Kirk, ou l’apogée de la polarisation affective – https://theconversation.com/les-etats-unis-de-lapres-charlie-kirk-ou-lapogee-de-la-polarisation-affective-265613

Ce qu’avoir un chat fait à votre cerveau (et au sien)

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Laura Elin Pigott, Senior Lecturer in Neurosciences and Neurorehabilitation, Course Leader in the College of Health and Life Sciences, London South Bank University

L’ocytocine, surnommée l’” hormone de l’amour », envahit-elle les cerveaux du chat et de l’humain ? Zhenny-zhenny/Shutterstock

Caresser un chat, l’entendre ronronner n’a rien d’anodin : derrière ces instants se cache une réaction chimique qui renforce la confiance et diminue le stress, autant chez l’humain que chez l’animal.

Les chats ont beau avoir la réputation d’être indépendants, des recherches récentes suggèrent que nous partageons avec eux un lien unique, alimenté par la chimie du cerveau.

Au cœur du processus se trouve l’ocytocine, fréquemment désignée comme l’« hormone de l’amour ». Cette même substance neurochimique est libérée lorsqu’une mère berce son bébé ou lorsque des amis s’étreignent ; elle a un effet bénéfique sur la confiance et l’affection. Et aujourd’hui, des recherches indiquent qu’elle joue également un rôle important dans la relation entre les chats et les humains.

L’ocytocine est au cœur des liens sociaux, c’est-à-dire de la capacité d’entrer en contact avec les autres et de leur faire confiance, ainsi que de la régulation du stress, et ce tant chez les animaux que chez les humains. Une expérience menée en 2005 a montré qu’elle rendait des volontaires humains nettement plus enclins à faire confiance aux autres dans des opérations boursières fictives.

Cette hormone a aussi des effets apaisants, chez les humains comme chez les animaux : elle réduit le cortisol, l’hormone du stress, et active le système nerveux parasympathique — celui du repos et de la digestion — pour aider le corps à se détendre.

Les scientifiques savent depuis longtemps que les interactions amicales entre les chiens et leurs propriétaires déclenchent la libération d’ocytocine, créant une véritable boucle de rétroaction affective. Mais chez les chats, ce phénomène restait moins étudié.

Moins démonstratifs que les chiens, les chats expriment leur affection de façon plus subtile. Pourtant, leurs propriétaires décrivent souvent les mêmes bénéfices : chaleur, réconfort, baisse du stress. Les recherches confirment peu à peu ces témoignages. Ainsi des chercheurs japonais ont montré en 2021 que de brèves séances de caresses avec un chat augmentaient le taux d’ocytocine chez de nombreux propriétaires.

Dans le cadre de cette étude, des femmes passaient quelques minutes à interagir avec leur chat pendant que les scientifiques mesuraient leurs niveaux hormonaux. Résultat : le contact amical (caresser, parler doucement) entraînait une hausse d’ocytocine dans la salive.

Beaucoup trouvent apaisant de caresser un chat qui ronronne, et ce n’est pas qu’une question de douceur du pelage. Le simple fait de caresser un chat — ou même d’entendre son ronronnement — stimule la production de cette hormone dans le cerveau. Une étude de 2002 a montré que ce pic d’ocytocine, déclenché par le contact, contribue à réduire le cortisol, ce qui peut ensuite faire baisser la tension artérielle, et même la douleur.

Homme tenant un chat gris sur ses genoux
Se blottir contre un chat peut aider à réduire le cortisol, l’hormone du stress.
Vershinin89/Shutterstock

Quand l’ocytocine circule-t-elle entre les chats et les humains ?

Les chercheurs commencent à identifier les moments précis qui déclenchent cette hormone de l’attachement dans la relation humain-chat. Le contact physique doux semble être le facteur principal.

Une étude publiée en février 2025 montre que lorsque les propriétaires caressent, câlinent ou bercent leurs chats de manière détendue, leur taux d’ocytocine a tendance à augmenter, tout comme celui des félins, à condition cependant que l’interaction ne soit pas forcée.

Les chercheurs ont surveillé le taux d’ocytocine chez les chats pendant 15 minutes de jeu et de câlins à la maison avec leur propriétaire. Quand les chats étaient à l’initiative du contact, par exemple en s’asseyant sur les genoux ou en donnant des petits coups de tête, ils présentaient une hausse significative d’ocytocine. Plus ils passaient de temps auprès de leur humain, plus l’augmentation était marquée.

Qu’en est-il des félins moins câlins ? La même étude a noté des schémas différents chez les chats ayant des styles d’attachement plus anxieux ou distants. Les chats dits « évitants », qui gardent leurs distances, ne présentaient aucun changement significatif de leur taux d’ocytocine, tandis que les chats anxieux (toujours en quête de leur maître, mais vite submergé) avaient un taux d’ocytocine élevé dès le départ.

Chez ces derniers, comme chez les chats évitants, les câlins imposés faisaient baisser le niveau d’ocytocine. Autrement dit : quand l’interaction respecte le rythme du chat, le lien s’approfondit ; quand elle est forcée, l’hormone de l’attachement diminue.

Les humains pourraient en tirer une leçon : la clé pour créer un lien fort avec un chat est de comprendre son mode de communication.

Contrairement aux chiens, les chats ne s’appuient pas sur un contact visuel prolongé pour créer des liens. Ils utilisent des signaux plus subtils, comme le clignement lent des yeux — un « sourire félin » qui exprime sécurité et confiance.

Le ronronnement joue aussi un rôle central. Son grondement grave est associé non seulement à l’autoguérison chez le chat, mais aussi à des effets apaisants chez les humains. L’écouter peut réduire la fréquence cardiaque et la tension artérielle et l’ocytocine contribue à ces bienfaits.

Ainsi, la compagnie d’un chat — renforcée par toutes ces petites poussées d’ocytocine issues des interactions — peut agir comme un véritable bouclier contre le stress, l’anxiété et parfois même la dépression, offrant un réconfort proche dans certains cas de celui d’un soutien humain.

Les chats sont-ils moins affectueux que les chiens ?

Les études montrent en effet que l’ocytocine est généralement plus fortement libérée dans les interactions homme-chien. Dans une expérience célèbre menée en 2016, des scientifiques ont mesuré l’ocytocine chez des animaux de compagnie et leurs propriétaires avant et après dix minutes de jeu. Les chiens ont montré une augmentation moyenne de 57 % après avoir joué, contre environ 12 % chez les chats.

Chez l’humain aussi, l’ocytocine grimpe davantage quand les interactions sociales sont fortes. Des études montrent que le contact avec un être cher produit des réponses plus fortes en ocytocine que le contact avec des étrangers. Cela explique pourquoi l’accueil enthousiaste d’un chien peut ressembler à l’émotion ressentie face à un enfant ou un partenaire.

Les chiens, animaux de meute domestiqués pour vivre aux côtés des humains, sont quasiment programmés pour rechercher le contact visuel avec nous, nos caresses et notre approbation — autant de comportements qui stimulent l’ocytocine des deux côtés. Les chats, eux, descendent de chasseurs solitaires et n’ont pas développé les mêmes signaux sociaux démonstratifs. Ils libèrent donc de l’ocytocine plus rarement, souvent seulement quand ils se sentent en sécurité.

La confiance d’un chat ne s’acquiert pas automatiquement, elle se mérite. Mais une fois acquise, elle est renforcée par la même molécule qui unit parents, partenaires et amis humains.

Ainsi, la prochaine fois que votre chat clignera doucement des yeux depuis le canapé ou se pelotera en ronronnant sur vos genoux, souvenez-vous : il ne se passe pas seulement quelque chose de tendre. Dans vos deux cerveaux, l’ocytocine circule, renforçant la confiance et apaisant le stress. Les chats, à leur manière, ont trouvé comment activer en nous la chimie de l’amour.

The Conversation

Laura Elin Pigott ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Ce qu’avoir un chat fait à votre cerveau (et au sien) – https://theconversation.com/ce-quavoir-un-chat-fait-a-votre-cerveau-et-au-sien-265594

Pourquoi la situation politique rend les Français malheureux

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Mickaël Mangot, Docteur en économie, enseignant, spécialiste d’économie comportementale et d’économie du bonheur, ESSEC

Avec déjà cinq gouvernements depuis le début du second mandat d’Emmanuel Macron, la France est rattrapée par l’instabilité politique. Est-ce de nature à rendre les Français malheureux ? ou le bonheur est-il seulement une affaire privée, imperméable aux évolutions du monde en général, et aux tribulations de la vie démocratique en particulier ?


Si les sciences du bonheur s’intéressent avant tout aux ressorts individuels du bonheur – comme la santé, les revenus, les relations sociales ou les croyances religieuses –, elles regardent également, et de plus en plus, si l’environnement commun joue un rôle significatif. La situation politique et les institutions sont particulièrement scrutées. Et les résultats très instructifs.

Sensibilité à la politique

Premier enseignement : les citoyens ne sont pas insensibles à l’actualité politique.

Son exposition par les médias est documentée comme ayant, en général, un effet négatif sur la balance émotionnelle, en augmentant la proportion d’émotions négatives ressenties durant une journée. Le « spectacle démocratique » n’est apparemment pas le meilleur des divertissements.

Le seul fait de penser à la vie politique dégrade l’évaluation que l’on fait de sa propre vie. L’institut de sondage Gallup a remarqué que lorsqu’il posait des questions sur la satisfaction de la vie politique, juste avant de poser la question sur la satisfaction de la vie (de l’individu), les sondés se disaient beaucoup moins satisfaits de leurs vies. L’effet est ressenti massivement : -0,67 sur une échelle de 0 à 10, soit l’équivalent de l’effet du chômage…

Au bruit de fond négatif s’ajoute l’effet des élections sur le moral des électeurs. Le verdict des urnes contribue positivement au bonheur des électeurs – précisément le bien-être émotionnel et la satisfaction de la vie – du camp vainqueur et inversement pour le camp défait. Cet effet est très similaire à ce qui est observé lors des compétitions sportives. Même les élections étrangères peuvent influencer le bonheur. L’élection de Donald Trump en novembre 2024 a entraîné une baisse significative du bonheur à travers l’Europe, selon une étude de la Stockholm School of Economics.

Implication politique

Deuxième enseignement : être impliqué politiquement n’est pas la voie royale vers le bonheur.

À la différence du bénévolat dans les associations (apolitiques), le militantisme politique n’augmente pas systématiquement le bonheur. Les études n’aboutissent pas à un effet consensuel : le militantisme peut aider au bonheur individuel, comme y nuire.

Les effets positifs apparaissent surtout quand l’action politique est porteuse de sens et permet d’affirmer l’identité de la personne. Les effets négatifs prédominent quand l’action est conflictuelle ou conduit à un isolement social.

Qualité des décisions publiques

Troisième enseignement : la qualité de la gouvernance politique est cruciale pour le bonheur individuel.

Les indices composites de qualité de la gouvernance qui agrègent les six dimensions répertoriées par la Banque mondiale – voix et responsabilité, stabilité politique et absence de violence/terrorisme, efficacité du gouvernement, qualité de la réglementation, État de droit et contrôle de la corruption – sont positivement corrélés aux niveaux de bonheur au plan national.

La qualité des décisions publiques semble l’emporter sur la qualité du processus démocratique. Précisément, c’est lorsque les décisions publiques ont atteint une qualité suffisante que le processus démocratique apporte un plus en permettant aux individus de s’exprimer et de ressentir une sensation de contrôle (collectif) sur les événements. Le bonus démocratique est plus significatif dans les pays riches que dans les pays en développement, en miroir d’aspirations à l’expression individuelle supérieures dans ces pays.

Bonus démocratique

Quatrième enseignement : les régimes autoritaires affichent en général un niveau de bonheur inférieur à celui des démocraties, mais l’effet dépend de la confiance dans le gouvernement. Quand la confiance – laquelle est liée, entre autres, à la qualité des politiques mises en place – est très élevée (ou très faible), on n’observe pas de différence notable entre les différents types de régimes. Le bonheur est alors élevé (ou faible), quel que soit le régime.

C’est seulement lorsque la confiance est intermédiaire que le bonus démocratique se fait sentir.

De même, le bonus démocratique disparaît lorsque les sentiments antidémocratiques ou illibéraux augmentent.

Ce qui est le cas actuellement en France. Le baromètre de la confiance politique du Cevipof a mis en évidence une montée de l’attrait pour un pouvoir plus autoritaire :

  • 48 % des Français estiment que « rien n’avance en démocratie, il faudrait moins de démocratie et plus d’efficacité » ;

  • 41 % approuvent l’idée d’un « homme fort qui n’a pas besoin des élections ou du Parlement », un score au plus haut depuis 2017 ;

  • 73 % souhaitent « un vrai chef en France pour remettre de l’ordre », contre 60 % en Allemagne et en Italie.




À lire aussi :
Mesurer le bonheur pour mieux penser l’avenir : l’initiative du Bonheur Réunionnais Brut


Bonheur des contre-pouvoirs

Rien n’indique que l’efficacité politique soit la norme parmi les régimes autoritaires. Si l’on prend l’exemple de la croissance économique, les travaux des Prix Nobel d’économie 2024 Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson et James Robinson montrent au contraire un avantage de croissance pour les démocraties. Au-delà d’une croissance moyenne supérieure, la variabilité de la croissance est également réduite chez les démocraties grâce à de meilleures institutions et à des contre-pouvoirs qui encadrent les décisions politiques.

Tous ces résultats montrent qu’il est difficile de s’affranchir du climat politique, aussi anxiogène et décevant soit-il. Ce que rappelait déjà le comte de Montalembert dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle :

« Vous avez beau ne pas vous occuper de politique, la politique s’occupe de vous tout de même. »

The Conversation

Mickaël Mangot ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Pourquoi la situation politique rend les Français malheureux – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-la-situation-politique-rend-les-francais-malheureux-261329