María Corina Machado, Nobel de la Paz 2025: la estrategia de la constancia

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Benigno Alarcón, Director of the Center for Political Studies, Universidad Católica Andrés Bello

María Corina Machado, en 2014. Carlos Díaz/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Nacida en Caracas en 1967, ingeniera industrial, cofundadora de Súmate y exdiputada, María Corina Machado se formó políticamente en la intersección entre integridad electoral, ciudadanía activa y democracia con libertades políticas y económicas para todos.

Sobre esa base, y apoyada en una amplia plataforma cívica, obtuvo el 22 de octubre de 2023 una victoria abrumadora en la primaria opositora, lo que legitimó su liderazgo al frente del movimiento democrático. Pese a ello, en 2024 fue inhabilitada por el gobierno, contraviniendo el espíritu del Acuerdo de Barbados.

Sin embargo, se mantuvo en la ruta electoral apoyando con generosidad y entrega máxima la candidatura unitaria de Edmundo González Urrutia.




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Voto, calle y diplomacia

Las presidenciales de 2024 –marcadas por graves irregularidades– concluyeron con la proclamación oficial de Nicolás Maduro, mientras la oposición afirmó, con actas en mano, la victoria de González Urrutia. Varios gobiernos reclamaron verificación y Estados Unidos reconoció a González como “presidente electo”.




Leer más:
Elecciones en Venezuela: cómo la tecnología y los datos abiertos han defendido la democracia


En ese contexto, Machado y su equipo han afrontado persecución. Desde el 9 de enero de 2025, tras una detención seguida de liberación en circunstancias opacas, ella ha tenido que resguardarse. Aun así, no habilitó salidas insurreccionales: sostuvo la verdad electoral, preservó la organización social y escaló la presión diplomática.

Esa combinación –voto, calle no violenta y diplomacia– es el corazón estratégico que hoy explica este reconocimiento a través del Nobel de la Paz.

¿Dónde está hoy Venezuela?

Hoy, el país vive un agravamiento de la suspensión del Estado de derecho, que se viene arrastrando desde la llegada de Chávez al poder, en 1999, y se ha acentuado progresivamente desde el ascenso de Maduro en 2013. Instituciones capturadas, resultados disputados y nunca auditados, coerción selectiva, tejido social exhausto.




Leer más:
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La documentación de 2024–2025 sobre violaciones de derechos humanos en el contexto electoral deja poco margen de duda. Sin embargo, persiste un sustrato ciudadano reacio a ceder su voz. En este paisaje, el liderazgo de Machado –de facto y moral– ha operado como columna vertebral de la resistencia cívica, a pesar de detenciones, exilios y amenazas.

A pesar de todo, octubre de 2025 será, para la memoria colectiva venezolana, un mes de señales. El 19 de octubre, el Vaticano canonizará al doctor José Gregorio Hernández y a la madre Carmen Rendiles, los dos primeros santos de un país profundamente creyente. También en octubre, y por sorpresa, Venezuela celebra que a una mujer venezolana se le haya concedido el Nobel de la Paz (Baruj Benacerraf, nacido en Caracas, obtuvo el de Medicina en 1980). No se confunden los lenguajes –fe y política– pero se reflejan en el espejo de una misma ética de servicio al país y a sus ciudadanos a través de valores espirituales como la resiliencia, la constancia, la templanza y la fidelidad a la verdad.

El cruce de símbolos recuerda que la grandeza nacional no siempre se mide en conquistas materiales.

Efectos geopolíticos y domésticos

El reconocimiento reconfigura incentivos en tres planos:

  1. Eleva el costo reputacional de quienes intentan normalizar el autoritarismo venezolano.

  2. Endurece la condicionalidad de cualquier negociación: el estándar ya no es “diálogo por el diálogo”, sino verificación, cronograma, cumplimiento y retorno a la democracia.

  3. Empodera a la diáspora como actor diplomático y económico con una narrativa transversal –no partidista– que articula libertad, democracia y derechos humanos.

Hacia adentro, el Nobel consolida una doble legitimidad del liderazgo de Machado: de origen, por su investidura cívica y la victoria en la primaria, y de ejercicio, por su negativa a trivializar la violencia y su papel en la unificación opositora. Cada intento de criminalizarla chocará con un blindaje simbólico global.

Hacia afuera, se robustece su capacidad de interlocución con gobiernos y organismos: deja de ser “oposición local” para convertirse en referente normativo hemisférico sobre cómo se defiende la democracia en contextos cerrados y altamente represivos como el venezolano.

Asimismo, el lauro facilita en Washington, Europa y la región –tanto para los gobiernos como para los parlamentos– un marco más nítido para calibrar decisiones inteligentes que faciliten la transición democrática.

La propia Machado ha pedido mayor acción frente al endurecimiento del régimen, la represión y el control institucional. El premio reconoce su autoridad moral para plantearlo sin que se desdibuje el carácter pacífico de su estrategia, y aumenta los costos para los normalizadores del autoritarismo dentro y fuera de Venezuela.

Una lectura personal

Hemos sido testigos, a través de los años, del crecimiento como líder de María Corina Machado en medio de un ambiente muy hostil. Su mérito no es la infalibilidad –nadie la tiene–, sino la voluntad de aprender y persistir: abandonar maximalismos, tejer alianzas, aceptar el escrutinio, resistir tentaciones de violencia y mantener la brújula moral cuando otros la pierden y los incentivos colocados por el régimen han empujado a muchos liderazgos al despeñadero.

María Corina Machado se enfrenta a Chávez en 2012 en el Congreso de Venezuela.

Por eso este Nobel trasciende lo personal y la reconoce como el eje de unidad y coordinación entre actores democráticos pero dispersos –líderes políticos y sociales, iglesia, academia, empresa, aliados democráticos– en torno a una agenda común: unas elecciones con resultados legítimos, el retorno a la democracia y la búsqueda de una salida que minimice daños y garantice el futuro del país.




Leer más:
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El Nobel de la Paz 2025 no resuelve la transición, pero recalibra el tablero. Cuando un país contempla, en el mismo mes, la canonización de sus dos primeros santos y el reconocimiento global de quien encarna su lucha cívica, no asiste a un milagro fortuito: renace la esperanza al comprobar que la templanza también mueve montañas. El premio a María Corina Machado no concluye el camino, lo ilumina.

The Conversation

Benigno Alarcón no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. María Corina Machado, Nobel de la Paz 2025: la estrategia de la constancia – https://theconversation.com/maria-corina-machado-nobel-de-la-paz-2025-la-estrategia-de-la-constancia-267252

Government shutdown hasn’t left consumers glum about the economy – for now, at least

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Joanne Hsu, Research Associate Professor at the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan

Economic clouds gathering? Perhaps not yet. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

The ongoing federal shutdown has resulted in a pause on regular government data releases, meaning economic data has been in short supply of late. That has left market-watchers and monetary policymakers somewhat in the dark over key indicators in the U.S. economy.

Fortunately, the University of Michigan’s Surveys of Consumers is unaffected by the impasse in Washington and released its preliminary monthly report on Oct. 10, 2025; the final read of the month will be released in two weeks.

The Conversation U.S. spoke with Joanne Hsu, the director of the Surveys of Consumers, on what the latest data shows about consumer sentiment – and whether the shutdown has left Americans feeling blue.

What is consumer sentiment?

Consumer sentiment is something that we at the University of Michigan have measured since 1946. It looks at American attitudes toward the current state of the economy and the future direction of the economy through questions on personal finances, business conditions and buying conditions for big-ticket items.

Over the decades, it has been closely followed by policymakers, business leaders, academic researchers and investors as a leading indicator of the overall state of the economy.

When sentiment is on the decline, consumers tend to pull back on spending – and that can lead to a slowdown in the economy. The opposite is also true: High or rising sentiment tends to lead to increased spending and a growing economy.

How is the survey compiled?

Every month, we interview a random sample of the U.S. population across the 48 contiguous states and the District of Columbia. Around 1,000 or so people take part in it every month, and we include a representative sample across ages, income, education level, demography and geography. People from across all walks of life are asked around 50 questions pertaining to the economy, personal finances, job prospects, inflation expectations and the like.

When you aggregate that all together, it gives a useful measure of the health of the U.S. economy.

What does the latest survey show?

The latest survey shows virtually no change in overall sentiment between September and October. Consumers are not feeling that optimistic at the moment, but generally no worse than they were last month.

Pocketbook issues – high prices of goods, inflation and possible weakening in the labor market – are suppressing sentiment. Views of consumers across the country converged earlier in the year when the Trump administration’s tariffs were announced. But since then, higher-wealth and higher-income consumers have reported improved consumer sentiment. It is for lower-income Americans – those not owning stock – that sentiment hasn’t lifted since April.

In October, we also saw a slight decline in inflation expectations, but it remains relatively high – midway between where they were around a year ago and the highs of around the time of the tariff announcements in April and May.

Has the government shutdown affected consumer sentiment?

The government shutdown was in place for around half the time of the latest survey period, which ran from Sept. 23-Oct. 6, 2025. And so far, we are not seeing evidence that it is impacting consumer sentiment one way or another.

And that is not super-surprising. It is not that people don’t care about the shutdown, just that it hasn’t affected how they see the economy and their personal finances yet.

History shows that federal shutdowns do move the needle a little. In 2019, around 10% of people spontaneously mentioned the then-shutdown in the January survey. We saw a decline in sentiment in that month, but it did improve again the following month.

Looking back, we tend to see stronger reaction to shutdowns when there is a debt ceiling crisis attached. In 2013, for example, there was a decline in consumer sentiment coinciding with concerns over the debt ceiling being breached. But it did quickly rebound when the government opened again.

Whether or not we see a decline in sentiment because of the current shutdown depends on how long it lasts – and how consumers believe it will impact pocketbook issues, namely prices and job prospects.

The Conversation

Joanne Hsu receives research funding from NIA, NIH, and various sponsors of the University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers.

ref. Government shutdown hasn’t left consumers glum about the economy – for now, at least – https://theconversation.com/government-shutdown-hasnt-left-consumers-glum-about-the-economy-for-now-at-least-267264

El Nobel de la Paz a María Corina Machado y su impacto en la política latinoamericana

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Tulio Ramírez, Chair professor, Universidad Católica Andrés Bello

Los líderes de la oposición venezolana María Corina Machado y Edmundo Gonzales Urrutia saludan durante un acto en Caracas el 30 de julio de 2024. Jonathan Mishkin/Shutterstock

Ser galardonado con un Premio Nobel nunca es un suceso trivial. Los laureados, en ciencia o literatura, se inscriben automáticamente en la historia como referentes de su disciplina.

Sin embargo, cuando el galardón recae en la mención de la paz, adquiere una resonancia distinta: eleva al reconocido a la categoría de símbolo viviente y universal de las causas más nobles de la humanidad. Al recibirlo, personalidades internacionales como Theodore Roosevelt, la madre Teresa de Calcuta, Martin Luther King Jr., Lech Walesa, Desmond Tutu, y Mijaíl Gorbachov, o, más específicamente en el ámbito latinoamericano, Óscar Arias, Rigoberta Menchú y Juan Manuel Santos, a pesar de que sus acciones se circunscribieron a conflictos regionales, alcanzaron una dimensión moral global. Lo mismo ha ocurrido con organizaciones como el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja, la ONU o sus agencias ACNUR y UNICEF.

María Corina Machado, Premio Nobel de la Paz 2025

Conceder a María Corina Machado (1967), líder de la oposición venezolana, el Premio Nobel de la Paz 2025 se inserta precisamente en esta tradición. La acción reconocida por el Comité de Oslo se desplegó en el contexto de una lucha política interna, tal como, de manera similar, sucedió en 1991 con la birmana Aung San Suu Kyi, también laureada por su lucha no violenta por la democracia y los derechos humanos de su país.

Portavoz del Comité Noruego del Nobel anunciando la concesión del premio a María Corina Machado el 10 de octubre de 2025. Fuente: The Nobel Prize, YouTube.

La motivación explícita del Comité al premiar a Machado ha sido reconocer su labor de mantener “viva la llama de la democracia en medio de una creciente oscuridad”. Esta declaración validó de manera contundente la lucha pacífica y la resistencia civil de la líder opositora venezolana. El premio no solo es un espaldarazo incalculable a esta luchadora por la democracia, sino que funcionaría como un poderoso catalizador en el tablero geopolítico latinoamericano, redefiniendo la narrativa regional sobre la paz, la democracia y la soberanía.




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La paz, más allá del fin de la violencia

Históricamente, en América Latina el concepto “paz” se ha asociado, sobre todo, a la firma de acuerdos de cese al fuego o al fin de conflictos armados (como en el caso de Colombia).

El Nobel a María Corina Machado, sin embargo, amplía esta concepción, alineándola con la visión esencial de Alfred Nobel: a saber, la paz como la ausencia de opresión y el triunfo de los derechos humanos y la democracia. El Comité de Oslo declara, sin ambages, que la lucha por la democracia es intrínseca a la búsqueda de la paz en regímenes autoritarios.

Este premio establece un nuevo paradigma de liderazgo opositor en la Latinoamérica. La lucha de Machado, basada en la resistencia persistente y no violenta, se convierte en un símbolo y referente ineludible para movimientos y líderes que emprenden luchas por la democracia en otros países de la región. El Nobel legitima a los movimientos cívicos como actores claves en la construcción de la paz en el hemisferio, demostrando que la firmeza democrática puede obtener el más alto reconocimiento mundial.

En el plano diplomático, el galardón obliga a replantear la política de neutralidad que han mantenido algunos gobiernos latinoamericanos. Los líderes que se autodenominan democráticos se enfrentan al trance de tomar una posición más clara: ignorar la lucha de una persona galardonada con el más alto premio por su labor en pro de la paz y la democracia resultaría impresentable. Si se materializa este cambio de actitud, la premiación podría generar una reagrupación de fuerzas diplomáticas en la región, sumando esfuerzos para aislar y presionar a gobiernos autoritarios.




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Mujeres al borde de un ataque al poder en América Latina


Un Nobel que visibiliza la crisis política de Venezuela

Si bien el premio no ofrece una solución inmediata a la crisis política venezolana, sí la internacionaliza a un nivel sin precedentes. La relevancia que a nivel regional y mundial alcanza la figura de Machado hace extremadamente dificultoso excluirla de futuras negociaciones. El galardón la inviste como la figura más representativa de las fuerzas opositoras de Venezuela. Su liderazgo, respaldado por la autoridad moral del Nobel, se vuelve central para cualquier solución de transición, forzando a los actores regionales a asumir un papel más activo y menos complaciente en la búsqueda de una salida democrática y pacífica.

El Nobel de la Paz a María Corina Machado es, además de un reconocimiento personal, una categórica declaración política importante para la comunidad internacional. Se ha resaltado que la verdadera paz reside en que haya diversas voces en el ejercicio de la democracia y no un silencio impuesto a la fuerza.

Este premio resalta que la paz se liga ineludiblemente con la libertad, ofrece un símbolo de resistencia a los ciudadanos y desafía a los gobiernos de la región a honrar el compromiso con los valores democráticos que juraron defender.

The Conversation

Tulio Ramírez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. El Nobel de la Paz a María Corina Machado y su impacto en la política latinoamericana – https://theconversation.com/el-nobel-de-la-paz-a-maria-corina-machado-y-su-impacto-en-la-politica-latinoamericana-267253

Sobre el Nobel a María Corina Machado: la democracia es la paz

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Carmen Beatriz Fernández, Profesora de Comunicación Política en la UNAV, el IESA y Pforzheim, Universidad de Navarra

Al conceder a María Corina Machado el Premio Nobel de la Paz 2025 no solo se reconoce su liderazgo y su coraje civil, también se rinde homenaje a la irreductible tozudez democrática del pueblo venezolano. En un país donde el autoritarismo ha intentado cerrar todas las puertas a la participación política, Machado ha demostrado que siempre existen ventanas por donde colar la democracia. Este reconocimiento –ha sido elegida entre 338 nominados al premio en 2025– celebra no solo su trayectoria, sino también la persistencia de millones de ciudadanos que se niegan a rendirse.

Kristian Berg Harpviken, director del Comité Noruego del Nobel, durante la llamada telefónica en la que anunció a Machado la concesión del premio. Fuente: The Nobel Prize, YouTube.

En 2002 fundó Súmate, una ONG dedicada a garantizar elecciones libres y transparentes. Desde entonces, Machado ha realizado una labor esencial en un contexto en el que los obstáculos ponen en duda la relevancia del voto. Pero justamente frente a ese desencanto, ha mantenido viva la idea de que el voto, cuando se defiende colectivamente, puede tener una fuerza transformadora.




Leer más:
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Transparencia y participación

Esa convicción se puso a prueba en las primarias opositoras de octubre de 2023, organizadas de forma independiente, sin apoyo del Consejo Nacional Electoral. Más de 2,25 millones de venezolanos participaron, dentro y fuera del país, y Machado obtuvo una victoria arrolladora: 93 % de los votos. Ese resultado consolidó su liderazgo y demostró que, pese a la represión, la sociedad civil aún podía organizar procesos transparentes y participativos. Fue una gesta cívica que marcó un punto de inflexión en la historia reciente de Venezuela.

Sin embargo, el régimen respondió con su habitual recurso: la inhabilitación política, esperando tal vez que la frustración derivara en violencia. Pero ocurrió lo contrario: Machado optó por la serenidad y la estrategia. Impedida de competir en las elecciones presidenciales de 2024, impulsó una salida estratégica: apoyar a Edmundo González Urrutia como candidato de unidad. Fue, de nuevo, la muestra de su inteligencia política y su compromiso con una transición democrática.

Durante la campaña, miles de voluntarios, de todos los partidos políticos, se desplegaron en unidad como observadores ciudadanos para documentar las actas electorales y proteger el voto. En esa elección del 28 de julio de 2024, Venezuela entera fue testigo de un acto de resistencia democrática sin precedentes. A pesar de la represión, el miedo y la censura, los ciudadanos acudieron a las urnas con una determinación que asombró al mundo.




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Votaciones, ¿un sinsentido?

Según los resultados reales, verificados por múltiples observadores independientes a partir de más del 83 % de las actas electorales, Edmundo González Urrutia ganó con cerca del 67 % de los votos. Una ventaja de más de 35 puntos porcentuales, y más de cuatro millones de votos, que el régimen desconoció al manipular el conteo oficial. El Consejo Nacional Electoral no fue capaz de presentar resultados itemizados, como sí lo hizo el comando de campaña de González Urrutia, pero el resultado electoral había sido escrupulosamente documentado.

Con la proclamación fraudulenta de Nicolás Maduro como ganador, el mensaje quedó claro: el camino electoral, tal como se conocía, quedaba cerrado y votar dejó de tener sentido en Venezuela. El régimen convirtió el sufragio en una coreografía del poder para simular normalidad democrática y la abstención del 85 % en el proceso parlamentario de 2025 simbolizó ese vacío político.

Machado encarna, además, una transformación de género y liderazgo en América Latina. La presencia de mujeres en la política regional ha desafiado estructuras de poder históricamente masculinas. En ese sentido, su liderazgo se suma a una nueva generación de mujeres latinoamericanas que, más que ocupar espacios, han creado nuevos modos de hacer política, basados en la empatía, la organización ciudadana y la defensa ética del voto.

Pero el reconocimiento del Nobel trasciende la figura de Machado y es un premio a la resiliencia colectiva de millones de personas que explica por qué se rebelan democráticamente los venezolanos y siguen creyendo que la democracia vale la pena.

La esperanza de un futuro diferente

Hoy, cuando en buena parte del mundo se erosionan las instituciones liberales, en Venezuela está en juego no solo la libertad del país, sino la credibilidad del sistema democrático frente al autoritarismo del siglo XXI.

Por eso, del bonito e inspirador discurso que explica las razones por las que María Corina Machado se hizo merecedora del Premio, este párrafo es clave:

“Ha demostrado que las herramientas de la democracia son también herramientas de la paz. Encarnan la esperanza de un futuro diferente, uno en el que se protejan los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos y se escuchen sus voces. En este futuro, las personas finalmente serán libres para vivir en paz”.

María Corina Machado representa la certeza de que la libertad no se negocia, que la democracia no se improvisa y que el futuro no pertenece a quienes imponen silencio, sino a quienes persisten en hablar cuando todos callan. Este Nobel es una reivindicación histórica: la de un país que, contra todo pronóstico, sigue creyendo que su destino está en las urnas, no en las armas.

The Conversation

Carmen Beatriz Fernández no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Sobre el Nobel a María Corina Machado: la democracia es la paz – https://theconversation.com/sobre-el-nobel-a-maria-corina-machado-la-democracia-es-la-paz-267267

Crise politique en France : Emmanuel Macron a-t-il détourné les institutions ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Wassim Tayssir, Doctorant en science politique, Université de Montréal

La France connaît sans doute sa plus grave crise institutionnelle depuis l’instauration, en 1958, de sa Constitution actuelle.

Suite à la dissolution surprise prononcée par le président de la République Emmanuel Macron en juin 2024, trois gouvernements se sont succédé avant d’être renversés. Le dernier en date, dirigé par le premier ministre Sébastien Lecornu, n’aura tenu qu’à peine 14 heures après la démission de celui qui était jusqu’alors ministre des Armées.

Ayant officiellement remis sa lettre de démission ce lundi, Sébastien Lecornu a toutefois été mandaté par le président de la République pour mener d’ultimes négociations avec les différents groupes politiques dont il a rendu compte mercredi lors d’une intervention télévisée. Le premier ministre a ainsi annoncé qu’un successeur sera désigné d’ici vendredi par le chef d’État.

Doctorant en science politique à l’Université de Montréal, mes recherches portent sur la politique étrangère et européenne de la France. J’ai publié en 2024 un ouvrage sur sur la politique extérieure d’Emmanuel Macron.

Une élection présidentielle anticipée ?

Le moment est d’autant plus critique que ces ultimes tractations se déroulent à l’ombre de deux spectres qui, s’ils venaient à se réaliser, plongeraient davantage le pays dans la tourmente.

D’un côté, celui d’une nouvelle dissolution, essentiellement réclamée par le Rassemblement national, parti d’extrême droite. À l’autre extrémité de l’éventail, le parti de la France insoumise réclame quant à lui la destitution du Président.

Cet appel a trouvé écho dans les rangs mêmes des formations politiques apparentés au bloc présidentiel. C’est ainsi que ce mardi, Édouard Philippe, premier ministre d’Emmanuel Macron de 2017 à 2020 et président du groupe Horizons (centre droit), appelait le président à programmer une élection présidentielle anticipée. Ce désaveu s’ajoute à celui d’un autre soutien historique et ancien premier ministre macroniste, Gabriel Attal, lequel déclarait qu’il ne « comprenait plus » les décisions du chef d’État.

Des accusations de trahison qui se multiplient

Plusieurs causes profondes pourraient être avancées pour expliquer ce maelstrom institutionnel et politique : fragmentation et polarisation durables du paysage politique national, absence de majorité politique, primauté des logiques partisanes sur la responsabilité gouvernementale…

Pourtant, Emmanuel Macron semble figurer au premier rang des coupables de cette crise inédite. Parmi les arguments mobilisés par ses accusateurs, l’idée qu’il aurait « travesti » les institutions de la Ve République. C’est le sens des propos d’Édouard Philippe tenus mardi dernier :

En France, le garant des institutions est le Président de la République […] Quand on est chef de l’État, on ne les utilise pas pour déminer je ne sais quoi ou à sa convenance personnelle. On ne se sert pas des institutions, on les sert.

L’ancien premier ministre dénonce ainsi une forme de dévoiement institutionnel susceptible d’engendrer une « crise politique délétère pour le pays ».

Les pratiques institutionnelles, ou l’art de dépasser la Constitution

Ces critiques illustrent un phénomène particulièrement présent dans la vie politique française : les interactions entre, d’un côté, les institutions et, de l’autre, les pratiques qui en découlent.

Cette dialectique a donné lieu à une littérature particulièrement féconde dans le champ de la science politique. Les approches dites néo-institutionnalistes s’intéressent ainsi aux rôles des institutions, entendues comme un ensemble de règles, de normes et de principes formels socialement reconnus, qui organisent et contraignent le comportement des acteurs. Dans la continuité de cette perspective, le « tournant pratique » en relations internationales explore la manière dont les acteurs, par des pratiques informelles, s’aménagent des libertés d’action dans un contexte formel et contraignant.

Cela permet de comprendre comment les acteurs institutionnels, en premier lieu le président de la République, vont exploiter les interstices du texte de la Constitution de 1958 pour servir des objectifs politiques. Cette dialectique entre la lettre du texte et les interprétations qui en découlent était précisément pensée par le Général de Gaulle, l’architecte du texte constitutionnel, pour qui : « Une constitution, c’est un esprit, des institutions, une pratique ».

L’histoire de la Ve République regorge ainsi de pratiques qui, sans être expressément prévues dans le texte, se sont imposées durablement au point de produire des effets aussi contraignants que la règle écrite. La plus emblématique de ces pratiques est le concept de « domaine réservé », qui confère au chef d’État la compétence exclusive dans la conduite des affaires étrangères.

La nomination d’un premier ministre de droite à l’origine de la crise politique

C’est ainsi que certaines pratiques émergentes, si elles semblent admises sur le plan institutionnel, se heurtent dans le champ politique à une intense contestation.


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Tel a été le cas au lendemain des élections législatives en juillet 2024. La coalition des forces de gauche réunies sous la bannière du Nouveau Front populaire est arrivée en tête du scrutin avec une majorité relative de sièges obtenus, tandis que le Rassemblement national a obtenu une majorité de suffrages. Le président Macron a choisi néanmoins de nommer comme premier ministre Michel Barnier, issu d’un parti, Les Républicains, qui ne figurait qu’en quatrième position.

Pourtant, la pratique institutionnelle qui prévalait jusque-là voulait que le président nomme un premier ministre issu des rangs de la force arrivée en tête des élections législatives. Cette pratique n’est toutefois pas inscrite dans le texte constitutionnel : l’article 8 indique en effet simplement que le « président de la République nomme le premier ministre ». Emmanuel Macron a dès lors saisi cette brèche pour échapper à une pratique dont l’application aurait desservi ses objectifs politiques.

Une partie de la crise institutionnelle que connait actuellement la France trouve probablement sa justification dans cette obstination du président de la République. La nomination vendredi d’un premier ministre issu des forces de gauche signifierait toutefois que cette pratique émergente et contestée aura fait long feu.

La Conversation Canada

Wassim Tayssir a reçu des financements de l’Université de Montréal

ref. Crise politique en France : Emmanuel Macron a-t-il détourné les institutions ? – https://theconversation.com/crise-politique-en-france-emmanuel-macron-a-t-il-detourne-les-institutions-267074

NY AG Letitia James charged with mortgage fraud – a crime seldom prosecuted and rarely resulting in prison

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jay L. Zagorsky, Associate Professor Questrom School of Business, Boston University

Go directly to jail? Not quite. Sergey Chayko/Getty Images Plus

With the indictment on Oct. 9, 2025, of New York Attorney General – and longtime Donald Trump adversary – Letitia James on two criminal counts related to loans for a home purchase, mortgage fraud is back in the news.

Lisa Cook, a Federal Reserve governor, is also being investigated by the Department of Justice for allegedly making false statements when applying for a mortgage. Members of Donald Trump’s Cabinet are accused of similar wrongdoings. Could any of these people go to prison?

Mortgage fraud is not a new problem. Subprime mortgage fraud fueled the 2008 financial meltdown, when large numbers of very risky mortgages defaulted. Mortgage fraud was also a key feature of the savings and loan crisis in the 1980s.

Mortgage applications are very long, so there’s plenty of opportunity to make mistakes. Plus, they require borrowers to declare that everything is “true, accurate, and complete.” Misrepresentation can trigger potentially large civil and criminal penalties.

As a business school professor, I was curious how many people are convicted of mortgage fraud today. After all, relatively few people went to jail for fraudulent loans back in 2008. Since most mortgage fraud violates federal law, I looked at more than a decade of federal conviction data. What I found was clear: Almost no one has gone to federal prison recently for lying on a mortgage application.

What is mortgage fraud?

Mortgage fraud is when someone intentionally misrepresents facts in order to obtain a property loan. People can lie about many things on a mortgage application, such as their income, assets or employment status, or whether they will occupy the home being purchased or rent it out.

Being caught lying to get a mortgage can be costly. The maximum federal sentence is 30 years, with fines of up to US$1 million. Because more than a quarter of all mortgages are guaranteed by federal agencies, and many are acquired by quasi-government organizations like Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae, most mortgage fraud is a federal crime.

However, just because there are laws on the books doesn’t mean they’re enforced. For example, I work in Boston, where for years jaywalking has been illegal – but as any visitor quickly notices, no one pays any attention to this rule.

How many people are convicted?

The U.S. Sentencing Commission provides detailed data on every person convicted of federal crimes since 2013. The database is large, since federal courts convict almost 70,000 people each year.

However, very few people are convicted of federal mortgage fraud. Just 38 people in the country were sentenced for such crimes in 2024, and among that small group, four of the convicted got no prison time. A year earlier, just 34 people were convicted and seven avoided prison.

Over the past dozen years, fewer than 3,000 people were convicted of federal mortgage fraud, and the number of people sentenced fell steadily each year.

Three thousand people are a tiny fraction of mortgages issued. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau estimates that almost 100 million new mortgage loans were written to purchase or refinance a home over the past 12 years. For those who like precision, 3,000 is only 0.003%.

The Sentencing Commission’s files also offer insight into who gets convicted of mortgage fraud. Three-quarters were men. More than 90% were U.S. citizens. The typical person convicted of mortgage fraud is a man in his late 40s with an associate degree, the data suggests.

The real penalty

While the maximum penalty is 30 years, almost no one serves that long a sentence. In 2024, the maximum sentence handed out was just 10 years. Since 2013, 15% of those convicted got no jail time. The average sentence for people who did get jail time was 21 months, which is less than two years behind bars.

Fines are also much lighter in practice than the maximum $1 million penalty. In 2024, the maximum fine passed down was a quarter-million dollars. Since 2013, the average person convicted of mortgage fraud paid a fine of less than $6,000, with over half of all those convicted paying no fine at all.

Now not paying a fine or only paying a small one doesn’t mean there’s no financial penalty. The courts required most of those convicted to make restitution. In 2024, half of all people convicted had to pay at least a half-million dollars to reimburse their victims, such as lending companies. Over the dozen years I looked at, the average person convicted paid $2 million in restitution for their misdeeds.

More lightning strikes than convictions

It’s impossible to know how common mortgage fraud really is. Some mortgage applications are rechecked in a “post-closing audit.” However, these audits happen within 90 days after the mortgage money is disbursed. Beyond that window, if a loan is paid back on time and without problems, there’s little incentive for a bank or mortgage service provider to recheck an applicant’s information.

What is clear is that while millions of mortgages are written each year, only a tiny fraction of mortgage recipients go to jail for fraud. One way to put this tiny fraction into perspective is to compare it with the National Weather Service estimates of the approximately 270 people hit by lightning yearly. Last year, lightning hit over seven times more people than the federal government convicted of mortgage fraud.

Years ago, I filled in a mortgage application to buy a home. I was consumed with dread wondering if any application mistake would result in my being sent to jail. After looking at the mortgage fraud conviction data, I should have been more worried about being hit by lightning.

The Conversation

Jay L. Zagorsky does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NY AG Letitia James charged with mortgage fraud – a crime seldom prosecuted and rarely resulting in prison – https://theconversation.com/ny-ag-letitia-james-charged-with-mortgage-fraud-a-crime-seldom-prosecuted-and-rarely-resulting-in-prison-265242

A white poet and a Sioux doctor fell in love after Wounded Knee – racism and sexism would drive them apart

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Julie Dobrow, Distinguished Senior Lecturer of Child Study and Human Development, Tufts University

Native American children ride bikes near the cemetery at Wounded Knee, the site of the Dec. 29, 1890, massacre of Sioux tribal members. Richmatts/iStock via Getty Images

Like many star-crossed lovers, Elaine Goodale and Charles Alexander Eastman came from different worlds.

Goodale, born in 1863 to a family claiming Puritan roots, grew up on a farm in a remote part of western Massachusetts. In 1858, a baby first named Hakadah, later called Ohíye S’a, who then became widely known as Charles Alexander Eastman for most of his adult life, was born near Redwood Falls, Minnesota. A Wahpeton Santee Dakota, he fled to Manitoba, Canada, with tribal members during the 1862 Dakota War between the U.S. military and several bands of Dakota collectively known as the Santee Sioux.

In December 1890, the two unexpectedly met each other while working at the Pine Ridge Agency in the newly declared state of South Dakota. Even more improbably, they fell in love.

Just weeks later, booming Hotchkiss rifles 15 miles away signaled the start of the Wounded Knee Massacre. Federal troops ended up killing at least 250 Lakota Sioux men, women and children; the traumatic event, historian David Martínez writes, sparked “the abrupt transformation of Indian nations from geopolitical powers … to symbols of conquest.”

It also transformed Goodale and Eastman’s nascent relationship: They resolved to marry and to work together for Native American causes.

Wounded Knee, however, would also prove an unfortunate metaphor for their marriage.

In the research for my new dual biography, “Love and Loss After Wounded Knee: A Biography of an Extraordinary Interracial Marriage,” I dove into letters, photographs and hundreds of newspaper articles documenting this high-profile, late-19th-century relationship.

I came to understand that their marriage failed not only because of interpersonal tensions and a clash of values, but also because of some of the ways in which ideas about gender, race and Indigenous identity were rapidly changing in the U.S.

From writer to teacher

At 13, Goodale started publishing poetry in St. Nicholas Magazine, a popular children’s periodical. Her poems generated attention from the press, in addition to fan mail from notable men of letters, including Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. By the time she was 20, she had published five books.

Black-and-white portrait of young woman.
Elaine Goodale Eastman in 1890, when she worked as the Supervisor of Education for the Dakotas.
South Dakota Historical Society

But because poets without family fortunes needed other means to support themselves – and because women in the late 1800s had few career options – Goodale turned to teaching. She accepted a job at Virginia’s Hampton Institute, a boarding school that was founded to teach newly emancipated Black students. It later became part of the government’s program to assimilate Native Americans.

Goodale became convinced that Indigenous children would benefit more from schools in their own communities, rather than at government- or church-run boarding schools. She traveled to the Dakota Territory and opened a day school. She also turned from poetry to prose, documenting her observations of “Indian life and education” in dozens of articles.

By the time she came to Pine Ridge Agency, the administrative offices at the Oglala Lakota Indian Reservation, she had been appointed the first supervisor of education for the Dakotas.

The ideal ‘assimilated Indian’

Ohíye S’a’s early years were marked by family trauma and U.S. government policies aimed at seizing land and displacing and assimilating Native people. His mother died shortly after he was born, and during the Dakota War it was widely believed that his father and brothers had perished. His grandmother and uncle raised him until his mid-teenage years.

A dark-skinned, expressionless man wearing a suit and tie.
Charles Eastman was often praised in the press for his academic accomplishments – and his willingness to assimilate.
Wikimedia Commons

In 1873, the 15-year-old was surprised to discover that his father was, in fact, alive. Jacob Eastman had taken a European-American name and converted to Christianity. He was convinced that only a formal English-language education could provide a path forward for Native people.

At his father’s urging, Ohíye S’a became “Charles Eastman,” and he also converted to Christianity. He attended a series of boarding schools before landing at Dartmouth College and then Boston University Medical School.

His white mentors saw Eastman – the only Native person in his class at either institution – as the ideal “assimilated Indian.” His achievements often appeared in newspapers with headlines like “He’s a Winner: Sioux Indian Who Got a Boston University Degree,” an allusion to the fact that “Ohíye S’a” translated to “winner.”

It isn’t clear whether Eastman ever thought of himself in that way. But throughout his life, he straddled the world in which he was raised and the one in which he was educated. His first job, as agency physician at Pine Ridge, placed him at the nexus of these two cultures.

An unlikely pair, a media sensation

After the shots rang out near Wounded Knee Creek, Eastman’s medical education was put to the test. Called into service as a nurse, Goodale also tended the wounded and dying in the makeshift hospital at a nearby church.

Six months later, Elaine and Charles were married in New York City in June 1891, much to the consternation of her family.

Black-and-white photo of soldiers standing around a ditch filled with corpses
A mass grave for Native Americans killed during the Wounded Knee Massacre.
Ullstein Bild/Getty Images

The couple’s nuptials appeared in hundreds of newspapers, partially due to the rarity of an interracial marriage in the 19th century. Much of the coverage was rife with racist stereotypes.

The Watertown Times in New York proclaimed, “Poetess Marries a Big Injun’”; the San Francisco Examiner ran a front-page story declaring “Fair Bride of An Indian: Elaine Goodale Weds the Red Man of Her Choice.”

Sometimes, articles focused on Charles’ educational background, often misrepresenting it by suggesting he had attended Cornell, Harvard or Yale. He was referred to as a “specimen,” with racialized language discussing his physical attributes: “He is of medium height … with all the peculiarities of his people in his features. His eyes are small and glittering, his face and nose are broad and his cheek bones very pronounced,” according to the San Francisco Examiner.

This type of media coverage – highlighting the differences between Elaine and Charles’ backgrounds, while pointedly describing Charles in stereotyped ways – would dog them throughout their marriage.

Professional travails, personal problems

Charles attempted to set up his own medical practice in St. Paul, Minnesota. But white patients proved reluctant to see “an Indian doctor,” while Native patients were hesitant to patronize a physician dispensing unfamiliar medicines. The practice failed.

Financial pressures increased over the next decade as Elaine and Charles became parents of six children. They moved frequently: Charles took on a series of jobs, including recruiting for the YMCA, lobbying on behalf of the Santee Sioux, and working as an “outing agent” at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, which involved finding summer placements for Native students with white families in a further attempt to Americanize them.

Because Charles left behind few personal papers, it’s difficult to know if he believed in this program. But it’s easy to see how it could have created an identity crisis of sorts.

At other points in his life, Charles seemed to put his Dakota identity front and center. For example, he was one of the co-founders of the Society of American Indians, an organization that worked on behalf of self-determination for Native Americans. He even served as its president in 1918. Meanwhile, his wife remained a staunch believer in assimilation.

At Elaine’s urging – and likely, under her editorial stewardship – Charles began publishing stories and then books about his “Indian Boyhood.” While Elaine continued writing and was able to publish a few books, his literary career took off and hers stalled out.

Cursive text.
A signature from a copy of one of Charles Eastman’s books, in which he uses both his Christian name and his Native American name, Ohíye S’a.
Wikimedia Commons

Even their children weren’t spared from the headlines. An article in the St. Paul Globe wrote, of one of the Eastman children, “… the child had not inherited any of the attractiveness of the mother. It was a veritable old squaw miniature.”

In her personal writing, Elaine never acknowledged her children as biracial. The public stereotyping and private dismissal of the Eastman children’s identities were undoubtedly another stressor in an already-stressed marriage.

Pictures worth a thousand words

After many moves, the Eastmans landed in Amherst, Massachusetts. But Charles did not stay put, embarking upon a vigorous new career on the lecture circuit.

He became one of the best-known Native Americans of his era, as well as one of the most photographed.

Sepia-toned portrait of man wearing a headdress and traditional Native American clothing.
Charles Eastman alternatively posed in Western dress and traditional Sioux regalia.
Amherst College

Sometimes Charles chose to appear in a Victorian suit and cravat. Other times he posed in traditional Sioux regalia. Often the coverage of his talks focused more on what he was wearing than the content of his lecture. Historian Kiara Vigil suggests that Charles knew that his dress functioned as an advertisement for his work, arguing that his choice of attire was strategic: “Eastman’s ability to dress up as an Indian, or not, enabled him to address diverse audiences and their expectations.”

He was away from home more than he was present, further fueling Elaine’s resentment. In personal letters, she described her bitterness at Charles leaving the children and household to her sole care, and her belief that he was reinforcing the gender roles she’d railed against. While she certainly understood that his posing in buckskin and feathered headdress was good marketing, she probably never realized what reclaiming his Indigenous identity meant to Charles; she, too, thought of him as the product of successful assimilation.

It all falls apart

The personal and professional pressures on the Eastmans continued through the early years of the 20th century.

They reached a breaking point after their second daughter, Irene Taluta, died in the 1918 influenza pandemic. The tragic loss of a beloved child continued to unravel an already frayed marriage.

Elaine and Charles separated in 1921, though they never formally divorced.

I’ve been interested in the Eastmans and their unlikely marriage since I first learned of it years ago. As I pieced together parts of this complex relationship, I became convinced that while their compelling story reveals much about late 19th and early 20th century America, it’s also a story for today.

At a time of profoundly unsettling controversies around race, immigration and identity, the marriage of Elaine Goodale and Charles Eastman underscores why it can be so challenging for people from different backgrounds to truly understand each other.

But their story – how their mutual commitment to improve life for Native American people brought them together, how their quest to educate the nation about a marginalized people gave them purpose, and the ways in which they melded the personal and the political – also suggests the importance of trying.

The Conversation

Julie Dobrow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A white poet and a Sioux doctor fell in love after Wounded Knee – racism and sexism would drive them apart – https://theconversation.com/a-white-poet-and-a-sioux-doctor-fell-in-love-after-wounded-knee-racism-and-sexism-would-drive-them-apart-263175

¿Es buena idea recurrir a ChatGPT cuando estamos deprimidos o ansiosos?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Felipe Soto-Pérez, Profesor en Psicopatología y Salud Mental del Departamento de Personalidad, Evaluación y Tratamiento Psicológicos, Universidad de Salamanca

La salud mental es uno de los asuntos que más preocupan hoy en día. Se calcula que cuatro de cada diez personas tendrán un problema de este tipo a lo largo de su vida. De ahí la urgencia de encontrar soluciones validadas por la evidencia científica. Algunas de las soluciones que se barajan tienen que ver con el uso de ChatGPT y otras aplicaciones de inteligencia artificial, propuestas que pueden generar curiosidad pero también dudas y desconfianza.

No es nuevo: el desarrollo tecnológico siempre nos ha hecho sentir algo incómodos. Ya a comienzos del siglo XIX, en un pueblo de Inglaterra llamado Leicestershire, Ned Ludd destruyó algunas máquinas textiles. Entre otras razones, argumentaba que lo hacía porque se oponía a los cambios que traía la nueva maquinaria industrial. A partir de ahí nació el término ludita, que describe a personas que rechazan el desarrollo tecnológico.

En el campo de la salud también han existido “momentos luditas”. Por ejemplo, cuando aparecieron los contestadores automáticos o, más recientemente, cuando se comenzó a utilizar la videollamada para atender pacientes. Incluso los propios profesionales se resistían a las videollamadas hasta que la pandemia de la covid-19 les obligó a utilizarlas. ¡Y menos mal que contamos con esa opción!

¿Cómo utilizan las personas la IA para cuidar su salud mental?

Actualmente, el principal uso que se le da a la lA es con fines de acompañamiento, como un “compañero digital” que nos orienta, escucha nuestros pensamientos y angustias, nos aconseja y al que le contamos secretos. Nos lo pone fácil el hecho de que herramientas como ChatGPT estén disponibles en cualquier momento, parezcan empáticas y, por norma, no critiquen ni respondan negativamente.

Quienes utilizan este tipo de IA no suelen preocuparse por la privacidad o la profundidad emocional, pese a que plantea riesgos por el uso de datos personales y por los sesgos con los que se entrenan las herramientas de IA.

No obstante, debemos admitir también que la IA permite identificar señales de malestar antes de que se agraven. Esto se consigue mediante el análisis de los datos de móviles y weareables que informan de patrones de actividad, pasos, sueño, cantidad de mensajes o veces que se mira el móvil. Este tipo de proceso se llama fenotipado digital y ayuda a anticipar recaídas en depresión o episodios en trastornos graves mediante lo que se llama EMA (Ecological Momentary Assessment o Evaluación Ecológica Momentánea).

También se usan modelos de lenguaje para detectar cambios sutiles en el estado emocional de adolescentes y adultos. Por ejemplo, cuando en los mensajes se detecta un aumento de frases del tipo “estoy mal” o “culpa”, así como en la fluidez verbal o en incoherencias sintácticas. El objetivo es claro: actuar antes de que el problema se convierta en crisis, algo que la atención tradicional no siempre logra.

Asimismo se han publicado estudios iniciales donde chatbots de salud mental se muestran eficaces en reducir síntomas leves de ansiedad y depresión, además de fomentar la reflexión personal y el autocuidado. Su disponibilidad 24/7 los convierte en recursos accesibles y de bajo coste, especialmente útiles en contextos con escasez de servicios profesionales.

La IA se está usando para ampliar terapias como la cognitivo-conductual. Algoritmos inteligentes permiten adaptar ejercicios, monitorizar avances y reforzar aprendizajes. Al mismo tiempo, los modelos de lenguaje abren la puerta a diálogos más naturales y sensibles al contexto. Los resultados de estudios científicos muestran reducciones moderadas en síntomas depresivos, especialmente en jóvenes.

Los terapeutas son más empáticos y flexibles

A pesar de estos avances, los profesionales ofrecen una visión más matizada.Comparaciones entre humanos y chatbots revelan que los terapeutas superan claramente a la IA en dimensiones críticas como la empatía, la flexibilidad y la sintonía emocional. Esto refuerza una idea clave: la IA no sustituirá al profesional, sino que se perfila como una herramienta complementaria.

Por ejemplo, en ansiedad y depresión un bot parece ser efectivo al inicio, pero su efecto desaparece a los tres meses. En paralelo a esta extinción, las personas dejan de utilizarlo, de modo que la adherencia a los apoyos sustentados en IA se ha convertido en uno de los grandes desafíos actuales y futuros a la hora de usarla en salud mental.

Las investigaciones también advierten sobre carencias importantes. Un modelo propone imaginarlo como una pirámide con tres pasos. En la base están la seguridad y la privacidad; después, la fiabilidad y la transparencia; y, solo en la cúspide, la eficacia práctica. Sin embargo, la mayor parte de los estudios se concentran en los niveles superiores y dejan en segundo plano cuestiones básicas como la protección de datos o la gestión del sesgo algorítmico. De hecho, un análisis crítico advierte que la falta de supervisión ética y la escasa formación digital de pacientes y profesionales pueden convertir a estas herramientas más en un riesgo que en un apoyo.

La IA ya está diseñada y avanzando. Los profesionales necesitamos prepararnos para este cambio radical en la forma de abordar los problemas de salud mental.

¿Qué podemos esperar del futuro de la IA en salud mental?

La integración de la inteligencia artificial en nuestra vida cotidiana es ya un hecho. Hace apenas tres años, la mayoría de la gente utilizaba un buscador, mientras que hoy millones de usuarios formulan directamente sus preguntas a un asistente conversacional. La permeabilidad de nuestras actividades diarias a la IA es tan alta que cuesta imaginar un retroceso. Al igual que hace dos décadas los ordenadores ocupaban media mesa y hoy caben en el bolsillo, probablemente en pocos años miraremos atrás y nos parecerá rudimentario haber usado la IA solo a través de texto para hablar de nuestra salud mental.

En este campo, el proceso ya comenzó, pero las perspectivas son claras. Las revisiones recientes señalan que la IA no solo permitirá monitorizar síntomas en tiempo real a través de dispositivos cotidianos, sino que también contribuirá a diagnósticos más precisos y a una atención personalizada. Con sus limitaciones y riesgos, la IA ha llegado para quedarse y desarrollarse.


La versión original de este artículo ha sido publicada en la revista Telos, de Fundación Telefónica.


The Conversation

Felipe Soto-Pérez colabora con Telos, la revista que edita Fundación Telefónica.

Madalin Marian Deliu Dumitru colabora con Telos, la revista que edita Fundación Telefónica.

ref. ¿Es buena idea recurrir a ChatGPT cuando estamos deprimidos o ansiosos? – https://theconversation.com/es-buena-idea-recurrir-a-chatgpt-cuando-estamos-deprimidos-o-ansiosos-267243

Trump is cutting funding to universities with large Hispanic student populations – here’s what to know

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Joseph Morales, University Diversity Officer, Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies, California State University, Chico

A billboard truck criticizing education cuts is parked at Florida International University, an HSI in Miami, in March 2025. John Parra/Getty Images for Students Organizing Now

The Trump administration is trying to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion programs as part of a broader campaign to end what it calls “wokeness” in American education.

As part of this rollback, the Justice Department announced in July 2025 that it would no longer “defend” the federal definition of Hispanic-Serving Institutions, or HSIs. These are colleges where at least 25% of undergraduates identify as Hispanic or Latino.

This is more than a legal technicality. It reflects the Justice Department’s position that HSI grants violate constitutional protections, putting millions of federal dollars for these schools at risk.

Citing this legal rationale, the Department of Education confirmed in September that it had frozen US$350 million in education grants intended for Minority-Serving Institutions. This includes more than $250 million for HSIs, specifically.

The Education Department argues that these programs amount to racial discrimination because they tie federal grants to students’ racial or ethnic backgrounds.

This echoes the Supreme Court’s decision in 2023, which narrowed how colleges can consider race and ethnicity in admissions.

I serve as the university diversity officer at California State University, Chico, an HSI. I am also an ethnic studies scholar who focuses on equity in higher education.

Advocates for HSIs say ending federal funding would hurt already underfunded colleges, particularly those that serve large numbers of first-generation and low-income students.

A woman with dark hair smiles and stands in front of a whiteboard that says in marker, 'HSI week, Sept 9-15'
Elisa Castillo is the assistant vice president for Hispanic Serving Institution and Minority Serving Institution initiatives at Salem State University, a newly designated HSI in Salem, Mass.
Pat Greenhouse/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

What are Hispanic-Serving Institutions?

Congress created the HSI designation in 1992, through an amendment to the 1965 Higher Education Act. This amendment authorizes federal grants to help strengthen colleges that enroll large numbers of Hispanic and low-income students, providing more opportunity for those students to succeed and graduate.

There are more than 600 federally designated HSIs across the U.S. and Puerto Rico. California is home to the most HSIs, with 167, followed by Texas, Puerto Rico, New York and Illinois.

In addition to showing that at least 25% of its student population is Hispanic or Latino, any college or university that wants to qualify as an HSI must also show that at least half of its students come from low-income backgrounds.

Becoming an HSI allows colleges and universities to apply for federal funding intended to support underrepresented and low-income students.

HSIs vary in size and mission

HSIs enroll over 1.5 million Hispanic students, which amounts to over 60% of all Hispanic undergraduates in the U.S.

This marks a big increase from the 340,000 Hispanic undergraduates who attended an HSI in 1995.

Some of these schools are large public research universities, such as University of California, Riverside; University of California, Santa Barbara; and University of California, Santa Cruz. Others are regional institutions, private colleges and local community colleges.

Over the past decade, another kind of Hispanic-Serving Institution has emerged – research-intensive HSIs. These are colleges and universities where at least 25% of the student body is Hispanic and where there is significant research funding and a range of doctoral programs offered. These schools include University of California, Irvine; Florida International University; and the University of Texas at El Paso, among others.

Some researchers have debated whether the HSI category has become too broad, grouping schools with vastly different resources, missions and student populations.

Despite their differences, many HSIs enroll large numbers of first-generation, low-income and working students, as well as immigrants and transfer students.

HSIs also generally operate with fewer financial and academic resources than comparable non-HSI institutions.

How HSI funding works

Title V grants from the Department of Education are one clear way that HSIs can receive federal funding .

These competitive grants are intended to help HSIs expand educational opportunities and institutional capacity to support Hispanic and low-income students.

Rather than providing aid directly to students, Title V grants are used to offer faculty training, update classrooms and laboratories, create new degree programs and develop mentorship opportunities for first-generation students.

At campuses such as California State University, Chico and University of California, Irvine, Title V grants have given schools the money to create bilingual advising services and maintain data systems.

Title V grants form only one part of the broader funding picture for HSIs. Like many colleges, HSIs rely on state funding and tuition revenue. They also compete for other federal grants, including those from the National Science Foundation and the Department of Agriculture.

How HSIs help Hispanic students

A growing body of research shows that HSIs are crucial in helping more Hispanic and first-generation students attend and graduate college.

Some HSIs have received national recognition for using evidence-based practices to help Hispanic students perform better in the classroom. Hispanic students at these schools, which include Arizona State University and California State University, Fullerton, graduate at rates roughly 8 percentage points higher than Hispanic students nationally.

Hispanic students at HSIs graduate at rates more than 5 percentage points higher than those at comparable non-HSI colleges, according to similar 2017 findings from the nonprofit Education Trust.

There are a few reasons why there is a relatively high graduation rate for Hispanic students at HSIs.

Students at HSIs often report feeling a strong sense of belonging and see their own cultures reflected in the curriculum. Many HSI campuses also offer dedicated programs for first-generation students and train faculty to teach and advise with equity and inclusion in mind.

At University of California, Irvine, where I helped lead HSI initiatives, Hispanic undergraduate enrollment grew by nearly 150% between 2009 and 2019, from 3,000 students to more than 7,500.

During that time, more than 350 faculty and staff completed equity-focused training to strengthen advising and teaching practices that support Hispanic and other underrepresented students.

People hold umbrellas and walk together in the rain near palm trees, in front of a large sign that days Fullerton
Visitors to California State University, Fullerton take a guided campus tour.
Jeff Gritchen/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images

What’s at stake for HSIs

Hispanic Americans now make up nearly 20% of the U.S. population, and their college enrollment numbers are projected to grow from about 3.7 million in 2020 to 4.5 million by 2030, as overall college enrollment numbers are projected to decline during this time.

A national evaluation of Title V projects found that most colleges and universities used these grants to improve student services, develop new academic programs and build community partnerships that help first-generation and low-income students stay enrolled and complete their degrees.

As HSI researchers note, graduation rates tell only part of the story. True student success at HSIs depends not just on graduation numbers, but on culturally responsive teaching, inclusive campus climates and equity-minded institutional practices.

How policymakers define and fund HSIs will shape not only the future of these institutions but also whether this growing generation of Hispanic students can access, afford and complete college in the years ahead.

The Conversation

Joseph Morales, Ph.D., works at California State University, Chico, a federally designated Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI). While not a principal investigator on any federal HSI grants, he has participated in professional development programs and national conferences hosted by organizations mentioned in the article, including the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU). These experiences inform his understanding of the field but did not influence the content of this piece. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of California State University, Chico.

ref. Trump is cutting funding to universities with large Hispanic student populations – here’s what to know – https://theconversation.com/trump-is-cutting-funding-to-universities-with-large-hispanic-student-populations-heres-what-to-know-251202

Can you really be addicted to food? Researchers are uncovering convincing similarities to drug addiction

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Claire Wilcox, Adjunct Faculty in Psychiatry, University of New Mexico

Research has found that high-sugar, ultraprocessed foods can be addictive for some people. Doucefleur/iStock via Getty Images Plus

People often joke that their favorite snack is “like crack” or call themselves “chocoholics” in jest.

But can someone really be addicted to food in the same way they could be hooked on substances such as alcohol or nicotine?

As an addiction psychiatrist and researcher with experience in treating eating disorders and obesity, I have been following the research in this field for the past few decades. I have written a textbook on food addiction, obesity and overeating disorders, and, more recently, a self-help book for people who have intense cravings and obsessions for some foods.

While there is still some debate among psychologists and scientists, a consensus is emerging that food addiction is a real phenomenon. Hundreds of studies have confirmed that certain foods – often those that are high in sugar and ultraprocessedaffect the brains and behavior of certain people similarly to other addictive substances such as nicotine.

Still, many questions remain about which foods are addictive, which people are most susceptible to this addiction and why. There are also questions as to how this condition compares to other substance addictions and whether the same treatments could work for patients struggling with any kind of addiction.

How does addiction work?

The neurobiological mechanisms of addiction have been mapped out through decades of laboratory-based research using neuroimaging and cognitive neuroscience approaches.

Studies show that preexisting genetic and environmental factors set the stage for developing an addiction. Regularly consuming an addictive substance then causes a rewiring of several important brain systems, leading the person to crave more and more of it.

This rewiring takes place in three key brain networks that correspond to key functional domains, often referred to as the reward system, the stress response system and the system in charge of executive control.

First, using an addictive substance causes the release of a chemical messenger called dopamine in the reward network, which makes the user feel good. Dopamine release also facilitates a neurobiological process called conditioning, which is basically a neural learning process that gives rise to habit formation.

As a result of the conditioning process, sensory cues associated with the substance start to have increasing influence over decision-making and behavior, often leading to a craving. For instance, because of conditioning, the sight of a needle can drive a person to set aside their commitment to quit using an injectable drug and return to it.

Second, continued use of an addictive substance over time affects the brain’s emotional or stress response network. The user’s body and mind build up a tolerance, meaning they need increasing amounts of the substance to feel its effect. The neurochemicals involved in this process are different than those mediating habit formation and include a chemical messenger called noradrenaline and internally produced opioids such as endorphins. If they quit using the substance, they experience symptoms of withdrawal, which can range from irritability and nausea to paranoia and seizures.

At that point, negative reinforcement kicks in. This is the process by which a person keeps going back to a substance because they’ve learned that using the substance doesn’t just feel good, but it also relieves negative emotions. During withdrawal from a substance, people feel profound emotional discomfort, including sadness and irritability. Negative reinforcement is why someone who is trying to quit smoking, for instance, will be at highest risk of relapse in the week just after stopping and during times of stress, because in the past they’d normally turn to cigarettes for relief.

Third, overuse of most addictive substances progressively damages the brain’s executive control network, the prefrontal cortex, and other key parts of the brain involved in impulse control and self-regulation. Over time, the damage to these areas makes it more and more difficult for the user to control their behavior around these substances. This is why it is so hard for long-term users of many addictive substances to quit.

Scientists have learned more about what’s happening in a person’s brain when they become addicted to a substance.

What evidence is there that food is addictive?

Many studies over the past 25 years have shown that high-sugar and other highly pleasurable foods – often foods that are ultraprocessed – act on these brain networks in ways that are similar to other addictive substances. The resulting changes in the brain fuel further craving for and overuse of the substance – in this case, highly rewarding food.

Clinical studies have demonstrated that people with an addictive relationship to food demonstrate the hallmark signs of a substance use disorder.

Studies also indicate that for some people, cravings for highly palatable foods go well beyond just a normal hankering for a snack and are, in fact, signs of addictive behavior. One study found that cues associated with highly pleasurable foods activate the reward centers in the brain, and the degree of activation predicts weight gain. In other words, the more power the food cue has to capture a person’s attention, the more likely they are to succumb to cravings for it.

Multiple studies have also found that suddenly ending a diet that’s high in sugar can cause withdrawal, similar to when people quit opioids or nicotine.

Excessive exposure to high-sugar foods has also been found to reduce cognitive function and cause damage to the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus, the parts of the brain that mediate executive control and memory.

In another study, when obese people were exposed to food and told to resist their craving for it by ignoring it or thinking about something else, their prefrontal cortexes were more active compared with nonobese individuals. This indicates that it was more difficult for the obese group to fight their cravings.

drawing of a woman in a spiral surrounded by processed foods
Researchers are still working out the best methods to help patients with food addictions develop a healthy relationship with food.
Viktar Sarkisian/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Finding safe treatments for patients struggling with food

Addiction recovery is often centered on the idea that the fastest way to get well is to abstain from the problem substance. But unlike nicotine or narcotics, food is something that all people need to survive, so quitting cold turkey isn’t an option.

In addition, eating disorders such as bulimia nervosa and binge-eating disorder often occur alongside addictive eating. Most psychologists and psychiatrists believe these illnesses have their root cause in excessive dietary restriction.

For this reason, many eating disorder treatment professionals balk at the idea of labeling some foods as addictive. They are concerned that encouraging abstinence from particular foods could trigger binge eating and extreme dieting to compensate.

A way forward

But others argue that, with care, integrating food addiction approaches into eating disorders treatment is feasible and could be lifesaving for some.

The emerging consensus around this link is moving researchers and those who treat eating disorders to consider food addiction in their treatment models.

One such approach might look like the one described to me by addiction psychiatrist and eating disorders specialist Dr. Kim Dennis. In line with traditional eating disorder treatment, nutritionists at her residential clinic strongly discourage their patients from restricting calories. At the same time, in line with traditional addiction treatment, they help their patients to consider significantly reducing or completely abstaining from particular foods to which they have developed an addictive relationship.

Additional clinical studies are already being carried out. But going forward, more studies are needed to help clinicians find the most effective treatments for people with an addictive relationship with food.

Efforts are underway by groups of psychologists, psychiatrists, neuroscientists and mental health providers to get “ultraprocessed food use disorder,” also known as food addiction, into future editions of diagnostic manuals such as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and the World Health Organization’s International Classification of Diseases.

Beyond acknowledging what those treating food addiction are already seeing in the field, this would help researchers get funding for additional studies of treating food addiction. With more information about what treatments will work best for whom, those who have these problems will no longer have to suffer in silence, and providers will be better equipped to help them.

The Conversation

I have two books for sale which address food addiction, and I could benefit financially from increased interest in the food addiction topic:

Wilcox C.E. Food Addiction Obesity and Disorders of Overeating: An Evidenced Based Assessment and Clinical Guide. (2021) Springer

Wilcox C. Rewire Your Food-Addicted Brain: Fight Cravings and Break Free from a High-Sugar Ultra-Processed Diet. (2025) New Harbinger Publications

ref. Can you really be addicted to food? Researchers are uncovering convincing similarities to drug addiction – https://theconversation.com/can-you-really-be-addicted-to-food-researchers-are-uncovering-convincing-similarities-to-drug-addiction-261727