Uganda’s autocratic political system is failing its people – and threatens the region

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Evelyn Namakula Mayanja, Assistant Professor, Interdisciplinary Studies, Carleton University

When he was first sworn in as Uganda’s president in 1986, Yoweri Museveni declared that his victory represented a “fundamental change”. He promised that Ugandans would no longer die at the hands of fellow citizens. He also criticised African leaders who sought international prestige while their people lacked food, healthcare and dignity.

In his books Sowing the Mustard Seed (published in 1997) and What Is Africa’s Problem? (2000), Museveni condemned leaders who overstayed in power.

Now nearly four decades into his rule, Uganda’s promised democratic renewal has been replaced by increasingly autocratic governance. Once the liberator, Museveni has become the strongman, overseeing a deeply repressive system. Political opposition, civil society and ordinary citizens have faced growing human rights violations, violence and intimidation. This is particularly targeted at young people and political dissidents.

In the run-up to Uganda’s 2026 elections, political repression has intensified. Young people, under the leadership of opposition figure Robert Kyagulanyi (popularly known as Bobi Wine), are at the centre of a growing struggle for freedom and democracy. And they are increasingly the targets of state violence.

I teach and research political repression and human rights. My work emphasises the importance of strengthening ethical and democratic leadership and governance. This enables sustainable peace, justice, development and human security to take root.

I have also argued that young people around the world can help save democracy – if they are supported. This is particularly the case in Uganda, which has one of the youngest populations in the world.

This support should come from the African Union (AU) in the first instance. Its peace and security council should make it clear to Museveni that he has obligations to respect people’s rights and freedoms. There is also a need for a standby military force from the AU and/or the UN to protect Ugandans against bloodshed.

The international community can also play a role by ending its supply of weapons and ensuring the implementation of international laws. This includes a commitment to arrest and prosecute those who commit crimes against humanity.

It is also urgent that Bobi Wine be granted special protection during and after the elections. The opposition leader has warned that the regime has plans to assassinate him.

What’s ailing Uganda

Museveni’s Uganda is marked by five key characteristics.

Firstly, authoritarianism and institutional control. To entrench his power, Museveni has rigged votes in every political election.

Authoritarianism is reinforced by personal and family control of institutions, particularly the military, police, the judiciary, the legislature and the electoral commission. The president’s son Muhoozi Kainerugaba is Uganda’s chief of defence forces. Museveni’s wife Janet is the minister of education and a member of parliament. All institutions are headed and monopolised by people from the president’s ethnic group.

Secondly, corruption. Uganda is estimated to lose more than Sh10 trillion (US$2.8 billion) to corruption annually. Senior officials have amassed wealth through corruption.

Museveni’s recent political messaging has centred on protecting the gains of those in power. The president has referred to a national resource like oil, estimated at 6.65 billion barrels, as his.

For their part, the UK and US governments have sanctioned Ugandan officials for corruption.

Third, poverty. As of June 2025, Uganda ranked 157th out of 193 countries on a UN global development index. This index measures standards of living. Children still study under trees and hospitals are dilapidated. According to the World Bank, nearly 60% of the population lives on less than US$3 a day.

Fourth, human rights abuses, with perpetrators going unpunished. Supporters of Bobi Wine have faced beatings, torture, arrests, disappearances, military trials and extrajudicial killings. In 2020, security forces killed dozens of opposition supporters. Bobi Wine himself has survived several assassination attempts. His campaigns are frequently blocked. He has been pepper-sprayed, tear-gassed and denied accommodation.

Lastly, digital repression. The government has suspended internet access, and blocked platforms to prevent citizens from sharing evidence of state violence. This digital clampdown is a central tool of political control.

Opposition remains defiant

Despite repression, Bobi Wine, aged 43, has vowed to proceed with his campaign to unseat Museveni, 81. The opposition leader presents his movement as a fight to restore democracy, constitutionalism and civilian rule.

His political programme focuses on ending corruption and youth employment, healing national divisions, and improving access to public services. His manifesto talks about creating jobs, strengthening education, and restoring respect for human rights and the rule of law.

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

Why Uganda’s future matters

Reversing authoritarianism is essential if Uganda’s going to deal with its myriad social and political ills.

The biggest immediate threat is a real risk of mass violence. The president’s son, who is also the military chief, has publicly threatened Bobi Wine. The opposition leader has warned of reports suggesting preparations for mass killings.

A reversal of the current state of affairs would contribute to peace and stability in Uganda, and across the Great Lakes region, one of Africa’s most conflict-affected zones. All six of Uganda’s neighbours (Burundi, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya) face instability of one form or another.

The region has experienced cycles of violence dating back to the 1980s. Museveni’s bush war (1980-1986) was followed by the 1994 Rwanda genocide. In 1996, Uganda and Rwanda invaded the DR Congo, triggering a wave of violence that persists to date. The violence is heightened by Museveni’s militarisation of the DRC and Kagame’s support for militias in the country, including the March 23 Movement (M23).

In addition, some neighbouring countries are experiencing increased internal political tension. For example Tanzania, long seen as relatively peaceful, has experienced lethal crackdowns against political opponents and protesters.

For its part, Kenya’s young people’s protests against government corruption and police brutality have been met with violence and abductions.

In Uganda itself, ethnic and regional tensions are rising. Museveni has said every soldier will have 120 bullets to silence protesters in the January 2026 election. Civilians have previously been kidnapped, tortured, disappeared and killed.

What’s needed

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

In Burkina Faso, the people rallied in support of President Ibrahim Traore’s emancipatory leadership. In Kenya, young people have not stopped demanding democratic rule and accountable leadership.

For the wider international community, supporting democratic transitions is not only a moral responsibility. It is also central to long-term peace, security, development and reducing forced migration.

History shows that early international action can prevent atrocities – and its absence can enable catastrophe.

The Conversation

Evelyn Namakula Mayanja does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Uganda’s autocratic political system is failing its people – and threatens the region – https://theconversation.com/ugandas-autocratic-political-system-is-failing-its-people-and-threatens-the-region-273404

Nigeria’s 2027 election can set a model for disability inclusion. Here’s how

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Temitayo Isaac Odeyemi, Research fellow, International Development Department, University of Birmingham

Nigeria has built an impressive legal framework for disability rights. The challenge now is turning these commitments into consistent, lived realities for voters with disabilities. With elections in 2027, the country has an opportunity to show others what full electoral inclusion looks like.

Across Africa, citizens with disabilities continue to face barriers to voting, from high staircases and narrow doorways to uninformed officials and ballot papers they cannot read. Yet democratic participation is not a privilege. It is a right guaranteed under Article 29 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

Nigeria, Africa’s largest democracy, has taken bold steps to protect that right. This includes its Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act 2018.

Our research examined the experiences of people with disabilities during the 2019 elections. We found that challenges of braille ballot papers, transport restrictions and stigmatisation adversely affected their voting participation.

Since that election the government has enacted the Electoral Act 2022. This establishes some of the continent’s strongest guarantees for equal political participation.

Our follow-up research, which examined Nigeria’s 2023 elections, shows that new legal and institutional frameworks improved disability accessibility and participation. Gaps in implementation, staff training and polling-unit accessibility persist, however. The study outlines some ways to fill those gaps.

Put together, our research shows that Nigeria’s problem is not the absence of policy but the gap between commitment and execution. Laws must be translated into daily practice.

With credible data, structured training and genuine collaboration between the Independent National Electoral Commission and key actors, Nigeria can transform the 2027 elections for disabled people.

This article offers recommendations for enhanced inclusion of disabled people and for closing the disability gap in future elections.

What our research shows

Our research found both progress and gaps.

Since 2018, the Independent National Electoral Commission has become more proactive. It created a Framework on Access and Participation for Persons with Disabilities, produced braille ballot guides, provided magnifying lenses and sign-language materials, and worked closely with disability organisations such as the Joint National Association of Persons with Disabilities.

Field interviews and focus-group discussions confirmed that assistive devices reached more polling units and that voters with disabilities were often given priority in queues.

Our follow-up research on the 2023 elections shows further improvement. The electoral commission’s engagement with disability groups became more systematic, priority voting was more consistently applied, and assistive tools were distributed more widely than in 2019. These changes helped more disabled voters participate.

Yet inclusion remains uneven. Our research shows that many polling units in both the 2019 and 2023 elections were inaccessible to wheelchair users. Some officials did not understand how to deploy assistive tools. Blind voters frequently reported receiving braille guides without prior orientation. And, most critically, the commission still does not maintain a reliable database of where voters with disabilities live. So materials are mis-allocated, and needs go unmet.

How other African democracies compare

Nigeria’s experience mirrors a broader continental challenge.

South Africa has gone furthest in implementing inclusive voting. The Independent Electoral Commission uses a universal ballot template that enables blind and low-vision voters to cast a secret ballot. It also allows advance voting for people with mobility impairments.

But challenges were still evident. These included getting information, staff training, physical access to polling stations, privacy, and availability of the ballot template.

Ghana follows closely. The Electoral Commission and partners such as Sightsavers and the Ghana Federation of Disability Organisations have institutionalised the Tactile Ballot Jacket, which embeds accessible voting into routine electoral administration rather than treating it as an ad-hoc arrangement.

They have also trained thousands of visually impaired voters and polling officials. Observation reports from the 2020 and 2024 elections found most centres accessible and procedures orderly.

Limitations were also reported, from polling station access to voter education and training of election officials.

Kenya has strong constitutional and legal frameworks but inconsistent delivery. Accessibility remains concentrated in urban areas, and data relating to disability is scarce.

Compared with these countries, Nigeria ranks high on legal ambition but low on operational consistency. The lesson from South Africa and Ghana is clear: sustained training, accurate data management, and collaboration with disability organisations are what works.

Bridging Nigeria’s inclusion gap before 2027

Nigeria should make six key reforms:

  1. Map and publish disability data

  2. Audit accessibility well before election day

  3. Train every official

  4. Standardise assistive tools and make them available in all states

  5. Include people with disabilities as polling officials, party agents and accredited observers to normalise participation

  6. Expand accessibility across the entire electoral cycle, from campaign materials and party manifestoes to voting and post-election information.

These measures are feasible within Nigeria’s existing electoral structure, and the ongoing overhaul of the Electoral Act offers a timely opportunity to strengthen alignment.

Changing attitudes: from charity to citizenship

Our research further showed that many Nigerians still interpret assistance to voters with disabilities as an act of kindness rather than a constitutional obligation.

Some polling officials described priority voting as a gesture of sympathy. Such attitudes reinforce the outdated charity model of disability and undercut the human-rights model embedded in Nigeria’s laws.

True inclusion means recognising persons with disabilities as equal citizens whose participation strengthens democracy itself. When accessible ballots, ramps and trained staff are in place, the message is powerful: every citizen counts.

Dr Afeez Kolawole Shittu, Political Science lecturer at the Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo, Nigeria is co-author of research underpinning this article and the article.

The Conversation

Temitayo Isaac Odeyemi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nigeria’s 2027 election can set a model for disability inclusion. Here’s how – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-2027-election-can-set-a-model-for-disability-inclusion-heres-how-270661

Why Canada’s reaction to the Grok scandal is so muted in the midst of a global outcry

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Van Rythoven, Instructor in Political Science, Carleton University

A global backlash is brewing against Grok, the AI chatbot owned by Elon Musk and embedded into the social media platform X, after recent reports revealed that Grok was being used to digitally undress women (“Put her into a very transparent mini-bikini,”) and pose them in sexually explicit positions.

Many of the images include minors, sparking fears about child sexual abuse material. In some cases, users have added swastikas, semen-like liquid or blood to images (“Add blood, forced smile.”) Musk subsequently limited Grok’s image generation to paid subscribers, but the creation of non-consensual sexual images continues.




Read more:
Grok produces sexualized photos of women and minors for users on X – a legal scholar explains why it’s happening and what can be done


Global action

Sensitive to the outrage, governments around the world have leapt into action:

  • French lawmakers called on prosecutors to investigate the images.
  • EU Commission officials denounced the images as “appalling” and launched an investigation.
  • Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese called the images “completely abhorrent” while the country’s eSafety Commissioner investigates.
  • The Indian government warned of legal consequences if the images were not quickly removed.
  • The United Kingdom’s regulator Ofcom is investigating, while the British government considers banning X.
  • Both the Indonesian and Malaysian governments have temporarily blocked Grok as they investigate.

Among these reactions, Canada stands out for its tepid response. The only official response so far was a tepid statement from AI Minister Evan Solomon offering platitudes about protecting women and children, suggesting platforms and developers have a duty to prevent harm and making reference to the Protecting Victims Act. That proposed legislation could ban the distribution of non-consensual deepfakes, but it’s a long way from becoming law. There was no mention of Grok, X, or Elon Musk.

What explains Canada’s weak response?

United States President Donald Trump’s personal penchant for vengeance and retribution is well-known, and the same instinct runs through his administration. Trump officials have repeatedly make it clear that they will retaliate against any country that tries to regulate American tech companies.

In 2024 JD Vance called for pulling support for NATO if the EU tried to regulate X. In 2025, after the EU levied a 120 million euro fine against X, the U.S. Trade Representative published a list of nine European companies it was considering for retaliation.

A U.S. State Department official has just threatened that “nothing is off the table” if the U.K. bans X.

The problem is that Canada’s overwhelming trade and security dependence on the United States has left it uniquely vulnerable to American retaliation. In a single hastily written tweet, Trump could call for new tariffs (of dubious legality), create new barriers at the border or simply threaten Canada in ways that roil markets. This means Canadian officials are constantly walking on eggshells around the Trump administration out of fear of retaliation.

Canadian officials still value X

It was not lost on observers that Solomon’s response to the sexual images controversy on X was to write a post about it … on X. Even after the platform’s controversial transformation under Musk, it still remains the favoured communications tool of the Canadian government, and it is widely used by political elites.

Canadian politicians, in particular, use social media to broadcast party messages, set the agenda for journalists, participate in partisan debates and engage in personal and visual storytelling. And while some have spoken out against staying on X, most have opted to remain.

This puts Canadian officials in a bind. They could easily distance themselves from the platform by condemning X and its transformation into a global hub for illicit sexual images. But without any further action, these condemnations risk sounding insincere. Leaving the platform, however, would mean giving up what many see as a valuable tool.

Potential rift

It’s not just the Liberal government that has been slow to respond. In theory, the Conservative opposition should have an easy target in the Grok controversy.

Conservatives have spent years fashioning themselves as the champions of victims’ rights, and Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner tabled a private members bill in 2025 that would update “existing laws that prevent the non-consensual distribution of intimate images to include deep nudes.”

In practice, however, the situation is more complicated. When Musk purchased Twitter, he remade it into a bastion of Conservative and far-right politics. X became a critical space for Conservatives to build an audience, share ideas and exercise influence.

It’s no surprise that Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre is the most followed Canadian politician on the platform, and that Conservatives have been slow to migrate to other platforms.

The danger for Conservatives is that any critique of Musk risks opening a rift among supporters. Musk has a loyal coterie of conservative supporters and influencers — many of whom owe their livelihood and loyalty to Musk. This group may not take kindly to criticism of their exalted entrepreneur.

More pragmatically, a Conservative party that is struggling to staunch defections may not be well-placed to pick a fight with the world’s richest man who has more than 200 million followers.

Sitting on our hands?

There are compelling reasons, then, for why Canada has been slow to act amid the global backlash to Grok. But are these good reasons? No.

Canadian officials are likely overestimating the Trump administration’s ability to retaliate on Grok. If the administration wants to retaliate and engage in a de facto defence of non-consensual sexual images and child sexual abuse material, the best response is to let them.

Make them wear it. Let the administration burn its rapidly diminishing political capital by embracing a politically radioactive position.

Canadian officials are also probably overestimating the value of staying on X. The number of Canadian users is declining, the algorithm is geared to amplifying far-right voices and the platform’s growing reputation for white nationalist content and non-consensual sexual images make the decision to exit clearer than ever.

Finally, Canadian Conservatives need to start thinking about how their proximity to Musk risks damaging their brand. Staying silent on Grok’s abuses may placate a small group of Musk supporters in the party, but it risks alienating a much larger pool of voters who see these images as vile. For Conservatives, the time has come to consider whether Musk may be a millstone around their neck.

The Conversation

Eric Van Rythoven does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Canada’s reaction to the Grok scandal is so muted in the midst of a global outcry – https://theconversation.com/why-canadas-reaction-to-the-grok-scandal-is-so-muted-in-the-midst-of-a-global-outcry-273201

Faut-il arrêter de croire en la culture pour la sauver ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Fabrice Raffin, Maître de Conférence à l’Université de Picardie Jules Verne et chercheur au laboratoire Habiter le Monde, Université de Picardie Jules Verne (UPJV)

La Comédie-Française, à Paris (I<sup>er</sup>arrondissement). Wikipédia, CC BY

Le secteur culturel se trouve aujourd’hui pris en étau. D’un côté, les attaques se multiplient : restrictions budgétaires, controverses autour d’un élitisme supposé, accusations de déconnexion ou de coût excessif. De l’autre, les acteurs du secteur, malgré leur engagement, peinent à regarder leur situation avec lucidité : une grande partie de la population demeure à distance de l’offre culturelle, tandis que beaucoup d’institutions continuent d’agir comme si leurs propositions s’adressaient « à tout le monde ».


Les difficultés que rencontre le milieu culturel sont parfois évoquées par les acteurs du secteur culturel, mais aussitôt amorties par des formules qui neutralisent leur portée. L’argument du manque de moyens est souvent présenté comme une explication suffisante, comme si l’énoncer résolvait le problème. L’échec de la démocratisation culturelle est constaté, mais compensé par des « j’ai envie d’y croire » ou « j’ai le droit d’être idéaliste ». Autant de manières de maintenir un récit devenu fragile. Dans ces moments, la croyance tient lieu d’analyse et empêche d’examiner les causes structurelles des tensions actuelles.

Or ces causes ne tiennent pas uniquement au contexte budgétaire ou politique. Elles sont aussi liées à la persistance de trois idées fausses qui continuent de structurer le secteur et d’orienter la manière dont la culture se raconte à elle-même, selon une croyance magico-lyrique, disait Jean Caune.

Une partie de la population n’aurait pas accès à la culture

Cette affirmation repose sur une définition restrictive, qui identifie la culture aux œuvres reconnues par l’histoire de l’art et par les institutions. Vu sous cet angle, une partie du public apparaît effectivement éloignée. Mais si l’on envisage la culture à partir des expériences esthétiques vécues que chacun d’entre nous peut vivre (même hors institution), le constat change. L’expérience du beau, de l’émotion existe partout, dans tous les milieux sociaux, mais elle s’appuie sur des pratiques et des sociabilités différentes. Les formes institutionnelles ne sont qu’une partie de ce paysage. Les pratiques culturelles de nombreux Français relèvent de moments festifs, de loisirs expressifs, de pratiques variées où l’artistique se mêle au plaisir et à la relation aux autres. On parle bien de culture néanmoins, parce que ces moments sont tous structurés autour d’une expérience esthétique qui mobilise des formes artistiques, même si elles ne correspondent pas aux canons de l’histoire de l’art. Dire que certains « n’ont pas accès » revient à confondre absence de fréquentation des institutions et absence de pratiques culturelles et à invisibiliser des pratiques bien réelles, mais non reconnues comme telles.

Il existe des œuvres universelles

Ce deuxième postulat, encore solidement ancré, suppose que certaines formes artistiques possèdent une valeur évidente pour tous. Il continue de guider de nombreuses programmations et une part majeure du financement public. Pourtant, dans la réalité, ces œuvres suscitent souvent indifférence, évitement, voire répulsion chez une large partie de la population. Non (seulement) parce que les publics seraient insuffisamment éduqués, mais parce que ces œuvres appartiennent à un univers symbolique particulier, façonné par des groupes sociaux précis – en premier lieu les professionnels de la culture identifiés aux classes supérieures.

Leur présentation comme « universelles » sert alors de justification à une hiérarchie esthétique qui ne dit pas son nom. Malgré des évolutions avec les droits culturels, elle permet de financer majoritairement des formes consacrées tout en reléguant au second plan les pratiques festives, vernaculaires, relationnelles ou populaires, pourtant largement partagées. L’erreur consiste à prendre un goût particulier – celui des élites culturelles – pour une norme collective, et à imposer cette norme au nom de l’intérêt général. Cette confusion empêche de reconnaître qu’il existe, dans la société, plusieurs régimes légitimes de culture. Certains, ceux des professionnels, reposent sur la contemplation artistique, d’autres sur l’hédonisme et le plaisir, d’autres encore sur l’intérêt relationnel et la dimension sociale de la pratique. Les traiter comme secondaires ou « non culturels » revient à nier la diversité des expériences esthétiques qui structurent aujourd’hui les usages culturels réels.




À lire aussi :
Dionysos vs Apollon : expériences esthétiques et milieux sociaux


La culture crée du lien social

Cette croyance est devenue un réflexe défensif : si la culture produit du lien, elle serait légitime par principe. Pourtant, la culture engage des identités, des manières de se situer, des frontières symboliques. Dire ce que l’on pratique ou ce que l’on apprécie revient à exprimer une appartenance, parfois une prise de distance. Une même pratique peut rapprocher certains individus et groupes sociaux et tenir d’autres à l’écart. Le lien qui en découle est donc variable, parfois fragile, parfois conflictuel, loin de l’image d’un ciment social universel. Ainsi, les formes culturelles qui véhiculent des messages politiques, comme certains textes de rap, ne créent par l’adhésion des personnes qui font l’objet de leurs critiques, voire de leurs invectives, par exemple envers les policiers. Le lien qui s’établit entre ces derniers et de jeunes chanteurs, certes social, est surtout conflictuel.

Cette croyance a un autre effet, plus discret : elle évite d’examiner ce que financent réellement les politiques publiques. L’argent public ne soutient pas toutes les pratiques culturelles, mais un ensemble restreint de formes considérées comme légitimes. Les pratiques festives, quotidiennes ou relationnelles, pourtant largement partagées, demeurent marginales dans les arbitrages. De même, sont exclues des financements des formes artistiques qui seraient trop politisées ou revendicatives. En découle également un formatage de l’offre artistique institutionnelle : en recherchant un lien consensuel, les productions deviennent policées, ni trop expérimentales, ni trop politiques, sans exubérance surtout. En invoquant un lien social supposé, on contourne la question essentielle : quelles cultures sont effectivement soutenues, avec quelles attentes ? Lesquelles restent en marge, et pour quels publics ?

L’ensemble de ces croyances rassurantes a longtemps protégé la politique culturelle de ses angles morts. Elles ne suffisent plus. La situation actuelle exige d’autres repères : reconnaître la diversité des pratiques, comme le font déjà certaines collectivités territoriales ; admettre les hiérarchies existantes ; assumer les choix que produit l’argent public. La culture n’a pas besoin de récits unifiants, mais d’un diagnostic lucide. C’est seulement en clarifiant ce qui est soutenu, pour quels motifs et au bénéfice de qui, que la politique culturelle pourra se réinventer et répondre aux attentes d’une société plus diverse qu’elle ne l’a jamais été.

The Conversation

Fabrice Raffin ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Faut-il arrêter de croire en la culture pour la sauver ? – https://theconversation.com/faut-il-arreter-de-croire-en-la-culture-pour-la-sauver-271793

Climate engineering would alter the oceans, reshaping marine life – our new study examines each method’s risks

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Kelsey Roberts, Post-Doctoral Scholar in Marine Ecology, Cornell University; UMass Dartmouth

Phytoplankton blooms, seen by satellite in the Baltic Sea, pull carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere. European Space Agency via Flickr, CC BY-SA

Climate change is already fueling dangerous heat waves, raising sea levels and transforming the oceans. Even if countries meet their pledges to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions that are driving climate change, global warming will exceed what many ecosystems can safely handle.

That reality has motivated scientists, governments and a growing number of startups to explore ways to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere or at least temporarily counter its effects.

But these climate interventions come with risks – especially for the ocean, the world’s largest carbon sink, where carbon is absorbed and stored, and the foundation of global food security.

Our team of researchers has spent decades studying the oceans and climate. In a new study, we analyzed how different types of climate interventions could affect marine ecosystems, for good or bad, and where more research is needed to understand the risks before anyone tries them on a large scale. We found that some strategies carry fewer risks than others, though none is free of consequences.

What climate interventions look like

Climate interventions fall into two broad categories that work very differently.

One is carbon dioxide removal, or CDR. It tackles the root cause of climate change by taking carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere.

The ocean already absorbs nearly one-third of human-caused carbon emissions annually and has an enormous capacity to hold more carbon. Marine carbon dioxide removal techniques aim to increase that natural uptake by altering the ocean’s biology or chemistry.

An illustration shows solar modification, ocean fertilization and other methods.
Some of the methods of climate interventions that affect the ocean, such as iron (Fe) fertilization.
Vanessa van Heerden/Louisiana Sea Grant

Biological carbon removal methods capture carbon through photosynthesis in plants or algae. Some methods, such as iron fertilization and seaweed cultivation, boost the growth of marine algae by giving them more nutrients. A fraction of the carbon they capture during growth can be stored in the ocean for hundreds of years, but much of it leaks back to the atmosphere once biomass decomposes.

Other methods involve growing plants on land and sinking them in deep, low-oxygen waters where decomposition is slower, delaying the release of the carbon they contain. This is known as anoxic storage of terrestrial biomass.

Another type of carbon dioxide removal doesn’t need biology to capture carbon. Ocean alkalinity enhancement chemically converts carbon dioxide in seawater into other forms of carbon, allowing the ocean to absorb more from the atmosphere. This works by adding large amounts of alkaline material, such as pulverized carbonate or silicate rocks like limestone or basalt, or electrochemically manufactured compounds like sodium hydroxide.

How ocean alkalinity enhancement methods works. CSIRO.

Solar radiation modification is another category entirely. It works like a sunshade – it doesn’t remove carbon dioxide, but it can reduce dangerous effects such as heat waves and coral bleaching by injecting tiny particles into the atmosphere that brighten clouds or directly reflect sunlight back to space, replicating the cooling seen after major volcanic eruptions. The appeal of solar radiation modification is speed: It could cool the planet within years, but it would only temporarily mask the effects of still-rising carbon dioxide concentrations.

These methods can also affect ocean life

We reviewed eight intervention types and assessed how each could affect marine ecosystems. We found that all of them had distinct potential benefits and risks.

One risk of pulling more carbon dioxide into the ocean is ocean acidification. When carbon dioxide dissolves in seawater, it forms acid. This process is already weakening the shells of oysters and harming corals and plankton that are crucial to the ocean food chain.

For images show a shell slowly dissolving over time.
How a shell placed in seawater with increased acidity slowly dissolves over 45 days.
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Pacific Marine Environmental Laboratory

Adding alkaline materials, such as pulverized carbonate or silicate rocks, could counteract the acidity of the additional carbon dioxide by converting it into less harmful forms of carbon.

Biological methods, by contrast, capture carbon in living biomass, such as plants and algae, but release it again as carbon dioxide when the biomass breaks down – meaning their effect on acidification depends on where the biomass grows and where it later decomposes.

Another concern with biological methods involves nutrients. All plants and algae need nutrients to grow, but the ocean is highly interconnected. Fertilizing the surface in one area may boost plant and algae productivity, but at the same time suffocate the waters beneath it or disrupt fisheries thousands of miles away by depleting nutrients that ocean currents would otherwise transport to productive fishing areas.

A glass beaker with cyanobacteria growing inside.
Cyanobacteria, or blue-green algae, can multiply rapidly when exposed to nutrient-rich water.
joydeep/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Ocean alkalinity enhancement doesn’t require adding nutrients, but some mineral forms of alkalinity, like basalts, introduce nutrients such as iron and silicate that can impact growth.

Solar radiation modification adds no nutrients but could shift circulation patterns that move nutrients around.

Shifts in acidification and nutrients will benefit some phytoplankton and disadvantage others. The resulting changes in the mix of phytoplankton matter: If different predators prefer different phytoplankton, the follow-on effects could travel all the way up the food chain, eventually impacting the fisheries millions of people rely on.

The least risky options for the ocean

Of all the methods we reviewed, we found that electrochemical ocean alkalinity enhancement had the lowest direct risk to the ocean, but it isn’t risk-free. Electrochemical methods use an electric current to separate salt water into an alkaline stream and an acidic stream. This generates a chemically simple form of alkalinity with limited effects on biology, but it also requires neutralizing or disposing of the acid safely.

Other relatively low-risk options include adding carbonate minerals to seawater, which would increase alkalinity with relatively few contaminants, and sinking land plants in deep, low-oxygen environments for long-term carbon storage.

Still, these approaches carry uncertainties and need further study.

Scientists typically use computer models to explore methods like these before testing them on a wide scale in the ocean, but the models are only as reliable as the data that grounds them. And many biological processes are still not well enough understood to be included in models.

For example, models don’t capture the effects of some trace metal contaminants in certain alkaline materials or how ecosystems may reorganize around new seaweed farm habitats. To accurately include effects like these in models, scientists first must study them in laboratories and sometimes small-scale field experiments.

Scientists examine how phytoplankton take up iron as they grow off Heard Island in the Southern Ocean. It’s normally a low-iron area, but volcanic eruptions may be providing an iron source. CSIRO.

A cautious, evidence-based path forward

Some scientists have argued that the risks of climate intervention are too great to even consider and all related research should stop because it is a dangerous distraction from the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

We disagree.

Commercialization is already underway. Marine carbon dioxide removal startups backed by investors are already selling carbon credits to companies such as Stripe and British Airways. Meanwhile, global emissions continue to rise, and many countries, including the U.S., are backing away from their emissions reduction pledges.

As the harms caused by climate change worsen, pressure may build for governments to deploy climate interventions quickly and without a clear understanding of risks. Scientists have an opportunity to study these ideas carefully now, before the planet reaches climate instabilities that could push society to embrace untested interventions. That window won’t stay open forever.

Given the stakes, we believe the world needs transparent research that can rule out harmful options, verify promising ones and stop if the impacts prove unacceptable. It is possible that no climate intervention will ever be safe enough to implement on a large scale. But we believe that decision should be guided by evidence – not market pressure, fear or ideology.

The Conversation

Through his role at Cornell University, Daniele Visioni receives funding from the Quadrature Climate Foundation and the Advanced Research + Invention Agency UK. Daniele Visioni is Head of Data for Reflective, a philanthropically-funded initiative focused on responsibly accelerating sunlight reflection research.

In addition to her primary role as UCSB faculty, Morgan Raven serves as the Chief Science Officer for, and holds minor equity in, a seed-funded startup company exploring applications of biomass-related CDR (Carboniferous). This work was supported by a grant from the Grantham Foundation for the Protection of the Environment to UCSB.

Through his role at the Univeristy of Tasmania, Tyler Rohr receives funding from the Australian government and Co-Labs ICONIQ Impact Co-Labs to research impacts and efficeincy of marine carbon dioxide removal.

Kelsey Roberts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Climate engineering would alter the oceans, reshaping marine life – our new study examines each method’s risks – https://theconversation.com/climate-engineering-would-alter-the-oceans-reshaping-marine-life-our-new-study-examines-each-methods-risks-270659

For some Jewish women, ‘passing’ as Christian during the Holocaust could mean survival – but left scars all the same

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Hana Green, Postdoctoral Fellow in Holocaust Studies, Zucker/Goldberg Center for Holocaust Studies, College of Charleston

A 1943 post office identification card for Annelies Herz, a German Jewish woman who managed to survive by posing as a Christian woman with the last name ‘Stein.’ From the Collection of the Museum of Jewish Heritage – A Living Memorial to the Holocaust. Gift of Annelies and Helmut Herz, 393.89.

Travel case in hand, dressed in fashionable clothing and wearing a practiced, coquettish smile, Hela Schüpper Rufeisen sat aboard the train to Warsaw, Poland. No one on board would have suspected that beneath the coat of the young woman were strapped assorted handguns and several cartridge clips.

Schüpper Rufeisen, who was Jewish, relied on this dissonance between appearance and reality to ferry items into, out of and between the Warsaw and Krakow ghettos. Her carefully cultivated “Aryan” image and false papers listing her as Catholic made it possible to cross borders and survive encounters that would otherwise have ended in death.

A black-and-white, close-up portrait of a girl with dark hair and a serious expression.
Hela Schüpper Rufeisen before the war.
Eli Dotan/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

During the Holocaust, trying to “pass” as non-Jewish was often more feasible for women than men. Some Jewish women, like Schüpper Rufeisen, took the risk in order to join resistance efforts against the Nazis and their collaborators. Most Jews who tried to pass, however, did so simply to remain alive in a system designed to murder them.

Passing took many forms. It enabled some women to transport weapons, papers or messages, while allowing others to work as domestic servants, move between cities, secure food or sleep safely for another night. What united these experiences was the pressure of living under constant threat. Blanca Rosenberg escaped the Kolomyja ghetto – then Polish, now part of Ukraine – in 1942. As she recalled afterward, “I tried to force myself into the mind of the woman I was to impersonate … I was now an Aryan, with a right to life, and no longer a Jewess, hunted like prey.”

Over years of research on Jews who evaded capture during the Holocaust, what struck me most was not the daring of these acts, but how often survivors described them as something done to get through the day alive. A central aim of my work has been to move beyond celebrated figures such as couriers and resistance agents – not to diminish their bravery, but to show how passing functioned as a strategy of survival within a system committed to Jewish annihilation.

Women’s roles

Under Nazism, “passing” meant assuming a non-Jewish identity and performing it convincingly in hostile public places, whereas going into hiding meant concealing one’s physical existence. This required constructing an entirely new self: adopting new names and speech patterns, demonstrating fluency in Christian rituals, and sustaining backstories capable of withstanding scrutiny.

Passing relied on constantly negotiating visibility and concealment, safety and exposure. The stakes were immense. Exposure often meant immediate death, and those who helped risked execution themselves.

Jewish men and women who passed navigated unique dangers. Yet women, often perceived as less of a threat, also had distinct possibilities.

A yellowed page of an official form written in German.
Duplicate copy of Christine Denner’s birth records issued in July 1942 and given to her Jewish friend Edith Hahn as false identification.
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Collections Photo Archive #23179. Courtesy of Edith Hahn. Copyright of United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

Their mobility was less strictly policed than men’s, and they could assume roles such as domestic workers or caretakers, providing credible explanations for their presence in public spaces. Women could adapt hairstyles, clothing and mannerisms to try to blend in. Men’s circumcisions, on the other hand, might expose them as Jewish, and in some circumstances, being a military-aged man out of uniform could arouse suspicion.

Testimonies from survivors show how many women relied on intuition and social awareness to navigate danger, crafting performances that balanced vulnerability and confidence. These were not advantages born of privilege, but survival strategies shaped by patriarchal and Nazi stereotypes, in which women’s perceived docility became a precarious form of cover.

The experience of Adina Blady-Szwajger reflects this precarious calculus. Traveling under a false Polish passport, the young physician moved between the Warsaw Ghetto and the so-called “Aryan side,” concealing ammunition beneath ordinary goods. When stopped by a gendarme on Żelazna Street, she opened her bag, revealing a heap of potatoes masking ammunition, smiled broadly, and waited. The patrolman glanced inside and ordered only “Los” – “Go.”

At the same time, Jewish women were doubly vulnerable. Living without legal protection, they faced heightened risks of sexual violence and coercion, as well as the potentially fatal consequences of pregnancy. Gender shaped not only how women passed, but the dangers they faced while doing so.

Emotional weight

Passing exacted a heavy psychological toll. Women lived with the constant fear that a single mistake could reveal their true identity. Rosenberg’s account of suppressing her sense of self after escaping the Kolomyja ghetto illustrates how passing fractured identity, producing a self that was at once protective and deeply alien.

Isolation compounded this strain. Cut off from family, unsure whom to trust, and burdened by guilt, many women endured emotional isolation that lingered long after liberation.

Ruth Ackerman, who survived the war by working for a German family under a false name, recalled scanning newly arrived American troops for a single “Jewish face.” The only member of her family to survive, Ackerman searched for other Jews, yearning for connection after years of concealment.

Edith Hahn-Beer, who lived in a displaced persons camp after the war, recalled feeling rejected by survivors who resented that she had emerged “intact,” without the physical suffering, imprisonment and degradation they themselves had endured. Using the false papers of a friend from Vienna, Hahn-Beer survived the war by living as an “Aryan” in Germany, marrying a Nazi officer – choices that complicated how other survivors saw her survival.

A black-and-white photo of a young woman in a coat and dark hat standing before a ramp leading up a building with a bell tower.
Leah Hammerstein Silverstein, born Lodzia Hamersztajn, poses in front of the Jasna Gora monastery in Czestochowa, Poland.
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Photo Archives #17907. Courtesy of Leah Hammerstein Silverstein. Copyright of United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

Lodzia Silverstein, a courier in Poland, described the postwar shift as “crawling out from the Polish skin and back into my Jewish skin.” This arduous psychological process was complicated by continued antisemitic violence, including the 1946 Kielce pogrom, a blood libel massacre that killed 42 Jews and wounded at least 50 others in the southeastern Polish town.

In some cases, Jews who passed for Christian retained their wartime identities for years, or even for the remainder of their lives, out of fear of continued persecution or a desire to move on.

Lasting lessons

As these women’s struggles show, passing was an ongoing negotiation of selfhood under extreme, and often violent, duress. For Jews who managed to pass, their deception was both a shield and a burden. Every gesture, word and detail of appearance carried the risk of exposure.

Their stories continue to resonate. People displaced by war, persecution or discrimination often alter aspects of their identities to remain safe. Belonging is rigorously policed – from immigration enforcement, racial discrimination and attacks on gender identity in the United States to ethnic violence across the globe. Whether through documents and checkpoints, or everyday scrutiny of language, dress, religion and appearance, people scrutinize each other, drawing lines around who belongs.

During the Holocaust, concealment was a condition of survival under persecution. Survivors’ testimony illuminates both the ingenuity required to endure such pressure and the emotional costs of erasing parts of oneself. In a moment of rising nationalism, antisemitism and mass displacement, their stories carry renewed urgency.

The Conversation

Hana Green has received research funding from the Central European History Society, the Leo Baeck Institute, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the German Historical Institute, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Mandel Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, and the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference).

ref. For some Jewish women, ‘passing’ as Christian during the Holocaust could mean survival – but left scars all the same – https://theconversation.com/for-some-jewish-women-passing-as-christian-during-the-holocaust-could-mean-survival-but-left-scars-all-the-same-268745

Building ‘beloved community’: Remembering the friendship between Martin Luther King Jr. and Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jeremy David Engels, Liberal Arts Endowed Professor of Communication, Penn State

The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., left, appears at a Chicago news conference with Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh on May 31, 1966. AP Photo/Edward Kitch, File

Before Martin Luther King Jr. was killed, he asked several of his friends to continue his life’s work building what he called “beloved community.” One of the people he invited was the Vietnamese Zen Buddhist monk, poet and mindfulness teacher Thich Nhat Hanh.

My new book, “On Mindful Democracy: A Declaration of Interdependence to Mend a Fractured World,” is inspired by King and Hanh’s friendship. These two men bonded over the shared insight that how we show up for each other matters, as does how we advocate for social change. In his sermon “Loving Your Enemies” King announced, “Hate cannot drive out hate, only love can do that.” Hanh taught: There is no way to peace, peace is the way.“

At the heart of beloved community is true democracy. To be agents of change who do not add to the suffering of the world, people must learn to become more loving and peaceful people.

‘The real enemies of man’

Hanh was born in 1926 in central Vietnam. As a young Buddhist monk living in a nation confronted by colonialism, conflict and war, he developed the doctrine of ”engaged Buddhism,“ premised on the belief that working to relieve suffering in the world is enlightenment.

During the mid-1960s, amid the Vietnam War – Vietnamese call it the “American War” – Hanh founded the School of Youth for Social Services to practice engaged Buddhism and help those affected by the bombs raining down on their homes.

On June 1, 1965, Hanh wrote a letter to King to raise awareness of the suffering of the Vietnamese people. He also hoped to correct some common misconceptions about Buddhism.

His overarching point was that Buddhists in Vietnam did not hate Americans. In fact, they did not hate anyone. Their goal was simply to bring an end to war – and an end to the delusions that led to war. “Their enemies are not man. They are intolerance, fanaticism, dictatorship, cupidity, hatred and discrimination which lie within the heart of man,” he wrote. “These are the real enemies of man – not man himself.”

Hanh refused to take a side during the war. He stood for peace. His peace activism earned him a 39-year banishment from his homeland.

Continuing King’s dream

Marc Andrus, author of the 2021 book “Brothers in the Beloved Community,” notes that King and Hanh met in person twice: once in Chicago, on May 31, 1966, and a second time in May 1967, at the World Council of Churches Peace on Earth Conference in Geneva, Switzerland. In Geneva, King shared his understanding of the beloved community with Hanh, inviting him to participate in its construction.

In between these two meetings, King nominated Hanh for the 1967 Nobel Peace Prize, writing in his nomination letter, “I know Thich Nhat Hanh, and am privileged to call him my friend.” No award was given that year, however, perhaps to protest King’s choice to make his nomination letter public. Nominations were typically private, but King used his to call out the injustice of the Vietnam War.

Hanh was crushed when he learned of King’s death in 1968. “I was in New York when I heard the news of his assassination; I was devastated. I could not eat; I could not sleep,” he later recalled. “I made a deep vow to continue building what he called ‘the beloved community’ not only for myself but for him also. I have done what I promised Martin Luther King Jr. And I think that I have always felt his support.”

Building ‘beloved community’

In the years after King’s murder, part of Hanh’s life work was devoted to fulfilling King’s dream and building the “beloved community.”

Beloved community is not an abstraction. It is a loose-knit global community composed of a multitude of smaller, local communities committed to practicing peace, nonviolence, freedom, love and justice. Emerging from King’s activism and Hanh’s engaged Buddhism, these communities are also committed to social change.

In 1982, Hanh and his student Sister Chan Khong established the Plum Village monastery in southern France. In the years since, the Plum Village community has founded dozens of monasteries around the world, including three in the United States: Blue Cliff in upstate New York, Deer Park outside San Diego, and Magnolia Grove in Mississippi.

Hanh’s lay students have established thousands of smaller Plum Village sanghas – communities – in North America and Europe. These monasteries and sanghas serve as practice centers where people learn to embody the ideals of beloved community in their mindfulness practice and daily lives.

A monk’s gravestone rests in the foreground, with a towering statue of the Buddha behind it.
Thich Nhat Hanh’s gravesite outside Hue, Vietnam.
Jeremy Engels, CC BY

Since the time of the Buddha, people committed to the path of mindfulness have agreed to live by a number of “precepts.” These precepts, typically numbering five, provide a moral foundation for action. Hundreds of thousands of people attending Plum Village retreats have agreed to live by the updated, secular version of the precepts that Hanh and his community wrote called the Five Mindfulness Trainings. These include: reverence for life, true happiness, true love, loving speech and deep listening, and nourishment and healing.

The Five Mindfulness Trainings are written to provide people with a practical path to building a shared life based in love, compassion, joy and peace: the type of life that both King and Hanh envisioned for all.

As Hanh told the global Plum Village community in a 2020 letter titled Climbing Together the Hill of the Century: “We have continued that aspiration of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and every day, our practice is to generate brotherhood and sisterhood, to cultivate joy and the capacity to help people. This is a concrete way to realize and continue that dream.”

On MLK Day, their friendship and writings are a reminder that democracy rests on the ability of citizens to be present for each other, to recognize their interconnectedness, to embody loving kindness and to disagree without resorting to violence.

The Conversation

Jeremy David Engels does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Building ‘beloved community’: Remembering the friendship between Martin Luther King Jr. and Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh – https://theconversation.com/building-beloved-community-remembering-the-friendship-between-martin-luther-king-jr-and-buddhist-monk-thich-nhat-hanh-272062

En Inde, les chiens des rues fouillent de moins en moins les poubelles, et c’est dangereux pour les citadins

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Nishant Kumar, India Alliance Fellow, National Centre for Biological Science, Bangalore & Department of Biology, University of Oxford

Des chiffres vieux de dix ans évoquent une population de 60 millions de chiens des rues en Inde, bien trop pour les rassembler dans des foyers. Dasarath Deka/Shutterstock

On compte plus de 60 millions de chiens errants en Inde. Depuis le déclin des vautours à la fin des années 1990, l’apparition de nouvelles sources de nourriture issues des déchets leur permet d’accéder aux déjections des abattoirs, au nourrissage spontané et aux carcasses abandonnées (la disparition des vautours a entraîné l’absence de régulation des populations de charognards, comme les chiens et les rats). Le comportement de ces animaux opportunistes a évolué, révélant l’interdépendance complexe entre chaîne alimentaire, pratiques humaines et santé publique.


Quand j’étais enfant, dans l’Inde rurale, ma grand-mère donnait chaque après-midi au chien du village un demi-chapati et un bol de lait, manifestement insuffisants pour couvrir ses besoins. Le chien survivait en fouillant les environs et en récupérant de la nourriture auprès des maisons voisines. Des années plus tard, à Delhi, j’ai croisé des chiens errants refusant des biscuits tant ils recevaient de nourriture de la part des habitants du quartier, qui tous rivalisaient d’attention à leur égard.

En Inde, l’entrelacement de valeurs religieuses et culturelles a instauré une forte tolérance à l’égard des non-humains et de la faune sauvage, toutes classes sociales confondues. Une attitude ancrée dans des millénaires de coexistence. Les populations acceptent délibérément de s’exposer à des risques importants pour vivre avec les animaux. Mais cet équilibre se fragilise à mesure que les villes s’étendent et que les chiens deviennent plus territoriaux dans des espaces partagés toujours plus encombrés et jonchés de déchets.

L’Inde compte au moins 60 millions de chiens en liberté, selon un décompte vieux de plus de dix ans. Des enquêtes plus récentes en recensent environ 1 million rien qu’à Delhi. Dans le même temps, le pays concentre plus d’un tiers des décès dus à la rage dans le monde.

À la différence de la plupart des pays occidentaux, la culture et le droit indiens proscrivent l’abattage. Les chiens doivent être capturés, stérilisés, vaccinés puis – impérativement – réinstallés sur leur territoire initial. En pratique, ces règles sont fréquemment bafouées.

Tout change en août 2025. Après plusieurs attaques de chiens errants contre des enfants, la Cour suprême indienne ordonne brièvement la capture de tous les chiens des rues de Delhi et de sa région, avec leur placement en refuges ou en fourrières, promettant pour la première fois depuis des décennies des rues sans chiens.

La décision est inapplicable – il n’existe tout simplement pas de structures pour accueillir des millions d’animaux – et déclenche une vive réaction des associations de protection animale. Deux jours plus tard, la Cour fait machine arrière et rétablit la politique de stérilisation en vigueur.

Les décisions ultérieures ont resserré le périmètre d’application. En novembre 2025, la Cour a ordonné le retrait des chiens des écoles, des hôpitaux et des zones de transport public dans tout le pays, tout en imposant des restrictions à l’alimentation des chiens dans l’espace public et en encourageant la mise en place de clôtures pour les tenir à distance.

Plus récemment encore, le 7 janvier 2026, elle a demandé aux autorités de clôturer et de sécuriser l’ensemble des 1,5 million d’écoles et d’établissements d’enseignement supérieur de l’Inde contre les chiens, et ce, en seulement huit semaines. Mais, comme les précédentes injonctions, ce calendrier ambitieux fait abstraction des contraintes d’infrastructure et a peu de chances de réduire significativement la fréquence des morsures et des infections qui en découlent. La Cour entend actuellement les parties prenantes, cherchant une voie médiane entre le retrait à grande échelle des chiens et le respect du bien-être animal.

La nation est divisée. L’État semble incapable de tuer ces chiens, de les héberger dans des foyers ou de les contrôler. La question de leur devenir relève à la fois de la sécurité publique et de la protection animale, mais touche aussi à quelque chose de plus profond : le dernier chapitre de l’un des partenariats les plus remarquables de l’évolution.




À lire aussi :
« Permis de tuer » ou sécurité publique ? En Turquie, une loi controversée sur les chiens errants


Une expérience de coexistence

Les chiens sont la seule espèce de vertébrés à avoir suivi les migrations humaines hors d’Afrique, à travers tous les climats et tous les types de peuplement. Si le moment exact de leur domestication reste incertain, on sait que les chiens ont évolué pour vivre aux côtés des humains. Mais ce lien entre espèces se heurte aujourd’hui à un défi inédit : celui de l’urbanisation tropicale.

Trois chiens en Inde
Les chiens des rues en milieu urbain peuvent se montrer très territoriaux.
thinkpaws.org

Au cours des derniers siècles, alors que les chiens gagnaient leur place dans nos foyers, les humains ont créé plus de 400 races, belles, laborieuses ou affectueuses. Cette coévolution est importante : elle a rendu les chiens sensibles aux signaux humains et capables de développer de forts liens avec des personnes ou des lieux précis. Dans l’Inde urbaine, où les chiens n’appartiennent à personne mais ne sont pas vraiment sauvages, ces liens se traduisent par un comportement territorial autour d’un foyer ou d’une personne qui les nourrit.

Le laboratoire socio-écologique unique de l’Inde

L’Inde offre une perspective inégalée sur cette relation. Historiquement, les chiens des rues jouaient le rôle d’éboueurs. Dans les quartiers plus modestes, ils le font encore. Mais dans les zones plus aisées, ils sont désormais nourris délibérément.

Scène de rue en Inde
Chiens, cochons, vaches et humains coexistant.
thinkpaws.org

Des recherches préliminaires à Delhi menées avec ma collègue Bharti Sharma montrent que les chiens s’organisent en meutes autour de foyers précis, où quelques personnes qui les nourrissent régulièrement peuvent couvrir presque 100 % de leurs besoins alimentaires. Cela permet des densités de chiens bien plus élevées que ce que le rôle d’éboueur pourrait supporter.

La collision urbaine

C’est ici que la coexistence ancienne se heurte à l’urbanisme moderne. Les rues indiennes sont des espaces multifonctions. Dans les climats tropicaux, les récupérateurs de déchets et les travailleurs manuels opèrent souvent la nuit
– exactement aux heures où les chiens se montrent les plus territoriaux et où les habitants plus aisés qui les nourrissent dorment.

Dans les climats tropicaux, les chiffonniers et les ouvriers travaillent souvent la nuit – précisément aux heures où les chiens se montrent les plus territoriaux et où les habitants plus aisés qui les nourrissent dorment.

Les chiens ont adapté leur comportement – aboiements, poursuites, morsures occasionnelles – de manière à être involontairement récompensés par ceux qui les nourrissent, tout en créant des dangers pour les autres. Les chiffres sont inquiétants : des millions de morsures et des milliers de décès dus à la rage chaque année.

Pour autant, une réaction contre les décisions de la Cour suprême était inévitable. Avec la gentrification, qui redéfinit qui peut décider de l’organisation de la vie urbaine, un conflit de valeurs est apparu : certains défendent la présence partagée des animaux, d’autres privilégient l’élimination des risques.

La voie à suivre

Les villes indiennes ont peut-être atteint leur « apogée de coexistence ». Malgré les nuisances quotidiennes – aboiements, poursuites – des millions de personnes continuent de nourrir ces chiens. Pourtant, le même chien qui remue la queue devant ses nourrisseurs familiers peut mordre un inconnu. Il ne s’agit pas d’agression irrationnelle, mais d’une protection territoriale née d’un lien profond avec une communauté humaine spécifique.

Les villes occidentales ont abattu leurs chiens errants il y a longtemps, car les priorités sociales y étaient plus homogènes. La diversité de l’Inde empêche un tel consensus. Il faudra sans doute encore de vingt à trente ans avant que l’ensemble de sa population urbaine considère la présence de chiens territoriaux comme intolérable.

À mesure que l’Inde s’urbanise, elle doit choisir entre préserver des espaces pour des relations anciennes, antérieures aux villes elles-mêmes ou suivre la voie occidentale d’un contrôle total. Le rituel de ma grand-mère, donnant son demi-chapati, incarnait un ancien accord : un investissement minimal, une coexistence pacifique et un bénéfice mutuel. Les chiens de Delhi, suralimentés et défendant leur territoire, incarnent aujourd’hui une nouvelle intimité plus intense – et il n’est pas certain que cette situation soit bénéfique pour les deux espèces.

The Conversation

Nishant Kumar bénéficie d’un financement de la DBT/Wellcome Trust India Alliance Fellowship. Il est chercheur associé à cette bourse au National Centre for Biological Science, TIFR, à Bangalore, en Inde, son accueil à l’étranger étant assuré par le Département de biologie de l’Université d’Oxford. Il est également cofondateur et scientifique en chef d’un think-tank de recherche basé à Delhi, Thinkpaws : www.Thinkpaws.org.

ref. En Inde, les chiens des rues fouillent de moins en moins les poubelles, et c’est dangereux pour les citadins – https://theconversation.com/en-inde-les-chiens-des-rues-fouillent-de-moins-en-moins-les-poubelles-et-cest-dangereux-pour-les-citadins-273379

Broncos say their new stadium will be ‘privately financed,’ but ‘private’ often still means hundreds of millions in public resources

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Geoffrey Propheter, Associate Professor, School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado Denver

In September 2025, the Denver Broncos announced their plan to build a new, privately financed stadium. Icon Sportswire/Getty Images

The Denver Broncos announced in early September 2025 their plan to build a privately financed football stadium. The proposal received a lot of attention and praise.

Across the five major sports leagues in the U.S. – the NBA, NHL, NFL, MLB and MLS – only 20% of facilities are privately owned.

I’ve studied the intersection of state and local public finance and pro sports for two decades. This experience has led me to approach claims of private financing with suspicion.

Private dollars are often masked as public dollars in these arrangements.

A Fox31 Denver news report aired in November 2025 about the Broncos’ plans for a new stadium.

Private vs public dollars

In theory, what counts as private or public dollars is uncontroversial. Dollars are public when government has a legal claim over them – otherwise, they are private.

The public versus private dollar distinction matters when accounting for who is contributing how much to a sports facility. When public dollars are allowed to count as private dollars, a project proposal looks more enticing than it is, in fact.

For instance, lawmakers regularly allow team owners to count public dollars as private dollars. The Sacramento City Council agreed to let the NBA’s Sacramento Kings count their property tax payments for the city-owned arena as private contributions to the overall cost of financing the arena. But property taxes are public dollars that in other instances go toward public services like schools and road repairs.

A building at night is lit up with purple lights that read
The Sacramento Kings stadium, the Golden 1 Center, counts property tax payments as a private contribution, even though property taxes are public dollars.
Thearon W. Henderson/Getty Images

Team owners building private facilities also typically receive public dollars through tax breaks, which is government spending in disguise. Property tax exemptions, sales and use tax exemptions on materials and machinery, and income tax credits are common forms of government givebacks to sports team owners.

I’ve estimated that property tax exemptions alone, among facilities in the five major leagues, have cost state and local governments US$20 billion cumulatively over the life of teams’ leases, 42% of which would have gone to K-12 education.

Rental payments spent on facilities are not private dollars

Many facilities and their infrastructure are funded through public debt secured in part by team rental payments. Lawmakers, media and consultants often view projects secured by rents as privately financed, in part or whole.

However, rental income in exchange for use or operation of public property should not be counted as private dollars.

Here’s a thought experiment. Suppose state lawmakers allocated the rent paid for use of campground sites in a state park to pay for new campground bathrooms. Are the bathrooms privately funded?

The flaw in concluding “yes” arises from a failure to appreciate that lawmakers, through policy, create legal claims over certain dollars. All dollars start as private dollars, but through the tax system, lawmakers transfer ownership of some dollars to the public.

It is the government landlord’s choice, a policy decision, to spend the rental income on the rented property, a choice available to them only if they own the rental income in the first place.

Yet lawmakers regularly allow teams, both professional and minor league, to count rental payments as private contributions. This accounting makes sports subsidies look less generous than they actually are.

Looking beyond construction

Facilities not only need to be constructed but also operated, maintained and eventually upgraded. Roads, sewer lines, overpasses, game-day security and emergency response and public policies to mitigate gentrification caused by a facility are all common taxpayer-funded touchpoints. In addition, facilities have preconstruction costs such as land acquisition, soil remediation and site preparation, as well as later costs such as demolition and remediation for the land’s next use.

Focusing on privately financed construction and ignoring all other aspects of a project’s development and operation is misleading, potentially contributing to lawmakers making inefficient and expensive policy decisions.

Outer wall of a stadium under construction.
The Buffalo Bills’ stadium.
Aaron M. Sprecher/Getty Images

By way of example, the Council of the District of Columbia approved a subsidy agreement last year with the NFL’s Commanders. The stadium would be financed, constructed and operated by the team owner, who would pay $1 in rent per year and remit no property taxes. In exchange for financing the stadium privately, the owner receives exclusive development rights to 20 acres of land adjacent to the stadium for the next 90 years.

The stadium is expected to cost the owner $2.5 billion, with the city contributing $1.3 billion for infrastructure.

But the city also gives up market rental income between $6 billion and $25 billion,depending on future land appreciation rates, that it could make on the 20 acres.

In other words, the rent discount alone means the city gives up revenue equal to multiple stadiums in exchange for the Commanders providing one. It is as if the council has a Lamborghini, traded it straight up for a Honda Civic, and then praised themselves for their negotiation acumen that resulted in a “free” Civic.

The Broncos’ proposed stadium

As of January 2026, Denver taxpayers know only that the Broncos stadium construction will be privately financed and that public dollars will be spent on some infrastructure.

Being enamored with such a proposal is similar to being offered a $1 billion yacht at a 75% discount. In my experience, there are two types of public officials: one will want to spend $250 million to save $750 million, while the other will ask whether $250 million for a yacht is an appropriate use of taxpayer resources given existing needs elsewhere.

My hope is that lawmakers better appreciate the many ways government participation in sports facility development, including privately financed ones, imposes serious risks and costs for current and future taxpayers. What is the expected total cost of the stadium project over its life? How much of the life cost would public resources cover? Could public resources generate greater benefits in an alternative use? How much will it cost to mitigate or compensate those affected by a project’s expected negative side effects, such as gentrification, congestion, pollution and crime?

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

The Conversation

Geoffrey Propheter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Broncos say their new stadium will be ‘privately financed,’ but ‘private’ often still means hundreds of millions in public resources – https://theconversation.com/broncos-say-their-new-stadium-will-be-privately-financed-but-private-often-still-means-hundreds-of-millions-in-public-resources-270053

Le grand bond en arrière de Donald Trump sur la Fed, la Réserve fédérale des États-Unis

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Alain Naef, Assistant Professor, Economics, ESSEC

Donald Trump est en guerre affichée contre Jerome Powell, le président de la Réserve fédérale (Fed), la banque centrale des États-Unis. Misscabul/Shutterstock

Une enquête pénale vise Jerome Powell, l’actuel gouverneur de la puissante Réserve fédérale des États-Unis (Fed), dont le mandat arrive à terme en mai 2026. Donald Trump, dont la prérogative est de lui nommer un successeur, souhaite mettre à la tête de la Fed un de ses supporters, Kevin Hassett. Mais alors qui pour être le contre-pouvoir ? Contre-intuitivement, ce pourrait bel et bien être les marchés financiers.


Mervyn King, gouverneur de la Banque d’Angleterre de 2003 à 2013, aimait dire que « l’ambition de la Banque d’Angleterre est d’être ennuyeuse ». Le président de la Banque nationale suisse Thomas Jordan rappelait encore récemment que « la clé du succès est peut-être d’être ennuyeux ». Leur message est clair : la stabilité monétaire repose sur la prévisibilité, pas sur le spectacle.

Avec Donald Trump, cette règle pourrait changer. Le président des États-Unis, lui, n’aime pas être ennuyeux. S’il n’est pas clair que cela lui réussisse en politique intérieure ou extérieure, pour ce qui est de l’économie, c’est différent. La prévisibilité est un moteur de la stabilité des marchés et de la croissance des investissements. Dans ce contexte, les marchés pourraient être l’institution qui lui tient tête.

C’est ce rôle de contre-pouvoir que j’analyse dans cet article. Le conflit à venir se porte sur la nomination du successeur du président de la Réserve fédérale des États-Unis (Fed), la banque centrale des États-Unis, Jerome Powell dont le mandat expire en mai 2026. Dans la loi, le président de la première puissance mondiale a la prérogative de nommer un successeur.

Jerome Powell est actuellement visé par une enquête pénale du département de la justice américain, liée officiellement à la rénovation du siège de la Fed. Le président de la FED, lui, y voit une tentative de pression sur son indépendance, après son refus de baisser les taux d’intérêt. Donald Trump nie toute implication, même s’il dit de Powell qu’il « n’est pas très doué pour construire des bâtiments ». Pour de nombreux observateurs, le timing de l’attaque plaide pour une attaque politique. Les marchés ont réagi avec une montée du prix de l’or.

Car les présidents des banques centrales sont des personnages clés. Avec de simples mots, ils peuvent participer à créer des crises financières. Le président de la Bundesbank eut un rôle dans la crise du système monétaire européen de 1992. Si ce dernier s’était abstenu de faire un commentaire sur l’instabilité de la livre sterling, le Royaume-Uni aurait peut-être rejoint l’euro.

Gouverneurs technocrates

Traditionnellement, le choix du successeur n’est pas uniquement politique. Il se porte sur une figure reconnue, souvent issue du Conseil des gouverneurs. Les sept membres du Conseil des gouverneurs du système de la Réserve fédérale sont nommés par le président et confirmés par le Sénat. Il s’agit ordinairement de technocrates.

Les chercheurs Michael Bordo et Klodiana Istrefi montrent que la banque centrale recrute prioritairement des économistes formés dans le monde académique, soulignant la sélection d’experts de la conduite de la politique monétaire. Ils montrent que les clivages entre écoles « saltwater » (Harvard et Berkeley) et « freshwater » (Chicago, Minnesota). Les économistes freshwater étant plus restrictifs (ou hawkish) en termes de baisse de taux, alors que les « saltwater » préfèrent soutenir la croissance.

Ben Bernanke incarne cette tendance. Du 1er février 2006 au 3 février 2014, il est gouverneur de la FED. Après un premier mandat sous la présidente de George W. Bush, Barack Obama le nomme pour un second mandat. Ce professeur d’économie, défenseur de la nouvelle économie keynésienne, gagne le prix Nobel en 2022 pour ses travaux sur les banques et les crises financières. La gouverneure de 2014 à 2018, Janet Yellen, est auparavant professeure d’économie à Berkeley, à Harvard et à la London School of Economics.

Ce processus relativement apolitique est essentiellement technocratique. Ces conventions seront potentiellement bousculées pour la nomination du prochain gouverneur de la banque centrale des États-Unis. Évidemment, certains gouverneurs avaient des préférences politiques ou des liens avec le président.

Kevin Hassett, économiste controversé

Le candidat de Donald Trump pressenti par les médias est Kevin Hassett. Ce dernier s’inscrit dans le sillage de la vision du nouveau président des États-Unis en appelant à des baisses de taux brutales. Il a qualifié Jerome Powell de « mule têtue », ce qui alimente les craintes d’une Fed docile envers la Maison Blanche.

« Kevin Hassett a largement les capacités pour diriger la Fed, la seule question est de savoir lequel se présentera » entre « Kevin Hassett, acteur engagé de l’administration Trump, ou Kevin Hassett, économiste indépendant », explique Claudia Sahm, ancienne économiste de la Fed dans le Financial Times. C’est cette question qui inquiète les marchés. Cela même si l’économiste a presque 10 000 citations pour ses articles scientifiques et a soutenu sa thèse avec Alan Auerbach, un économiste reconnu qui travaille sur les effets des taxes sur l’investissement des entreprises. De façade, Hassett a tout d’un économiste sérieux. Uniquement de façade ?

Les investisseurs s’inquiètent de la politisation de la Fed. Depuis la nomination de Stephen Miran en septembre 2025 au Conseil des gouverneurs, les choses se sont pimentées. Le président du comité des conseillers économiques des États-Unis est un des piliers de la doctrine économique Trump. Il a longtemps travaillé dans le secteur privé, notamment au fonds d’investissement Hudson Bay Capital Management.

Si les votes de la Fed sont anonymes, le Federal Open Market Committee, chargé du contrôle de toutes les opérations d’open market aux États-Unis, publie un graphique soulignant les anticipations de taux d’intérêt des membres. Depuis l’élection de Stephen Miran, un membre vote en permanence pour des baisses drastiques des taux d’intérêt, pour soutenir Donald Trump. Sûrement Miran ?

Si le nouveau président de la Fed faisait la même chose, on pourrait assister à une panique à bord… qui pourrait éroder la confiance dans le dollar. Les investisseurs internationaux ne veulent pas d’une monnaie qui gagne ou perde de la valeur en fonction du cycle électoral américain. Pour que les investisseurs aient confiance dans le dollar, il faut qu’il soit inflexible à la politique.

Les marchés financiers en garde-fou

Le marché, à l’inverse de la Cour suprême des États-Unis ou du Sénat, n’a pas d’incarnation institutionnelle, mais il a tout de même une voix. Il réagit par les prix, mais pas seulement. Si on ne l’écoute pas, le marché pourrait-il hausser le ton, en changeant les prix et les taux d’intérêt ?

Quelles seraient les conséquences de la nomination d’un président de la Fed pro-Trump et favorable à des coupes de taux pour soutenir le mandat de Trump ? Il se peut que les investisseurs institutionnels puissent fuir la dette américaine, du moins à court terme. Cette réaction augmenterait potentiellement les taux d’emprunt du gouvernement, notamment à long terme.

« Personne ne veut revivre un épisode à la Truss », a résumé un investisseur cité par le Financial Times, à la suite de la consultation du Trésor auprès des grands investisseurs. Liz Truss, la première ministre du Royaume-Uni, avait démissionné sous la pression des marchés en septembre 2022. Elle avait essayé dans un « mini-budget » à la fois d’augmenter les dépenses et de réduire les impôts. Quarante-quatre jours plus tard, elle avait dû démissionner à cause de la fuite des investisseurs qui ne voulaient plus de dette anglaise, jugée insoutenable.

Donald Trump ne démissionnera probablement pas quarante-quatre jours après la nomination de Kevin Hassett. Mais, en cas de panique des marchés, Kevin Hassett lui-même pourrait sauter. Et le dollar perdre encore un peu plus de sa splendide.

The Conversation

Alain Naef a reçu des financements de l’Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR).

ref. Le grand bond en arrière de Donald Trump sur la Fed, la Réserve fédérale des États-Unis – https://theconversation.com/le-grand-bond-en-arriere-de-donald-trump-sur-la-fed-la-reserve-federale-des-etats-unis-272522