Dissolution des partis politiques au Burkina Faso : pourquoi les putschistes africains se retournent contre leurs alliés

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Salah Ben Hammou, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Rice University

La fin du mois de janvier 2026 a marqué la fin effective de la politique partisane au Burkina Faso. Le 29 janvier, le gouvernement du capitaine Ibrahim Traoré a officiellement dissous tous les partis politiques, y compris ceux qui avaient soutenu son coup d’État de septembre 2022.

Les partis avaient déjà été suspendus depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Traoré, mais la junte a présenté cette dernière mesure comme s’inscrivant dans le cadre d’une « restructuration » plus large de l’État visant à réduire les divisions sociales.

Dans la pratique, cette mesure supprime le peu d’espace qui restait à la participation civique indépendante et concentre davantage le pouvoir entre les mains de Traoré. Les biens des partis ont été saisis par l’État.

Bien que la junte se soit appuyée au départ sur un soutien civil enthousiaste, cette décision contraste avec son discours de mobilisation populaire et de renouveau révolutionnaire. Pourtant, cette trajectoire est loin d’être surprenante.

Dans tout le Sahel et ailleurs en Afrique, les partisans des prises de pouvoir militaires découvrent que l’enthousiasme initial se traduit rarement par une influence politique durable. Les coups d’État qui commencent avec le soutien populaire se terminent souvent par la mise à l’écart ou la répression ouverte par la junte des groupes mêmes qui ont contribué à stabiliser son emprise sur le pouvoir. Cette tendance remonte à plusieurs décennies.

J’ai longuement étudié et écrit sur les coups d’État militaires pendant près d’une décennie, en particulier la récente vague de coups d’État en Afrique.

Je soutiens que, une fois au pouvoir, les dirigeants militaires ont peu d’intérêt à partager leur autorité. Les groupes civils sont utiles dans les premiers jours d’une prise de pouvoir. Ils apportent les foules, la légitimité et donnent l’impression que le coup d’État est le fruit de la frustration de la population.

Mais ces mêmes groupes deviennent rapidement gênants. Ils ont leurs propres dirigeants, leurs propres électeurs et leurs propres attentes concernant la transition. Ils peuvent critiquer les retards ou mobiliser leurs partisans. Cette indépendance est précisément ce que redoutent les juntes.

L’enthousiasme initial des civils ne doit pas être confondu avec un mandat durable, ni être interprété comme la preuve que la transition restera inclusive.

La récente interdiction des partis politiques au Burkina Faso n’en est que le dernier rappel. Le soutien venu de l’extérieur des casernes peut contribuer à déclencher ou à stabiliser un coup d’État, mais il garantit rarement une influence durable sur la suite.

Avertissement : le soutien des civils conduit rarement à une influence durable

Contrairement à ce que l’on pense généralement des coups d’État, les prises de pouvoir militaires attirent souvent le soutien d’au moins une partie de la population civile. Parfois, les civils encouragent activement le coup d’État. Ils peuvent également contribuer à son succès et à sa stabilisation.

Cette dynamique a été particulièrement visible lors de la récente vague de coups d’État en Afrique. Du Mali au Niger, les interventions militaires ont été bien accueillies, célébrées et même approuvées par les groupes de la société civile, les partis politiques et d’autres acteurs nationaux. Pour les leaders des coups d’État, ces alliances offrent une légitimité visible et une base de soutien toute faite.

Mais une tendance tout aussi courante se dessine. Alors que les groupes civils s’engagent à soutenir le maintien d’une certaine influence dans l’ordre post-coup d’État, les juntes écartent fréquemment, marginalisent, voire répriment complètement leurs anciens alliés.

Ce schéma se répète à travers les époques et les régions, transcendant les clivages idéologiques et sociaux.

Après le coup d’État de 1969 au Soudan, par exemple, le Parti communiste s’est initialement aligné sur les Officiers libres dirigés par le colonel Jaafar Nimeiri, leur offrant un soutien politique crucial. Mais en l’espace de sept mois, Nimeiri a commencé à écarter le parti, renvoyant les figures communistes clés du gouvernement. En 1971, il s’était complètement retourné contre eux, lançant une répression brutale qui a écrasé le parti.

Une trajectoire similaire a suivi le coup d’État de 2013 en Égypte. Le mouvement de protestation Tamarod a ouvertement soutenu et approuvé par la suite la prise de pouvoir du général Abdelfattah el-Sisi. L’influence du mouvement et d’autres partis politiques s’est rapidement évaporée à mesure que l’espace civique se réduisait.

Regrets des partisans du coup d’État au Sahel

Aujourd’hui, de nombreux groupes civils qui ont soutenu les récents coups d’État au Sahel vivent la même expérience que leurs prédécesseurs ailleurs.

Au Mali, le Mouvement du 5 juin – Rassemblement des forces patriotiques (M5-RFP) – une large coalition de partis d’opposition, de religieux et de militants associés à l’imam Mahmoud Dicko – est devenu l’un des détracteurs les plus virulents de la junte du colonel Assimi Goïta.

Pourtant, le M5-RFP figurait parmi les premiers partisans du coup d’État. Après des mois de manifestations massives contre le président Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, le mouvement a salué l’intervention de l’armée en août 2020 et espérait contribuer à orienter la transition.

Cette attente s’est rapidement estompée. La junte a écarté le M5-RFP lors de la formation du gouvernement de transition, excluant nombre de ses dirigeants des postes clés.

Lorsque Goïta a mené un deuxième coup d’État en mai 2021, renversant le gouvernement civil provisoire et consolidant le contrôle de l’armée, l’influence du mouvement s’est encore réduite. Ce qui avait commencé comme une alliance tactique s’est terminé par la marginalisation du M5-RFP.

Les conséquences du coup d’État de 2021 en Guinée ont suivi une trajectoire similaire. Les leaders de l’opposition à l’ancien président Alpha Condé ont initialement salué le coup d’État du général Mamady Doumbouya.

Espérant jouer un rôle significatif dans la transition, les dirigeants des partis ont même exhorté la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cedeao) à ne pas imposer de sanctions et ont publiquement légitimé le coup d’État comme une mesure nécessaire.

Mais, tout comme au Mali, la junte n’a pas tenu compte du soutien des partis, les empêchant d’être représentés de manière significative. Un peu plus d’un an plus tard, des membres du parti ont été arrêtés pour avoir exprimé leur opposition à leur exclusion de la transition.

Vu sous cet angle comparatif, la récente dissolution des partis au Burkina Faso s’inscrit dans un schéma bien établi. Un soutien politique précoce ne garantit pas un accès ou une influence continus une fois que les dirigeants militaires se sont solidement installés.

The Conversation

Salah Ben Hammou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dissolution des partis politiques au Burkina Faso : pourquoi les putschistes africains se retournent contre leurs alliés – https://theconversation.com/dissolution-des-partis-politiques-au-burkina-faso-pourquoi-les-putschistes-africains-se-retournent-contre-leurs-allies-276188

Coup d’État au Myanmar : cinq ans plus tard, cinq leçons à retenir

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Alexandre Lord, PhD Student, University of Toronto

Cinq ans après le coup d’État militaire de février 2021, la révolution birmane n’a ni triomphé ni disparu. Elle s’est transformée en une guerre longue, territorialisée et profondément internationalisée, dont les civils paient le prix le plus lourd.


Le 1er février marquait les cinq ans du coup d’État qui a mis fin à une décennie d’ouverture politique au Myanmar. Face à la confiscation brutale du pouvoir par l’armée, la population s’est d’abord mobilisée pacifiquement avant que la répression ne pousse le mouvement à se militariser.

Cette dynamique a donné naissance à une guerre civile d’ampleur nationale. Malgré des avancées militaires notables de la résistance, le régime n’est pas tombé. Que nous apprend cette révolution inachevée ?

Une révolution au coût humain dévastateur

La militarisation du soulèvement s’est accompagnée d’un coût humain considérable. Amnesty International estime que l’armée birmane a tué plus de 6000 personnes et en a emprisonné plus de 20 000 depuis le coup d’État. Ces prisonniers sont soumis à la torture. Les multiples fronts à travers le pays ont forcé le déplacement de plus de 3,4 millions de personnes, tandis que l’effondrement des services publics prive une large partie de la population d’un accès fiable à la nourriture et à l’eau potable.

L’armée birmane s’appuie massivement sur sa supériorité aérienne pour mener des bombardements indiscriminés contre des villages et des zones tenues par la résistance. Entre 2021 et 2025, le nombre de frappes aériennes a explosé, causant la mort de milliers de civils. Les écoles et les hôpitaux figurent parmi les cibles récurrentes, illustrant l’indifférence de la junte face aux normes humanitaires et sa disposition à commettre des crimes de guerre pour se maintenir au pouvoir.




À lire aussi :
Transition énergétique : une leçon autochtone venue du Myanmar


Transformer la résistance sans faire tomber le régime

L’union inédite entre les civils birmans du groupe majoritaire, les Bamars, et les forces armées des minorités ethniques a profondément transformé la résistance. La création des People’s Defence Forces (PDF), affiliées au gouvernement en exil (NUG), et leur coordination avec des groupes armés ethniques ont mis fin à l’illusion d’un retour rapide à l’ordre autoritaire. Cette militarisation a permis à la résistance de contrôler de vastes territoires et d’infliger à la junte ses revers militaires les plus sérieux depuis des décennies.

Cette dynamique a culminé avec l’offensive coordonnée du 27 octobre 2023 (opération 1027), au cours de laquelle des dizaines de villes sont tombées aux mains des forces révolutionnaires. Toutefois, ces succès n’ont pas suffi à renverser le régime, révélant les limites d’une victoire strictement militaire.

La résilience inattendue de la junte

Affaiblie mais non vaincue, la junte a démontré une capacité de résilience remarquable. Sa maîtrise quasi exclusive de la violence aérienne lui a permis de reprendre progressivement certaines villes perdues, en compensant ses faiblesses terrestres par une stratégie de bombardements massifs. Incapables de neutraliser cette supériorité aérienne, les forces révolutionnaires ont vu leurs gains territoriaux partiellement érodés.

Parallèlement, le régime a cherché à se maintenir politiquement en organisant des élections en décembre dernier. Largement dénoncé comme une mascarade, ce scrutin visait néanmoins à créer un cadre institutionnel minimal, à répondre aux attentes chinoises et à tenter de restaurer une forme de légitimité internationale. Malgré son isolement persistant, la junte reste solidement ancrée au pouvoir.

La Chine est plus influente que jamais

L’isolement diplomatique du régime n’a pas entraîné son effondrement, mais un réalignement stratégique. En cinq ans, la Chine s’est imposée comme l’acteur central du conflit. Voisin direct du Myanmar, Pékin soutient la junte par des livraisons d’armes, un appui financier et une protection diplomatique, motivés par ses intérêts économiques et sécuritaires, notamment dans le cadre de son projet de nouvelles routes de la soie, aussi appelées « Une ceinture, une route ».

Dans le même temps, la Chine entretient des liens étroits avec plusieurs groupes armés le long de sa frontière. En modulant son soutien militaire à ces acteurs, Pékin dispose d’un levier décisif pour influencer l’équilibre des forces. Cette capacité à peser sur les deux camps fait de la Chine un arbitre indirect de la guerre et un acteur incontournable de l’avenir politique du Myanmar.

Une économie de guerre criminelle

La prolongation du conflit a favorisé l’essor d’économies criminelles qui compliquent toute perspective de paix. Le Myanmar est aujourd’hui le premier producteur mondial d’opium, dépassant l’Afghanistan, tandis que la production de méthamphétamines atteint des niveaux records. Ces drogues alimentent les marchés régionaux et génèrent des profits considérables pour des groupes armés et criminels.

Un nouveau fléau a aussi émergé à cause de la guerre civile : les centres d’hameçonnage en ligne. Les zones frontalières du Myanmar sont connues pour leurs casinos, qui cherchent à attirer les joueurs chinois. Cependant, pendant la pandémie de Covid et compte tenu du retour des hostilités, ces casinos frontaliers n’apportaient plus les profits escomptés.

Par conséquent, leurs propriétaires, souvent associés au crime organisé chinois, se sont tournés vers l’arnaque en ligne pour s’enrichir. Seulement au Myanmar, pour l’année 2023, le nombre d’arnaqueurs était estimé à 120 000 individus et le revenu total de leur arnaque s’élevait à 15,3 milliards de dollars américains. En plus du coût financier, ces centres alimentent les réseaux de trafic humain d’Asie du Sud-Est.


Déjà des milliers d’abonnés à l’infolettre de La Conversation. Et vous ? Abonnez-vous gratuitement à notre infolettre pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux contemporains.


Le Myanmar transformé

Cinq ans après le coup d’État militaire, la révolution birmane n’a pas renversé la junte, mais elle a durablement transformé le Myanmar. Malgré une mobilisation populaire massive et une résistance armée sans précédent, l’armée birmane demeure au pouvoir.

Les pressions internes autant qu’externes, notamment celles de l’Association des nations de l’Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE), n’ont pas suffi à ébranler l’armée birmane. Pour tenter de se légitimer, la junte a organisé des élections en décembre, largement dénoncées comme truquées et illégitimes. Cette manœuvre vise surtout à masquer la poursuite brutale du conflit à travers le pays.

L’enlisement du conflit crée des dynamiques qui dépassent désormais la seule confrontation entre la junte et la résistance. À mesure que la guerre se prolonge, les incitations à la paix s’érodent. Tant qu’une économie de guerre sera présente, profitant tant au régime qu’à l’un de ses voisins et à certains groupes armés, la révolution birmane restera suspendue entre résistance et enlisement.

La Conversation Canada

Alexandre Lord ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Coup d’État au Myanmar : cinq ans plus tard, cinq leçons à retenir – https://theconversation.com/coup-detat-au-myanmar-cinq-ans-plus-tard-cinq-lecons-a-retenir-275067

Colleges face a choice: Try to shape AI’s impact on learning, or be redefined by it

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Vicki Baker, Professor of Economics and Management, Albion College

While many colleges have guidance on how students should use AI, specific policies tend to vary across professors and fields of study. Jutharat Pinpan/iStock/Getty Images Plus

What happens to a college education when a chatbot can draft an essay, summarize a reading and generate computer code in seconds? The arrival of artificial intelligence in college classrooms has been swift and, for many schools, disorienting.

As professors of economics and business management and biology at liberal arts colleges, we are confronting a question that now cuts across all colleges and universities: What is the purpose of a college education, as AI is rapidly reshaping how students think, learn and prepare for careers?

While much of the public debate has focused on plagiarism and credit for student work, the deeper issue extends beyond rule-setting.

Across higher education, most schools have issued guidance on how students should use AI, rather than adopted sweeping mandates.

Liberal arts colleges, like the University of Richmond, Bard College and Trinity College, tend to emphasize the importance of students using AI ethically and responsibly, and typically allow students to use AI when they cite it and their instructor permits it. These schools also allow professors to individually determine their own AI policies.

A 2024 study of 116 research universities found similar patterns, with instructors largely determining course policies and few campus-wide bans.

What’s unsettled is not whether students can use AI, but how institutions want students to use it. In our view, unless colleges clearly shape AI’s role in teaching and learning, fast-moving technologies may begin to redefine education by default. The risk isn’t more AI, but a gradual shift in what counts as learning.

Students may spend less time asking hard questions, making their own judgments and building real expertise. In that case, college risks becoming less about understanding and more about producing papers and other content quickly.

Letting AI into the classroom

When generative AI tools first became widely available in late 2022 and early 2023, most professors focused on finding and preventing it in student work. They looked for signs of AI use, including generic phrasing, fake citations, sudden shifts in tone or unusually polished writing that didn’t match a student’s prior work. Some faculty also used AI-detection software to identify computer-generated text.

But it is often difficult to tell when someone has used AI, in part because the detection software is unreliable. As a result, many faculty have shifted from bans to more structured guidance.

Some faculty, as a result, allow students to use AI for specific tasks, such as brainstorming, outlining or debugging code.

The rationale is practical: AI is everywhere and already embedded in professional settings. College graduates are likely to use AI in the workplace.

People are seen down a hallway, near a sign on a wooden wall that says 'Stanford University Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence.'
A student works in the hallway at Stanford University’s Institute for Human-Centered AI in 2023.
Kori Suzuki for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Accepting AI is here to stay

More recently, college faculty at a range of schools have shifted the focus from whether students are using AI at all to whether students using AI can still analyze, question and justify their own research and conclusions.

At the University of Michigan, for example, some faculty are redesigning assessments to include live debates and oral presentations.

And across the U.S., professors are reviving oral exams, since live questioning makes it harder for students to rely solely on AI. Students must then verbally explain their reasoning and defend their work.

Different academic fields, though, are approaching AI in various ways.

Many business programs, like the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, have moved quickly to bring AI into coursework and degree programs, often framing them as workforce preparation.

Recent analysis of more than 31,000 syllabuses at a large research university in Texas showed a growing number of faculty in the fall of 2025 allowed students to use AI. Business courses allowed the greatest use of AI, while humanities courses allowed it the least. The physical and life sciences fell in between.

Across disciplines, AI was most often allowed at this school for editing, study support and coding. It was most commonly restricted for drafting, revising and reasoning or problem-solving.

AI’s role in higher education is not settled. Instead, it is evolving, dependent on different academic cultures.

Different schools, different approaches

Colleges’ and universities’ overall responses and approaches to AI are varied, as well.

Research universities like Carnegie Mellon University and Stanford University are expanding on their long-standing investments in AI, moving quickly to develop new research centers, hiring faculty with AI expertise and creating new degree or certificate programs.

Liberal arts colleges are moving too, but often with a different emphasis.

The Davis Institute for AI at Colby College supports AI work across disciplines through new courses, faculty development and entrepreneurship. At the University of Richmond, a new center links AI to critical thinking and human values, so students can study AI’s impacts and help shape it intentionally.

All of these schools are determining AI policy course by course. But these plans are not part of a comprehensive, school-wide strategy.

Few schools have articulated coordinated, institution-wide plans on AI. Arizona State University is one example of a broader AI integration strategy, which spans academics and campus operations.

Comprehensive AI strategies are expensive. Meaningful integration may require campus licenses for AI services, upgraded computing systems and faculty training. These investments are difficult at a time when many colleges face enrollment declines and financial strain.

Public trust in higher education is another concern that makes enacting broad change difficult. Gallup surveys in 2023 and 2024 found that only 36% of Americans had high confidence in colleges and universities.

Against this backdrop, AI is raising questions about how colleges prepare students for their careers. Employers still prize critical thinking and communication. Yet generative AI can mimic the appearance of thinking even when real understanding is absent.

The tension is clear: If AI does the writing, coding or analysis, where do students do the thinking?

Rethinking learning

Rising use of AI is forcing colleges and universities to revisit what students should learn, how to measure this and the enduring value of a college degree.

That shift moves the conversation beyond course-by-course changes to a shared strategy on what forms of knowledge and thinking are developed in college. Colleges may redesign assignments, expand oral and project-based assessments, and integrate AI literacy across disciplines. They may also clarify learning outcomes, invest in faculty development and find new ways to document students’ judgment and problem-solving in an AI-assisted world.

The question is no longer whether AI belongs in higher education. The real question is whether colleges and universities will shape its role – or allow AI to quietly reshape them.

The Conversation

Linda M. Boland receives funding from the American Physiological Society.

Vicki Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Colleges face a choice: Try to shape AI’s impact on learning, or be redefined by it – https://theconversation.com/colleges-face-a-choice-try-to-shape-ais-impact-on-learning-or-be-redefined-by-it-275653

How transparent policies can protect Florida school libraries amid efforts to ban books

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Abigail Leigh Phillips, Associate Professor, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Florida has ranked No. 1 in the United States when it comes to banning books for the past three years, with 2,300 books removed or restricted from public school libraries.

What’s driving these numbers are small, grassroots organizations made up of vocal, media-savvy members. Moms for Liberty is one of the best known to school and public librarians.

Moms for Liberty has chapters in every state, with a particularly active Florida chapter that has been aided by legislation easing restrictions on banning books under Governor Ron DeSantis. Moms for Liberty created and regularly updates a document it calls the Book of Books, with a content-based rating system the organization created. The document is meant to serve as a template that parents can use to make complaints about a book to school boards and school district administrators.

In some cases, book challenges have gone beyond heated public debates, escalating to harassment and even death threats against school librarians.

That kind of escalation hits home for me because I’m a former public librarian. I spent my career in libraries serving small, rural communities in southwestern Georgia – the same libraries I grew up in. Now, as an information science professor in Wisconsin, I educate students on how to build and maintain physical and digital collections as librarians, archivists and museum curators.

One thing I emphasize to my students is that creating a collection involves building in processes for the community to give feedback – even by challenging books.

The purpose of school libraries

School libraries have long served as sanctuaries and supportive spaces for vulnerable students. They are meant to serve as access points to diverse, unique and insightful materials that help students connect with learning in a new way. A school library collection is intended to offer students both a mirror that reflects their own experience of the world and a window that allows them to see that there’s a bigger world out there.

School librarians help teachers with instructional technology in their classrooms, teach students how to use databases and online resources, and build the school community’s information literacy skills. They help schools meet district instructional goals, state education standards and national school library standards.

The required qualifications to work as a school librarian vary state by state. In Florida, school librarians must have a bachelor’s degree, a minimum of two years of professional library experience and demonstrated successful professional work experience as a full-time library staffer.

A woman in a Moms for Liberty T-shirt holds a sign that says 'I don't co-parent with the government'
Members of Moms for Liberty have organized campaigns to have hundreds of books removed from school library collections.
SOPA Images/Light Rocket via Getty Images

School libraries and politics

But beyond their qualifications and functions in the classroom, a school librarian’s role also requires leading and engaging the community as an advocate for the importance of the library.

Unlike public libraries, which have elected or appointed boards, school libraries are governed by district policies decided by school boards and school administrators. This means local funding, changes among school board members and local politics have significant implications for school libraries.

Still, school librarians are not without some power to affect policies in their districts. Every state and even every school district has its own unique ways of operating, but typically, school librarians are tasked with writing or at least consulting on the policies the school board approves. A school librarian has to know their local policies and procedures and build collaborative relationships with the decision-makers in their district.

And of course, librarians excel at knowing and taking advantage of resources at their disposal. These include the American Association of School Librarians’ collection of position statements covering a range of issues like selecting materials and appropriate staffing in school libraries. The American Library Association also provides a free tool kit covering selection, maintaining the library’s collection and ways to encourage a student to check out new books. All of these policies serve to help protect school libraries when battling book banning.

Well-crafted policies and best practices

I emphasize several best practices with my students that serve as guideposts, regardless of their individual district’s characteristics. Well-crafted, transparent policies defend school librarians and their collections against arbitrary book challenges, restrictive protocols for readers and eroding intellectual freedom.

First of all, proactive communication ensures that everyone in the school and the community knows the library’s role, procedures and contacts. When policies are visible and accessible, they become tools for strengthening collaboration rather than afterthoughts.

A transparent collection development policy serves as a how-to manual for library staff on building and maintaining physical and digital collections. It also provides a basis for explaining their choices if part of that collection is challenged.

And finally, it’s best practice for every district to have a standing committee of parents, educators and district officials to oversee book challenges. A school librarian can brief them on the district’s collection policy so that they understand what criteria are considered when books are added to the school library’s collection. This gives them context in which to evaluate the books being challenged. A standing committee also ensures that challenges will be addressed in a timely fashion.

District officials often feel enormous pressure to respond to the loudest voices at a school board meeting, even if they don’t represent the majority of parents. A standing committee and clear procedure for challenges help to alleviate that pressure by providing a venue for those voices to be heard and weighed against the interests of other library users. This helps to safeguard the collection’s integrity against persistent minority voices.

For the love of reading

I don’t remember my first trip to a school library. But I still remember one of the first picture books I ever checked out: “A Chocolate Moose for Dinner” by Fred Gwynne. I fell in love with this delightful and cleverly written book, full of puns, word play and hilarious illustrations. And it’s that love of reading that all librarians want to nurture.

Collection development policies are not simply paperwork. They are the backbone of a school library’s integrity, supporting librarians as they curate collections that meet educational goals, nurture the school as a community and provide students with books they are excited to read.

Read more stories from The Conversation about Florida.

The Conversation

Abigail Phillips has received funding from IMLS, ALA, Library of Congress, and Internal Grants from UWM (her university/employer). Consistently applying for external and internal funding is integral to her position as a university faculty member to support her research.

ref. How transparent policies can protect Florida school libraries amid efforts to ban books – https://theconversation.com/how-transparent-policies-can-protect-florida-school-libraries-amid-efforts-to-ban-books-269769

Crowdfunded generosity isn’t taxable – but IRS regulations haven’t kept up with the growth of mutual aid

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Shelly Tygielski, Doctoral Student in Philanthropic Leadership, Indiana University

Charitable crowdfunding is on the rise, but the IRS hasn’t caught up yet. wassam siddique/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Have you ever received some money through a GoFundMe campaign or Venmo or CashApp transfers after a medical emergency, natural disaster or other crisis?

If so, you may have also gotten an unwelcome surprise: a federal tax form that treats what you got as a gift as if it were earned income. And receiving this form can also affect your state tax return.

We are researchers at Indiana University’s Lilly Family School of Philanthropy. Together, we study how the tax system treats charitable crowdfunding – and sometimes harms people who get help that way.

A failure to make a needed distinction

Also known as monetary mutual aid, charitable crowdfunding refers to need-based gifts that one person gives another.

It may sound simple, but many practical issues arise when reporting rules designed for commercial transactions inadvertently treat these transfers as taxable income.

We have analyzed Internal Revenue Service reporting rules, federal case law and community-based mutual aid practices to better understand how tax policies can affect people who get money directly from others, given to them as charity.

In the cases we examined, recipients were not selling goods or services. Yet payment platforms frequently issued tax forms to the recipients without distinguishing between payments tied to earned income and money received as crisis-related support.

Mutual aid has grown

Through mutual aid, people can help meet the needs of others, typically outside formal nonprofit or government systems – meaning that such giving tends to bypass established charities. It tends to be community-driven and often emerges when institutional support is delayed, insufficient or inaccessible.

During the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent disasters, mutual aid surged. For example, studies indicate that at the start of the pandemic, approximately 50 documented mutual aid groups existed across the United States.

By May 2020, that number had grown to over 800, with networks established in nearly every U.S. state.

These groups provided food, rental assistance, medical supplies and direct cash support when formal systems, such as government programs and nonprofit agencies, faltered.

Research from the Lilly Family School of Philanthropy’s Women’s Philanthropy Institute found that during the first year of the pandemic, most Americans who gave money did not donate primarily to official charities. Instead, they gave directly to people in need or to informal groups using crowdfunding platforms, such as GoFundMe, and money-transfer apps like Venmo and CashApp.

Tax law hasn’t kept up

We’ve found that the tax code has not kept pace with the rapid growth of digitally mediated, peer-to-peer giving on a large scale.

Crowdfunding platforms now facilitate billions of dollars in transfers each year, and peer-to-peer payment apps process hundreds of billions more in transactions. Unfortunately, reporting rules originally designed to detect business income are increasingly applied to individuals who receive crisis-related financial support.

Due to changes to federal tax reporting rules that Congress approved in 2021, payment platforms, including Venmo, CashApp, PayPal and any other platforms used for transacting funds, had to issue 1099-K forms to any Americans who received more than US$600 in payments. The 1099-K is a tax document that reports payments a person receives through third-party platforms to the IRS.

Lawmakers made this change to improve tax compliance in the gig economy – by making sure that Americans were paying taxes on the taxable income they earn by driving for Lyft, walking dogs and doing other kinds of side hustles.

Congress has since reversed course.

A provision in the large tax-reform-and-spending package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, restored the federal 1099-K reporting threshold for payment apps like Venmo to the prior standard: over $20,000 in gross payments and more than 200 transactions.

Mutal aid and taxation explained.

An incomplete fix

While this change is likely to make a difference, especially since it’s retroactive to 2021, confusion persists.

For one thing, people can still receive tax forms in some states, including Maryland, Massachusetts, Vermont and Virginia, that have continued to require that people getting less than $20,000 be issued 1099-K forms.

There are still cases where mutual aid recipients may have to document that the money they’ve gotten from people trying to help them was a gift, not earned income.

And when someone gets very ill or their house burns down, legitimate fundraising through mutal monetary aid can exceed $20,000.

For example, roughly 250,000 campaigns are created each year on GoFundMe for medical costs; studies have found that campaigns related to cancer seek $20,000 in gifts on average.

Following the 2025 Los Angeles wildfires, the median amount that vetted, individual fundraisers raised through GoFundMe topped $25,000 , with several instances where they brought in hundreds of thousands of dollars.

If someone receives a 1099-K for funds that were provided as gifts rather than payments, tax experts generally recommend keeping clear documentation of the transfers and consulting a tax professional about how to properly report the amount so it is not treated as taxable income.

IRS doesn’t get mutual aid

Mutual aid isn’t gig work, so the tax code shouldn’t treat them the same. Getting multiple $50 gifts through a GoFundMe campaign to help you contend with a crisis brought on by your husband’s stroke is not the same as earning the equivalent driving for Uber.

The Internal Revenue Code excludes gifts from your taxable income, although the person donating needs to pay taxes if they give someone more than a certain amount – currently $19,000 per year.

But U.S. courts have historically interpreted what constitutes a gift narrowly. In a 1960 U.S. Supreme Court case, an opinion from a seven-justice majority defined gifts as arising from “detached and disinterested generosity.”

That standard works when your uncle cuts you a birthday check. But it’s not a good fit for today’s collective, need-based giving that’s often coordinated through online platforms and often involves the transfer of funds among people who have never met.

Jeopardizing government benefits

Research shows that mutual aid disproportionately supports low-income households, undocumented families, people with disabilities and communities of color. These same groups are more likely to face heightened scrutiny from financial platforms and tax authorities, and are less likely to have access to tax or legal assistance.

In examining tax enforcement research alongside our findings, we found evidence that expanded reporting requirements may have amplified existing racial and economic inequities. And there could be serious consequences for the recipients of monetary mutual aid. Simply receiving a tax form can jeopardize their eligibility for some government benefits because it may suggest to the authorities that someone’s income is too high to need them.

Without clearer guidance, people who are already facing a crisis may be penalized for receiving help. Research on informal giving suggests that when reporting rules are unclear, individual donors may become more hesitant to send money directly to someone who needs it.

As charitable crowdfunding continues to grow, the issue is not only how platforms such as Venmo or GoFundMe report transactions. Clearer guidance from the IRS about how need-based, noncommercial transfers should be treated could reduce the risk that emergency support is mischaracterized as income.

Shelly Tygielski founded the Pandemic of Love mutual aid movement.

The Conversation

Shelly Tygielski is affiliated with Pandemic of Love, the global mutual aid organization. She is also an executive board member of Global Empowerment Mission, a global nonprofit humanitarian aid organization.

Pamala Wiepking receives funding from the Dutch Postcode Lotteries and her work is funded through a generous grant from the Stead Family.

ref. Crowdfunded generosity isn’t taxable – but IRS regulations haven’t kept up with the growth of mutual aid – https://theconversation.com/crowdfunded-generosity-isnt-taxable-but-irs-regulations-havent-kept-up-with-the-growth-of-mutual-aid-274945

Michelangelo hated painting the Sistine Chapel – and never aspired to be a painter to begin with

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Anna Swartwood House, Associate Professor of Art History, University of South Carolina

From a young age, Michelangelo prized drawing and sculpture above painting. Ian Nicholson/PA via Getty Images

When a 5-inch-by-4-inch red chalk drawing of a woman’s foot by Michelangelo sold at auction for US$27.2 million on Feb. 5, 2026, it blew past the $1.5 million to $2 million it was expected to receive.

Experts believe it to be a study for the figure of the Libyan Sibyl, a female prophet who appears on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel in Rome. Michelangelo painted the iconic frescoes from 1508 to 1512, but he first sketched out the overall composition and details in a series of preparatory drawings. Only around 50 of these drawings survive today.

This was an exciting sale for reasons outside that eye-popping sum. Held in private collections for centuries, the drawing only came to light after the owner sent an unsolicited photo to Christie’s auction house. There, a drawings expert recognized it as one of the relatively few remaining studies for the Sistine frescoes.

As an art historian who specializes in the Italian Renaissance, I’m excited about the sale not because of the money it fetched, but because of the attention it has brought to Michelangelo’s lifelong devotion to drawing, a medium he prized over painting.

‘Not my art’

Art historians know a lot about Michelangelo through the letters and poems he penned, along with two biographies written in his lifetime by intimates Giorgio Vasari and Ascanio Condivi.

In 1506, Pope Julius II put Michelangelo’s sculpting work on a papal tomb at St. Peter’s Basilica on hold, redirecting the funds intended for the tomb to the renovation of the basilica itself.

Michelangelo responded by closing his studio. He ordered his workshop assistants to sell off its contents, abandoned 90 wagonloads’ worth of marble and left Rome in disgust.

In 1508, Julius and his intermediary, Cardinal Francesco Alidosi, were able to lure Michelangelo back to Rome with the promise of a 500-ducat payment and a contract to paint the Sistine. Despite accepting, the artist went on to complain relentlessly about his new commission. He wrote to his father that painting “is not my profession” and told the pope that painting “is not my art.”

Sculpture, not painting, was central to Michelangelo’s identity.

In the Condivi biography, which Michelangelo approved and helped shape, the artist is said to have abandoned painter Domenico Ghirlandaio’s workshop around 1490 to train in the Florence sculpture garden of powerful arts patron Lorenzo de’ Medici. Michelangelo would later joke that he became a sculptor as an infant, thanks to the breast milk of his wet nurse, who was the daughter of stonemasons.

Beyond his enthusiastic embrace of sculpture and resentment over the Sistine – what he called the “tragedy of the tomb” – Michelangelo found painting in fresco to be backbreaking work.

A yellowed piece of paper with text written in Italian and a doodle of a man straining to paint an image on a ceiling.
Michelangelo griped about painting the Sistine Chapel in a poem he sent to his friend Giovanni da Pistoia.
Wikimedia Commons

“I’ve grown a goiter from this torture,” he wrote to his friend Giovanni da Pistoia in an illustrated poem. “My stomach’s squashed under my chin, my beard’s pointing at heaven, my brain’s crushed in a casket, my breast twists like a harpy’s. My brush, above me all the time, dribbles paint so my face makes a fine floor for droppings!”

“My painting is dead,” he concludes. “I am not in the right place – I am not a painter.”

A grand design

The caricature that accompanies Michelangelo’s poem shows not only a cantankerous and restless mind, but also his use of drawing to reflect its inner workings.

The early 16th century witnessed a rise of drawing, with Michelangelo leading the way. Rather than simply copying or providing models for painting, drawing became understood as an important intellectual, exploratory and creative exercise

Michelangelo’s biographer Vasari famously used the term “disegno” to mean both a physical drawing and a work’s overall “design” or concept, giving the artist an almost godlike creative power.

This double meaning is reflected in the title of the hugely popular 2017 exhibition of Michelangelo’s drawings at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York”: “Michelangelo: Divine Draftsman and Designer.”

Michelangelo created many drawings for the Sistine that reflected the different meanings of “disegno.” There were his sketches of models, along with his architectural renderings and schemes to organize the huge space. Then there were the full-size “cartoons” he drew to transfer his designs directly onto the ceiling itself.

Sketches of architectural forms and human limbs from various angles.
Michelangelo’s scheme for the decoration of the vault of the Sistine Chapel, along with his studies of arms and hands.
© The Trustees of the British Museum, CC BY-SA

The good foot

Michelangelo also made many studies of individual body parts and gestures for the Sistine, including eyes, hands and feet.

In a drawing for the Sistine ceiling that’s now in the British Museum, various hands – perhaps modeled after his own – repeat across the right side of the page. Feet were especially important to the overall design of the human figure, and they stand at the intersection of Michelangelo’s interests in Classical art and human anatomy.

Contrapposto, or the Classical “counter-poise,” was the iconic stance for standing figures in paintings and sculptures. It features the trunk of the body centered over one leg with its foot planted, and the other bent with the foot perched on the toe. Michelangelo’s “David” stands in contrapposto, and even doctors today are impressed by the anatomical precision of the muscles and veins of each foot.

A white, marble-carved foot.
The relaxed left foot of Michelangelo’s ‘David.’
Franco Origlia/Getty Images

The Christie’s red chalk drawing of the foot was likely done from a live model, with Michelangelo showing the elegance of the Libyan Sibyl prophetess through her dramatically arched foot.

In the finished fresco, Sibyl’s body is a kind of elegant machine. The musculature of her extended arms, her coiled torso and her pointed toe all work in concert. This small drawing shows how the charged energy of a single body part could contribute to the overall “disegno” of the massive fresco.

While the process of painting the ceiling was arduous, the process of conceiving it through drawing was obviously rewarding for Michelangelo.

Colorful painting of a young woman posing from a seated position, twisting toward viewers while holding open a large book.
The finished fresco of the Lybian Sybil in the Sistine Chapel.
Wikimedia Commons

Drawing as the linchpin

Despite the popularity of the Sistine frescoes, Michelangelo rarely returned to painting after completing them. In 1534, Pope Clement VII commissioned him to paint the “The Last Judgment” on the altar wall of the Sistine Chapel. But only after Clement died later that year – and Clement’s successor, Pope Paul III, gave Michelangelo the extraordinary title of Chief Architect, Sculptor, and Painter to the Vatican Palace – did the artist begin work on the altar wall.

While many people today may think of the Sistine frescoes or Leonardo da Vinci’s “Mona Lisa” when they think of the Italian Renaissance, those artists did not think of themselves primarily as painters.

In a famous letter of introduction to the Duke of Milan, Ludovico Sforza, Leonardo elaborates on his many skills in creating fortifications, infrastructure and weaponry. He boasts about his ability to build bridges, canals, tunnels and catapults. Only after 10 paragraphs does he include a single sentence admitting that he, in addition, “can carry out sculpture in marble, bronze, or clay, and in painting can do any kind of work as well as any man.”

Like Michelangelo’s, Leonardo’s drawings show a voracious mind at work. They explore, rather than simply observe, everything from military machines to human anatomy. In 1563, Michelangelo would go on to be named master of the Accademia del Disegno in Florence, which aimed to teach drawing and design as the underlying skills necessary for sculpture, architecture and painting.

Drawing, it turns out, was the art that unified the many pursuits of the “Renaissance Man.”

The Conversation

Anna Swartwood House does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Michelangelo hated painting the Sistine Chapel – and never aspired to be a painter to begin with – https://theconversation.com/michelangelo-hated-painting-the-sistine-chapel-and-never-aspired-to-be-a-painter-to-begin-with-275788

Picky eating starts in the womb – a nutritional neuroscientist explains how to expand your child’s palate

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Kathleen Keller, Professor of Nutritional Sciences, Penn State

Bitter vegetables can be an acquired taste. d3sign/Moment via Getty Images

It’s 5:45 p.m. and you’ve just arrived home after a long day at work. You’d like nothing more than a glass of pinot and to binge old episodes of your favorite show. Into the kitchen comes young Sally, your food-adventurous 8-year-old. “I’m hungry, what’s for dinner?”

Sally has never met a food she’s afraid to try. Visions of her savoring the tangy brine of an oyster and joyously slurping spicy ramen noodles dance in your head.

Before you can give her an answer, Billy, your 4-year-old picky eater, shouts, “Mac and cheese!” from the living room. Billy rotates between three entrées: macaroni and cheese from a box, chicken nuggets (only dino shaped) and pasta (only spaghetti).

You sigh and wonder how such diverse creatures ended up in the same family.

If this scenario rings a bell, you are not alone. As a nutritional neuroscientist and a parent, I have spent the better part of my professional and personal life thinking about why children eat the foods they do.

Understanding how food preferences develop can help parents teach kids to enjoy a diverse, varied and healthy diet.

Nature vs. nurture?

Are genes to blame in the case of picky eaters like Billy? While genes can have some influence, they often explain only a small part of the story.

People are born liking the taste of sweet and disliking the taste of bitter. These traits are thought to be protective in that they can help drive someone toward sources of calories – which are often sweet, such as fruits or breast milk – and away from potential toxins or poisons, which are often bitter. As an example of these innate preferences, one study found that pregnant moms who consumed sweet carrot capsules had babies who smiled on the ultrasound, while those who ingested bitter kale capsules had babies who grimaced for the camera, suggesting early on their dislike for bitter vegetables.

Child looking down at bowl of food with a frown, face propped up against hand on dinner table
Dinner was not a hit.
Milky Way/Moment via Getty Images

In addition to these innate responses, there are genes that affect your ability to taste bitter compounds. These compounds, called thioureas, are similar to those found in cruciferous vegetables. People who inherit genes that make them sensitive to these bitter compounds – about 70% of the U.S. population – tend to also be more sensitive to other bitter tastes in foods. Because of this, they may dislike foods such as raw broccoli, black coffee and grapefruit.

However, there are plenty of people who develop a liking for bitter foods, even though their first experience with them might have been unpleasant. Case in point, the growing popularity of bitter IPA beers.

Another gene that can influence food preferences is the gene that makes cilantro taste soapy. Those born with a version of this olfactory gene – up to 20% of the U.S. population – are sensitive to aldehyde compounds that tend to taste soapy. Because of this taste, they often dislike cilantro.

Pavlov and food preferences

While genes by themselves explain only a small part of taste, a person’s interactions with food in the environment are particularly influential when it comes to what they want for dinner.

Ivan Pavlov was a 19th-century experimental physiologist who showed that dogs could be taught to salivate at the sound of a bell. He put them through a conditioning period in which mealtime was repeatedly paired with the sound of a bell. Most pets have some ability to learn to associate environmental cues – such as a food bowl or the sound of their owners’ commands – with food.

In the early 1980s, psychologist Leann Birch conducted a series of studies showing that people develop food preferences using a process similar to Pavlov’s classical conditioning. When the taste of a food is associated with positive experiences – such as an influx of calories, release of reward chemicals in the brain or the pleasing tones of a mother’s voice – these positive experiences can enhance how much a person likes a food. On the other side of the coin, negative experiences, such as a painful stomachache or a punishment associated with eating a food – “You have to eat all of your vegetables or no screen time!”– can often decrease how much someone likes a food.

Babies even begin learning about food before they are born. In a classic study by biopsychologist Julie Mennella, pregnant moms who drank carrot juice four days a week during their pregnancy or while breastfeeding had babies who were more accepting of carrot-flavored cereal when it was first presented to them. Flavors that are passed through amniotic fluid to the developing fetus prime the future baby to accept the cuisine of the family.

Side profile of child nibbling on cracker from an open lunchbox in cafeteria
Supportive food environments can encourage kids to expand their palate.
Catherine Falls Commercial/Moment via Getty Images

Hope for picky eaters

The good news is that for most children, picky eating is a phase that tends to decline as they reach school age. And if children are growing at a healthy pace, it’s often not something to be too concerned about.

For parents who want to help their kids expand their palates, the most important thing you can do is give your child repeated opportunities to taste foods without pressuring or coercing them. Some children need 12 or more taste experiences with a new food before they will accept it. Some children will also be open to trying foods at school or day care, even if they won’t try them in front of you.

As for Sally and Billy, you’ve managed to get dinner on the table right on time. Your latest invention: kimchi mac and cheese and baked cauliflower, with extra Sriracha for Sally. You’re hoping the familiar shape of the boxed mac and cheese noodle might tempt Billy into taking a bite. And if not, there’s always tomorrow.

The Conversation

Kathleen Keller receives funding from The National Institutes of Health, The United States Department of Agriculture, Dairy Management Inc., McCormick Science Institute

ref. Picky eating starts in the womb – a nutritional neuroscientist explains how to expand your child’s palate – https://theconversation.com/picky-eating-starts-in-the-womb-a-nutritional-neuroscientist-explains-how-to-expand-your-childs-palate-275643

Meekness isn’t weakness – once considered positive, it’s one of the ‘undersung virtues’ that deserve defense today

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Timothy J. Pawl, Professor of Philosophy, University of St. Thomas

Meekness used to be considered a positive trait – not being powerless, or a doormat. Halfpoint images/Moment via Getty Images

What do you envision when you think of meekness?

You probably see a mousy doormat, someone sheepishly acquiescing to the will of the stronger. When Jesus says, “Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth,” you might think that those wimps will hand it over without a whimper or word of objection to stronger, more ambitious people. The philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche called meekness “craven baseness.”

Indeed, one of the Oxford English Dictionary’s definitions is “inclined to submit tamely to oppression or injury, easily imposed upon or cowed, timid.” Meekness, then, is a weakness. Why would you ever want to be meek?

The same goes for docility, often characterized as a near neighbor of meekness. We can get a feel for its usage these days from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, where one finds that a docile person is slow, controllable, obedient, submissive, compliant, passive and under control.

Or consider condescension. You likely envision someone self-important looking down her nose at a service worker, or some insufferable prig unwilling to come off his high horse to mingle with the peasants. Being condescending, far from being a virtue, is universally acknowledged as a vice.

Meekness, docility and condescension: three traits with no cultural capital today. And yet, our ancestors typically understood these traits to be virtues. How in the world could that be?

As any philosopher will tell you, in a case of seeming disagreement, you need to settle the definitions of the words in play. How many arguments have been abruptly dissolved by someone saying, “Oh, that’s what you mean”? When we check the meaning of these three terms, I think we come to see that there’s been a switcheroo. As I’ve found in my philosophical research and teaching, some of the virtues that were most celebrated in yesteryear but now go undersung are traits that can help us lead good lives, even now.

Forgotten virtues

Consider meekness – but allow me to start with a little vignette.

In 2018, mixed martial-arts champion Matt Serra was having a family meal in a restaurant when a belligerent drunken man entered, threatening servers and patrons. Serra could have knocked him out cold. But instead, he calmly pinned him, waiting for security to arrive.

A similar trait is on display when exasperated parents react with control, harried teachers don’t rise to students’ provocations, and police de-escalate situations. In each case, they kept control of their emotions, especially their anger. One common feature of these stories is that the person wasn’t powerless; rather, it was precisely because they understood how much power they had that they used restraint.

Such a trait – excellence with respect to one’s anger – used to be called meekness. We hear an echo of this original meaning even today in horse training, where to “meek” a horse means training it to subjugate its great power to its master, not letting its passions take control. Likewise, meekness once meant not becoming weak, but subjugating power to reason – not letting anger take control.

A person rides a brown horse galloping across a field, with trees in the background.
‘Meeking’ a horse means more than subduing it.
Mint Images RF via Getty Images

In the Gospels, when Jesus calls himself meek, it is the same Greek word used for a meek horse: “praus.” A horse is not weaker on account of being meeked; no Greek warrior wanted a wimpy steed. The horse retains its strength, now safeguarded by self-control.

This is quite a different notion of meekness than we find in our contemporary lexicon. Yet in its traditional sense, the word names a trait almost everyone deeply values. No one wants her best friend, child, teacher, coach or deputy to be unable to control her anger.

Such control is an important character trait for living a good life, but we no longer have a concept for it. What term do people use today for being disposed to pick battles prudently, not letting anger cloud one’s judgment, not being easily baited into action they’ll come to regret – without being easily biddable or callous to real injustices? “Self-control,” a broad category that covers facing temptations, enduring difficulties and myriad things in between, is too broad a notion to do the work.

Nor do we have a word for someone excellent at receiving instruction and insights – but at the same time who’s unafraid to think for herself, to disregard the advice of a snake-oil salesman. That used to be called docility.

Condescension, the most surprising of the three, now suggests someone deigning to speak down from their lofty height. Yet it once described excellence at respecting people, regardless of their social status: easily connecting with those on a lower rung so they feel seen and valued, but without causing embarrassment or awkwardness. What term do we have now for inculcating such an important trait?

Why words matter

To be clear, I’m not here from the Language Reclamation League. I’m not necessarily advocating for a return to older language – and certainly not just because it is older. But without replacements for ethical concepts we’ve lost, we’re faced with a moral void, unable even to conceptualize the goodness that we want to see in ourselves and those we love.

Maybe you think that not much is lost. Bridges fall when engineers can’t distinguish varieties of physical strength; what’s lost if people can’t distinguish varieties of character strength?

An engineer in a yellow safety vest and white hard hat speaks into a walkie-talkie as he surveys a building site.
Precise language matters for character formation, too.
Tanison Pachtanom/E+ via Getty Images

To my mind, there are at least three reasons why it is important to have some term or other for these traits.

First, there’s good psychological evidence that goals of approach – “I want to get healthy,” “I want to get financially stable” – are a stronger motivation for us than avoidance goals – “I want to stop being sick,” “I want not to be poor.” Approach goals typically yield more effort, more satisfaction and more well-being. But they require naming the moral virtue you want to cultivate.

Second, the positive traits named by these old virtues are what you really want. You don’t merely want your loved ones to stop acting out of wrath. You want them to be able to restrain their power in the face of their anger. You are ignorant of your real goal if you don’t have a concept for it.

Third, consider the detriment caused by not having shared language for an ethical concept. The philosopher Miranda Fricker has written of the time before the term “sexual harassment” was coined in 1975. She provides multiple instances of women being wronged in the workplace, but being unable to articulate that wrong to those in power, owing to a lack of a shared label for it. And not only that, but the lack of an adequate concept prevented the victims from fully understanding the wrong themselves.

Having positive concepts for the traits we want to enable in ourselves and others is essential, then, to the moral life. The fact that we’ve let several go the way of “blatherskite” and “bumfuzzled” is telling.

We still have terms for a bloviating windbag or being bewildered, so we don’t need those archaic, though admittedly fun, words to express important truths. But when it comes to undersung virtues, we do need some way to highlight character traits that help form us into our best selves – even if the words of yesteryear no longer fit the bill.

The Conversation

Timothy J. Pawl received funding from The John Templeton Foundation for research on the topic of this article.

ref. Meekness isn’t weakness – once considered positive, it’s one of the ‘undersung virtues’ that deserve defense today – https://theconversation.com/meekness-isnt-weakness-once-considered-positive-its-one-of-the-undersung-virtues-that-deserve-defense-today-276360

Can African penguins be brought back from the brink? Better designed no-fishing zones could help

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Jacqui Glencross, Seabird ecologist, University of St Andrews

South Africa is home to 88% of the world’s colonies of African penguins (Spheniscus demersus). The species is classified as Critically Endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. This means there is a high risk the birds could go extinct in the wild following rapid population declines.

This species was once abundant along the coasts of South Africa and Namibia. But the population has fallen by about 78% over the last 30 years, driven by food scarcity, oil spills and climate-related shifts in the marine environment. African penguins mainly feed on anchovy and sardine. Changes in ocean conditions and overfishing have made it more difficult for the penguins to get enough food. In recent years, conservation organisations, scientists and government agencies have escalated efforts to halt this decline.

One of the most significant developments was a March 2025 court ruling that supported the introduction of improved no-fishing zones around key breeding colonies, to protect the penguins’ foraging grounds. Robben Island (11km north-west of Cape Town) is one of the colonies.

Protecting waters adjacent to breeding colonies is essential for the species’ long-term recovery. Food shortages in these areas, driven in part by competition with the purse-seine fishery (which uses a large net to surround schooling fish), have been directly linked to declining chick survival and the ongoing population collapse.

The court case (led by the organisations BirdLife South Africa and the Southern African Foundation for the Conservation of Coastal Birds) concluded that fish can no longer be caught within a 20km radius of Robben Island.

We are penguin researchers from the University of St Andrews, University of Exeter, the South African Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment, and BirdLife South Africa.
Our work has examined the interactions between penguins and fishing operations in detail, and can offer insights to guide the management of their respective needs.

Overlap with the fishing industry

Previous research into the effects of fishing on penguin populations has mostly looked at metrics such as the amount of fish removed by the fishery. But technology to track fishing locations and animal movement now enables us to look at the picture on a fine spatial scale. We can see where and how intensely commercial fishing and penguins overlaps, helping us identify areas that should be protected.

Our recent research used tracking data from penguins on Robben and Dassen islands, in the Western Cape of South Africa. We measured population-level spatial overlap between penguins and the local fishery. A small proportion of penguins were tracked using GPS devices, then we were able to simulate where more of the colony were going.

Knowing where a large proportion of the penguin population is sharing a particular space with fishing vessels makes it easier to target which areas to protect and when. It provides benefits for the fishing industry (allowing fishing in areas which are of lower importance to the penguins) and for the penguins (limiting competition with the fishery during the breeding season).

We also developed a new metric, “overlap intensity”, which captures not only how much space penguins share with fishing vessels, but how many individual penguins are affected. Traditional measures of spatial overlap simply calculate the percentage of area shared between predators (penguins) and fishing vessels. But this can dramatically underestimate the actual degree of interaction, especially when only a few areas are shared but many animals use them.

It reveals insight into ecological pressure and competition that area overlap alone misses. For example, it suggests stronger competition for prey than spatial overlap metrics imply. This method can not only be expanded to other colonies but more broadly to other species and ecosystems.

Our findings show that overlap increases sharply in years when fish are scarce. During 2016, a year of low fish abundance, around 20% of penguins foraged in the same areas as active fishing vessels. In years with healthier fish stocks, however, overlap dropped to just 4%. This pattern indicates that competition between penguins and the fishery intensifies when prey is limited. It poses the highest risk during sensitive periods such as chick-rearing, when adults must forage efficiently to provide for their young.

A new tool for risk and management

By quantifying overlap intensity at the population level, our study offers a powerful new tool for assessing ecological risk and supporting ecosystem-based fisheries management. It also provides practical guidance for designing dynamic marine protected areas that respond to real-time changes in predator–prey interactions.

Our results further show that the new no-fishing zone around Robben Island will protect a key foraging area to the north-east of the colony. This was previously one of the regions with the highest overlap between penguins and fishing vessels.

Continued monitoring will be essential to determine how overlap changes in response to the new ten-year purse-seine closures around both colonies. Similar assessments should also be conducted at additional breeding sites, including other islands involved in the closures. Foraging ranges of the penguins and the areas covered by the no-take zones vary from colony to colony.

Meanwhile, over the past few years, weighbridges have been installed at some colonies (including Robben Island) collecting penguin weights when they leave to feed and when they return. Data from these large scales will tell us more about how the closures affect penguin foraging success.

The Conversation

Jacqui Glencross does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can African penguins be brought back from the brink? Better designed no-fishing zones could help – https://theconversation.com/can-african-penguins-be-brought-back-from-the-brink-better-designed-no-fishing-zones-could-help-271762

Trump désavoué par la Cour suprême sur les droits de douane : et maintenant ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Anne E. Deysine, Professeur émérite juriste et américaniste, spécialiste des États-Unis, questions politiques, sociales et juridiques (Cour suprême), Université Paris Nanterre

La décision était très attendue : la Cour suprême vient de juger que la promulgation d’une grande partie des droits de douane imposés par Donald Trump à de nombreux pays du monde relevait d’un abus de pouvoir. Il s’agit certes d’un net désaveu infligé au président par une Cour dont il semblait estimer qu’elle lui était totalement acquise ; il n’en demeure pas moins que le président des États-Unis dispose d’autres leviers pour poursuivre dans cette même voie.


Donald Trump a placé au cœur de sa politique économique les droits de douane qu’il impose de façon aléatoire à titre de représailles, en invoquant le plus souvent « une situation d’urgence » pour justifier ses actes. On l’a notamment constaté, dès les premières semaines de son second mandat, pour la Chine, le Mexique et le Canada, à qui il reprochait des efforts insuffisants pour combattre la circulation du fentanyl, puis le 2 avril 2025 – le fameux « Jour de la libération ».

Ce jour-là, invoquant l’International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA, texte de 1977 autorisant le président à réglementer le commerce après avoir déclaré une situation d’urgence nationale en réponse à une menace inhabituelle, extraordinaire et de source étrangère pour les États-Unis), Trump a promulgué des droits de douane tous azimuts, qui allaient ensuite être suspendus et modifiés à plusieurs reprises, en fonction du comportement de ses interlocuteurs ou des cadeaux apportés (que l’on songe à la récente controverse provoquée par le don au président d’une Rolex et d’un lingot d’or de la part de patrons suisses).

Retour sur l’histoire judiciaire et la question de droit

Plusieurs États et entreprises, conscients que ces mesures allaient renchérir leurs coûts et affecter leur activité économique, ont contesté ces décisions, certains devant une juridiction fédérale classique (qui n’était pas compétente), d’autres devant le Tribunal du commerce international des États-Unis (CIT) qui, en mai 2025, a conclu à l’illégalité du décret et suspendu sa mise en œuvre.

Le 29 août 2025, saisie par l’administration, la Cour d’appel pour le circuit fédéral (CAFC), qui a compétence en matière de commerce international sur tout le territoire états-unien, a confirmé la décision de première instance : s’appuyant sur « l’histoire législative » (les motivations du Congrès pour voter la loi IEEPA) et la séparation des pouvoirs, elle conclut que la promulgation des droits de douane au nom de l’IEEPA par Trump relève d’un abus de pouvoir du président.

Tous les droits de douane sont illégaux, sauf ceux imposés en vertu de la section 232 du Trade Expansion Act (TEA). Pourtant, malgré la décision de la CAFC, les droits de douane contestés sont entrés en vigueur et ont continué de s’appliquer… jusqu’à la décision que la Cour suprême vient de rendre le 20 février 2026.

En septembre 2025, l’administration Trump a demandé à la Cour d’intervenir en procédure d’urgence pour sauver ses droits de douane. Il faut souligner que la Cour a accepté nettement plus de recours en urgence sous Trump que sous ses prédécesseurs, ce qui traduit bien la conviction de l’actuel président que la Cour suprême (dont il a nommé trois juges, durant son premier mandat) est à son service pour lui permettre de faire ce qu’il veut, sans aucun contrôle ni contre-pouvoir. Pour autant, il lui a fallu suivre le processus normal et demander un examen au fond (merits case) en faisant une demande de certiorari que la Cour a acceptée.

La loi sur les pouvoirs économiques d’urgence (IEEPA) et la décision de la Cour suprême

Il s’est trouvé une majorité de six juges sur les neuf que compte la Cour suprême pour affirmer que le recours du président à la loi IEEPA est contraire à la séparation des pouvoirs, car la loi permet au président de « réguler » et d’« interdire » mais pas d’imposer des droits de douane, qui sont de la compétence du Congrès. Mais c’est une opinion fragmentée, avec quatre opinions convergentes et deux opinions dissidentes, chacun des juges tentant de justifier et d’ancrer ses préférences en matière d’interprétation de la loi et de la Constitution.

La loi IEEPA invoquée par Donald Trump pour imposer des droits de douane tous azimuts à quasiment tous les pays du monde est prévue pour les situations d’urgence, mais l’objectif du Congrès à l’époque de son adoption, en 1977, était de limiter les pouvoirs du président par rapport à une autre loi existante (Trading with the Enemy Act, datant de 1917). C’est ce qu’il est possible de comprendre en recherchant l’« intention du législateur » – une méthode prônée par la juge progressiste Ketanji Brown Jackson dans son opinion convergente, mais les juges « conservateurs » s’y refusent.

Le texte de l’IEEPA prévoit en cas d’urgence la possibilité pour le président de « réguler » ou de déclarer un embargo, par exemple, mais ne mentionne nulle part les droits de douane. Quant à considérer que le « dramatique déficit commercial » invoqué par Trump constitue une urgence, ce serait oublier que celui-ci n’est pas nouveau et existe depuis plusieurs décennies.

Les enjeux constitutionnels

Les enjeux économiques et constitutionnels étaient importants, ainsi qu’en témoigne le nombre élevé de pétitions amicus curiae (« ami de la cour ») que les personnes physiques (un économiste, un professeur de droit) ou morales (des groupes divers) ont la possibilité de déposer afin d’éclairer la cour sur leur lecture de l’affaire, les dangers ou le bien-fondé des positions défendues par l’administration et la solution qu’ils préconisent.

Presque toutes défendaient des arguments allant à l’encontre de la position de l’administration Trump, y compris les groupes de droite comme le Cato Institute (libertarien) ou la Washington Legal Foundation (qui défend généralement les causes de la droite, mais qui argumentait ici pour l’inconstitutionnalité du recours à la législation d’urgence).

Certains invoquaient des arguments économiques et plusieurs professeurs de droit soulignaient les dangers si la Cour ne met pas un coup d’arrêt aux velléités de cumul des pouvoirs par le président. Si la Cour ne sanctionne pas cet empiètement, expliquaient-ils, le risque est réel que le Congrès ne puisse jamais voter une loi, non seulement à la majorité simple mais, en cas de veto quasi certain, à la majorité des deux tiers.

Les juges avaient semblé conscients lors de l’audience de la quasi-impossibilité pour le Congrès de recouvrer ses pouvoirs et avaient posé de nombreuses questions sur ce sujet.

Que dit exactement la décision de la Cour suprême ?

La décision Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump, traite de deux catégories de droits de douane : ceux qui ont été imposés sur le Mexique et le Canada pour lutter contre l’importation d’opiacés ; et les droits de douane plusieurs fois modifiés, instaurés le 2 avril 2025 dit « Jour de la libération ». Elle laisse en place les autres droits de douane imposés sur d’autres fondements, tels que les droits de douane de 25 % placés par la première administration Trump en vertu de la section 301 de la loi Trade Act de 1971, maintenus par le président Biden, qui ont ajouté des droits de douane de 100 % sur les véhicules électriques chinois.

Comme prévu, l’opinion de la majorité est rédigée par le Chief Justice et, comme largement anticipé après l’audience, elle statue contre le président, mais après avoir laissé les droits de douane en vigueur pendant près d’un an.

Le président de la Cour rédige une opinion courte dont la première partie, signée par lui-même et cinq autres juges, repose sur l’atteinte à la séparation des pouvoirs : la Constitution attribue au Congrès (et au Congrès seul) le pouvoir de lever l’impôt et d’imposer droits de douane et droits indirects.

Les juges progressistes ont voté avec la majorité sur le premier fondement parce que la décision permet d’interdire au président d’utiliser la loi IEEPA (qui, nous l’avons dit, prévoit interdictions ou embargos mais pas les droits de douane) et renforce la séparation des pouvoirs et la primauté du droit (Rule of Law). Mais pas sur le deuxième fondement, qui ne recueille l’adhésion que des juges conservateurs Gorsuch et Barrett (tous deux nommés par Trump).

Cette opinion de pluralité se fonde sur la doctrine de la question majeure (Major Questions Doctrine, MQD) en vertu de laquelle les décrets qui entraînent une modification majeure d’un secteur doivent être autorisés par une délégation de pouvoir précise et spécifique par le Congrès. Ici, l’imposition de droits de douane a causé une modification majeure de l’économie du pays et ne peut être autorisée. La question est développée sur près de 50 pages par le juge Gorsuch dans son opinion convergente.

Quelle signification et quelles suites ?

C’est un net revers pour Donald Trump, qui a placé les droits de douane au cœur de sa politique économique, mais la Cour ne se prononce pas sur les pouvoirs du président (et leurs limites) ni sur les multiples recours aux législations d’urgence, pas nécessairement motivés. C’est une décision limitée à la signification de la loi IEEPA et à ce qu’elle autorise (déclarer un embargo) et interdit (imposer des droits de douane).

Ce n’est pas l’annonce que la Cour suprême va dorénavant s’opposer à Trump, sauf sans doute sur le limogeage de la gouverneure de la Réserve fédérale (FED), ce qui accréditera la thèse que la majorité de droite à la Cour est du côté du business et protège l’économie du pays contre les politiques dangereuses du président.

Par ailleurs, la décision ne dit rien sur un éventuel remboursement qui serait versé aux entreprises lésées et ne prévoit aucun mécanisme en ce sens. Beaucoup soulignent que les entreprises n’ont aucun droit à un remboursement dans la mesure où elles ont répercuté l’augmentation des coûts sur les consommateurs finaux. Le gouverneur de Californie propose que chaque Américain reçoive un chèque de 1 700 dollars (1 420 euros environ) ; le gouverneur de l’Illinois a envoyé sa facture (8,4 milliards de dollars, soit plus de 7 milliards d’euros) à l’administration Trump. En d’autres termes, d’autres contentieux sont à prévoir. D’autant que les mesures ne sont pas parvenues à diminuer le déficit commercial en 2025 et que rembourser les quelque 140 milliards de dollars (plus de 118,6 milliards d’euros) indûment perçus creuserait un peu plus le déficit budgétaire.

Que peut faire Trump maintenant ?

Une autre question est elle aussi passée sous silence. Donald Trump dispose-t-il d’autres outils pour imposer d’autres droits de douane ? La réponse est oui, car, dans les années 1970, le Congrès a voté plusieurs lois (Trade Acts) déléguant de nombreux pouvoirs au président pour lui permettre de répliquer à des mesures discriminatoires prises par les partenaires commerciaux des États-Unis.

Trump, furieux de la décision de la Cour suprême, a immédiatement annoncé des droits de douane étendus à l’ensemble du monde de 10 %, puis de 15 % en recourant à la section 122 de la loi Trade Act de 1974. Dans ce cas, les droits ne peuvent dépasser 15 % et sont censés expirer au bout de 150 jours si le Congrès n’a pas voté pour confirmer la mesure. Connaissant le peu de cas que Trump fait des règles et du droit, il n’est pas impensable d’imaginer qu’il renouvellera les droits de douane pour d’autres périodes de 150 jours – en violation peut-être non pas de la lettre de la loi mais de son esprit. Ou bien il tentera d’utiliser d’autres outils (les sections 232 ou 301, par exemple).

En conclusion, la décision de la Cour ne clarifie guère la situation économique et, à ce jour, l’état du commerce international est toujours aussi instable et chaotique.

The Conversation

Anne E. Deysine ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Trump désavoué par la Cour suprême sur les droits de douane : et maintenant ? – https://theconversation.com/trump-desavoue-par-la-cour-supreme-sur-les-droits-de-douane-et-maintenant-276613