There’s little evidence tech is much help stopping school shootings

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Emily Greene-Colozzi, Assistant Professor of Criminology and Justice Studies, UMass Lowell

Schools are increasingly turning to technology like ShotSpotter to address the threat of mass shootings. Jessica Rinaldi/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

A group of college students braved the frigid New England weather on Dec. 13, 2025, to attend a late afternoon review session at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island. Eleven of those students were struck by gunfire when a shooter entered the lecture hall. Two didn’t survive.

Shortly after, a petition circulated calling for better security for Brown students, including ID-card entry to campus buildings and improved surveillance cameras. As often happens in the aftermath of tragedy, the conversation turned to lessons for the future, especially in terms of school security.

There has been rapid growth of the nation’s now US$4 billion school security industry. Schools have many options, from traditional metal detectors and cameras to gunshot detection systems and weaponized drones. There are also purveyors of artificial-intelligence-assisted surveillance systems that promise prevention: The gun will be detected before any shots are fired, and the shooting will never happen.

They appeal to institutions struggling to protect their communities, and are marketed aggressively as the future of school shooting prevention.

I’m a criminologist who studies mass shootings and school violence. In my research, I’ve found that there’s a lack of evidence to support the effectiveness of these technological interventions.

Grasping for a solution

Implementation has not lagged. A survey from Campus Safety Magazine found that about 24% of K-12 schools report video-assisted weapons detection systems, and 14% use gunshot detection systems, like ShotSpotter.

Gunshot detection uses acoustic sensors placed within an area to detect gunfire and alert police. Research has shown that gunshot detection may help police respond faster to gun crimes, but it has little to no role in preventing gun violence.

Still, schools may be warming to the idea of gunshot detection to address the threat of a campus shooter. In 2022, the school board in Manchester, New Hampshire, voted to implement ShotSpotter in the district’s schools after a series of active-shooter threats.

Other companies claim their technologies provide real-time visual weapons detection. Evolv is an AI screening system for detecting concealed weapons, which has been implemented in more than 400 school buildings since 2021. ZeroEyes and Omnilert are AI-assisted security camera systems that detect firearms and promise to notify authorities within seconds or minutes of a gun being detected.

These systems analyze surveillance video with AI programs trained to recognize a range of visual cues, including different types of guns and behavioral indicators of aggression. Upon recognizing a threat, the system notifies a human verification team, which can then activate a prescribed response plan.

But even these highly sophisticated systems can fail to detect a real threat, leading to questions about the utility of security technology. Antioch High School in Nashville, Tennessee, was equipped with Omnilert’s gun detection technology in January 2025 when a student walked inside the school building with a gun and shot several classmates, one fatally, before killing himself.

cameras mounted on a ceiling painted green
School security technology firm ZeroEyes uses this greenscreen lab to test and train artificial intelligence to spot visible guns.
AP Photo/Matt Slocum

Lack of evidence

This demonstrates an enduring problem with the school security technology industry: Most of these technologies are untested, and their effect on safety is unproven. Even gunshot detection systems have not been studied in the context of school and mass shootings outside of simulation studies. School shooting research has very little to offer in terms of assessing the value of these tools, because there are no studies out there.

This lack is partly due to the low incidence of mass and school shootings. Even with a broad definition of school shootings – any gunfire on school grounds resulting in injury – the annual rate across America is approximately 24 incidents per year. That’s 24 more than anyone would want, but it’s a small sample size for research. And there are few, if any, ethically and empirically sound ways to test whether a campus fortified with ShotSpotter or the newest AI surveillance cameras is less likely to experience an active shooter incident because the probability of that school being victimized is already so low.

Existing research provides a useful overview of the school safety technology landscape, but it offers little evidence of how well this technology actually prevents violence. The National Institute of Justice last published its Comprehensive Report on School Safety Technology in 2016, but its finding that the adoption of biometrics, “smart” cameras and weapons detection systems was outpacing research on the efficacy of the technology is still true today. The Rand Corporation and the University of Michigan Institute for Firearm Injury Prevention have produced similar findings that demonstrate limited or no evidence that these new technologies improve school safety and reduce risks.

While researchers can study some aspects of how the environment and security affect mass shooting outcomes, many of these technologies are too new to be included in studies, or too sparsely implemented to show any meaningful impact on outcomes.

My research on active and mass shootings has suggested that the security features with the most lifesaving potential are not part of highly technical systems: They are simple procedures like lockdowns during shootings.

The tech keeps coming

Nevertheless, technological innovations continue to drive the school safety industry. Campus Guardian Angel, launched out of Texas in 2023, promises a rapid drone response to an active school shooter. Founder Justin Marston compared the drone system to “having a SEAL team in the parking lot.” At $15,000 per box of six drones, and an additional monthly service charge per student, the drones are equipped with nonlethal weaponry, including flash-bangs and pepper spray guns.

In late 2025, three Florida school districts announced their participation in Campus Guardian Angel’s pilot programs.

Three school districts in Florida are part of a pilot program to test drones that respond to school shootings.

There is no shortage of proposed technologies. A presentation from the 2023 International Conference on Computer and Applications described a cutting-edge architectural design system that integrates artificial intelligence and biometrics to bolster school security. And yet, the language used to describe the outcomes of this system leaned away from prevention, instead offering to “mitigate the potential” for a mass shooting to be carried out effectively.

While the difference is subtle, prevention and mitigation reflect two different things. Prevention is stopping something avoidable. Mitigation is consequence management: reducing the harm of an unavoidable hazard.

Response versus prevention

This is another of the enduring limitations of most emerging technologies being advertised as mass shooting prevention: They don’t prevent shootings. They may streamline a response to a crisis and speed up the resolution of the incident. With most active shooter incidents lasting fewer than 10 minutes, time saved could have critical lifesaving implications.

But by the time ShotSpotter has detected gunshots on a college campus, or Campus Guardian Angel has been activated in the hallways of a high school, the window for preventing the shooting has long since passed.

The Conversation

Emily Greene-Colozzi receives funding from the National Institute of Justice.

ref. There’s little evidence tech is much help stopping school shootings – https://theconversation.com/theres-little-evidence-tech-is-much-help-stopping-school-shootings-272233

What are gas stove manufacturers trying to hide? Warning labels

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alan K. Chen, Thompson G. Marsh Law Alumni Professor, University of Denver

Colorado was the first state to pass a law requiring warning labels on gas stoves. mapodile/GettyImages

Colorado passed first-in-the-nation legislation requiring warning labels on gas stoves in June 2025. These warnings are similar to what is required by cigarette labeling laws.

The required labels urge consumers to educate themselves about the air quality implications of indoor gas stoves and direct consumers to the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment for information on the health impacts. This could have a substantial impact, as government agencies estimate that about one-third of Colorado’s households use gas as their primary cooking source.

The law went into effect on Aug. 6. The Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers is now suing Colorado and is asking a federal court to temporarily block the law from being enforced while the case proceeds. The parties are awaiting a hearing on this request.

I’m a legal scholar with expertise in First Amendment law. I research and publish papers focusing on laws, such as the new Colorado statute, that compel businesses to disclose information to consumers.

In my opinion, in opposing warning labels, the gas industry and its trade association are weaponizing the First Amendment to undermine a commonsense regulation that aims to keep residents safe and informed.

Warning labels in the US

Walk down an aisle in any toy store and you’ll see tags alerting parents to the risk of choking. Flip over your prescription medication and you can read its side effects and interactions with other drugs. In the grocery store, food products have labels bearing information about calorie and sugar content to help consumers make healthier decisions.

A crumbled cigarette box with a Surgeon General's warning on the side.
Warning labels on cigarettes have been required in the U.S. since 1965.
MediaNews Group/Reading Eagle via Getty Images

Often taken for granted, these warning labels provide critical information to protect Americans’ health and safety. Perhaps the most recognizable warning labels can be found on cigarette packages, required in the U.S. since 1965, to inform customers about the health harms of smoking. Despite the fact that warning labels on cigarettes have saved millions of lives, the tobacco industry fought tooth and nail against them to keep consumers in the dark. Since that time, federal, state and local laws requiring businesses to make truthful factual disclosures about their products have become commonplace.

Colorado lawsuit

In its lawsuit, the gas industry invokes the First Amendment’s compelled speech doctrine. This doctrine prohibits the government from forcing people to make ideological statements they don’t actually believe, such as reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.

A 9News report on the lawsuit against Colorado’s new law.

In 2018, in National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, the U.S. Supreme Court greatly expanded this rule and opened the door for challenges to government efforts to require businesses to disclose truthful statements of fact. The court held that the government cannot compel businesses to disclose factual information if it is “controversial.”

Of course, it would be hard to find a manufacturer who does not think such disclosures are controversial, given that businesses are likely to disagree that their products are dangerous. If a subjective claim that a disclosure is controversial is all it takes to strike a law down, many such laws are vulnerable to legal attacks.

Interest groups representing the tobacco industry, the gas industry and others have seized on this opportunity to dismantle what most people understand to be routine labeling requirements. For example, companies have filed lawsuits challenging federal laws requiring companies to disclose that they use “conflict minerals” and local laws requiring beverage manufacturers to disclose that drinking sugar-sweetened drinks “contributes to obesity, diabetes and tooth decay.”

In its lawsuit, the Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers, a trade association that lobbies on behalf of the home appliance industry, argues that Colorado’s law compels gas stove manufacturers to place warning labels on their products that it believes contain “scientifically controversial and factually misleading” information around gas stoves.

However, abundant evidence shows that cooking with a gas stove releases pollutants that harm human health. Multiple studies have shown that burning methane gas produces nitrogen oxide, carbon monoxide, formaldehyde and benzene that can worsen respiratory illnesses such as asthma and increase the risk of cancer.

A young child wears a mask connected to a white tube over their face.
Cooking with gas stoves indoors has been linked to human health harms such as asthma.
Michael Robinson Chavez/GettyImages

Furthermore, in 2022, the American Medical Association recognized that gas stove use can increase household air pollution, the risk of childhood asthma and asthma severity. The same year, the American Public Health Association recommended putting warning labels on gas stoves as an official policy position.

Public health advocates contend that the gas industry has known about the health harms of gas stoves for decades, but that the industry has repeatedly attempted to paint its products in a better light.

A 2023 expose by The New York Times, for example, revealed that the gas industry paid toxicologist Julie Goodman to downplay the health impacts of gas stoves. Just eight years earlier, Goodman provided testimony on behalf of tobacco companies. A judge described her testimony on tobacco as “contrary to consensus of the scientific community.”

Risk to consumers

If the Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers’ claim succeeds in court, it could, in my analysis, make it much easier for companies to fund biased research or bring in experts to argue that something is not well-established science.

For example, a drug manufacturer could hire an expert to dispute the side effects of a drug. Food producers might claim their experts disagree with the science underlying nutrition and calorie information required by government regulation. Even manufacturers of everyday items such as lawnmowers or toasters could hire experts and proclaim that their products pose no safety harms.

Everyday people would bear the brunt of harm from the invalidation of warning label laws. These people currently have the right to know critical health and safety information before buying any product. If we let corporate interests undermine regulations such as warning labels, I believe we will no longer be able to inform the public about commonsense steps they can take to protect their health.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

The Conversation

Alan K. Chen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What are gas stove manufacturers trying to hide? Warning labels – https://theconversation.com/what-are-gas-stove-manufacturers-trying-to-hide-warning-labels-271370

Understanding climate change in America: Skepticism, dogmatism and personal experience

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Gary W. Yohe, Professor of Economics and Environmental Studies, Wesleyan University

Warmer temperatures can supercharge storms. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Scientists are trained to be professional skeptics: to always judge the validity of a claim or finding on the basis of objective, empirical evidence. They are not cynics; they just ask themselves and each other a lot of questions.

If they see a claim that a finding is true, they will ask: “Why?” They may hypothesize that if that finding is true, then some related findings must also be true. If it’s unclear whether one or more of those other findings is true, they will do more work to find out.

It is no wonder that science moves so slowly, especially on really important topics such as climate change.

Dogmatism is the opposite of skepticism. It is the proclivity to assert opinions as unequivocally true without taking account of contrary evidence or the contradictory findings. It is why public debate over scientific findings never seems to go away.

An example of the difference is the reaction to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s finding in 1995 that “evidence suggests a discernible human influence on global climate.” The IPCC’s assessment reports involve hundreds of researchers from around the world who reviewed the global scientific understanding of the planet’s changing climate.

It’s an instructive case in the differences between skepticism and dogmatism, and it’s something to think about as you hear people talk about climate change.

Origins of a dogmatic response

Shortly after the IPCC released that finding in 1995, persistent and well-organized attacks on the science began. Many came from groups supported by the owners of Koch Industries, a conglomerate involved in oil refining and chemicals.

Their strategies mimicked earlier assaults on science and scientists who had warned the public that smoking posed a serious threat to their health. This time it was a warning about fossil fuels’ impact on the climate.

The similarity should not be a surprise. Science historians Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway, in their 2011 book “Merchants of Doubt,” and American historian Nancy MacLean, in her 2010 book “Democracy in Chains,” have explained how the strategy was written by some of the same people who had tried to stop efforts to tighten tobacco regulations a decade or so earlier.

The dogma presented to the public for fighting regulation held that personal freedoms are paramount and that they are not to be diminished by any efforts designed explicitly to improve the general welfare.

What a skeptical response looks like

Climate scientists understood in 1995 that they must provide more than laboratory results, which go back to Svante Arrhenius’ work in 1895 demonstrating a causal correlation between increasing carbon dioxide concentrations and rising temperatures.

They also accepted the challenge of exploring collections of associated effects that should also be true if human activity was changing the climate.

Scientists have since examined dozens of different independently monitored aspects of climate change and confirmed the expected fingerprints of climate change all around the world.

Since the upper layers of the oceans absorb 90% of the atmosphere’s excess heat, they should be persistently warming as global temperatures rise. Has that happened? Yes, it has.

Since land-based ice melts when temperatures get too warm, global sea level should rise. And it should rise by more than would happen with thermal expansion of warming ocean water alone. Is it? Data shows that it is.

A line chart showing meltwater as the top contributor, followed by thermal expansion
The major contributors to sea level rise.
NOAA Climate.gov

Syukuro Manabe and Richard Wetherald argued in 1967 that the upper atmosphere should cool while surface temperatures rise in response to higher carbon dioxide concentrations. Has it cooled over the past 50 years? Yes, it has, just as Manabe predicted.

A temperature map of the atmosphere shows cooling in the upper atmosphere, above the tropopause, and warming below it, over the past two decades.
The upper atmosphere has been cooling while the lower atosphere, close to Earth’s surface, has warmed over the past two decades. The gray line marks the tropopause, between the lower troposphere and higher stratosphere.
IPCC 6th Assessment Report

By 2021, as the evidence piled up, the IPCC’s Sixth Assessment stated: “It is unequivocal that human influence has warmed the global climate system since pre-industrial times. Combining the evidence from across the climate system increases the level of confidence in the attribution of observed climate change to human influence and reduces the uncertainties associated with assessments based on single variables. Large-scale indicators of climate change in the atmosphere, ocean, cryosphere and at the land surface show clear responses to human influence consistent with those expected based on model simulations and physical understanding.”

Convincing the public

But has the public been convinced? The data on this is mixed.

Annual surveys conducted by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication have found that the percentage of Americans “alarmed” about climate change rose over the past 11 years – from 15% in 2014 to 26% in 2024. And they show that much of that increase came from an increase in concern among Americans who earlier considered themselves “concerned” or “cautious.”

Over the same time period, though, the proportion of citizens in the survey who considered themselves “disengaged,” “doubtful” or “dismissive” shrank only modestly, from 29% to 27%.

Other surveys suggest that personal experience likely plays a significant role in how people understand climate change.

Many local and national news stations have mentioned climate change as a contributing factor in their extensive coverage of destructive wildfires in Los Angeles and Hawaii, flash floods in North Carolina and Texas, persistent drought across the Southwest, extreme heat waves and destructive hurricanes.

Some of their viewers could certainly be coming around to believing what evidence shows: that climate-related disasters have become more frequent and more intense.

Americans are also directly experiencing other effects of climate change on their homes, health and wallets. For example:

Stories like these do not make the national news very often, but they do show up in conversations around the kitchen table.

Reaching those with dismissive views

So, how can those Americans who are dismissive of climate change be reached? Some dogmatically believe claims that “climate change is a hoax” despite ever-growing evidence to the contrary.

Talking about personal experiences with extreme weather events, wildfires or droughts and their connections to rising global temperatures can help.

It might also help to remind them of failed dogma from the past that was disproved by science, yet people continued for years to believe them. For example, we know today that the Earth is not flat, the Sun does not circle the Earth, and living organisms cannot materialize spontaneously from nonliving matter.

The shift in public perceptions of climate risks leaves me hopeful that more people are acknowledging the scientific understanding of climate change and catching up with the climate scientists who have produced, questioned, reexamined and reaffirmed their findings through rigorous application of the scientific method.

The Conversation

Gary W. Yohe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Understanding climate change in America: Skepticism, dogmatism and personal experience – https://theconversation.com/understanding-climate-change-in-america-skepticism-dogmatism-and-personal-experience-271516

Resolve to stop punching the clock: Why you might be able to change when and how long you work

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jennifer Tosti-Kharas, Professor of Management, Babson College

The U.S. workweek hasn’t always been 40 hours long, so maybe something else is possible. Gearstd/iStock via Getty Images Plus

About 1 in 3 Americans make at least one New Year’s resolution, according to Pew Research. While most of these vows focus on weight loss, fitness and other health-related goals, many fall into a distinct category: work.

Work-related New Year’s resolutions tend to focus on someone’s current job and career, whether to find a new job or, if the timing and conditions are right, whether to embark on a new career path.

We’re an organizational psychologist and a philosopher who have teamed up to study why people work – and what they give up for it. We believe that there is good reason to consider concerns that apply to many if not most professionals: how much work to do and when to get it done, as well as how to make sure your work doesn’t harm your physical and mental health – while attaining some semblance of work-life balance.

Country music icon Dolly Parton wrote and sang the theme song in the movie ‘9 to 5,’ and had a starring role as well.

How we got here

Most Americans consider the 40-hour workweek, which calls for employees being on the job from nine to five, to be a standard schedule.

This ubiquitous notion is the basis of a hit Dolly Parton song and 1980 comedy film, “9 to 5,” in which the country music star had a starring role. Microsoft Outlook calendars by default shade those hours with a different color than the rest of the day.

This schedule didn’t always reign supreme.

Prior to the Great Depression, which lasted from 1929-1941, 6-day workweeks were the norm. In most industries, U.S. workers got Sundays off so they could go to church. Eventually, it became customary for employees to get half of Saturday off too.

Legislation that President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed into law as part of his sweeping New Deal reforms helped establish the 40-hour workweek as we know it today. Labor unions had long advocated for this abridged schedule, and their activism helped crystallize it across diverse occupations.

Despite many changes in technology as well as when and how work gets done, these hours have had a surprising amount of staying power.

Americans work longer hours

In general, workers in richer countries tend to work fewer hours. However, in the U.S. today, people work more on average than in most other wealthy countries.

For many Americans, this is not so much a choice as it is part of an entrenched working culture.

There are many factors that can interfere with thriving at work, including boredom, an abusive boss or an absence of meaning and purpose. In any of those cases, it’s worth asking whether the time spent at work is worth it. Only 1 in 3 employed Americans say that they are thriving.

What’s more, employee engagement is at a 10-year low. For both engaged and disengaged employees, burnout increased as the number of work hours rose. People who were working more than 45 hours per week were at greatest risk for burnout, according to Gallup.

However, the average number of hours Americans spend working has declined from 44 hours and 6 minutes in 2019 to just under 43 hours per week in 2024. The reduction is sharper for younger employees.

We think this could be a sign that younger Americans are pushing back after years of being pressured to embrace a “hustle culture” in which people brag about working 80 and even 100 hours per week.

Critiques of ‘hustle culture’ are becoming more common.

Fight against a pervasive notion

Anne-Marie Slaughter, a lawyer and political scientist who wears many hats, coined the term “time macho” more than a decade ago to convey the notion that someone who puts in longer hours at the office automatically will outperform their colleagues.

Another term, “face time,” describes the time that we are seen by others doing our work. In some workplaces, the quantity of an employee’s face time is treated as a measure of whether they are dependable – or uncommitted.

It can be easy to jump to the conclusion that putting in more hours at the office automatically boosts an employee’s performance. However, researchers have found that productivity decreases with the number of hours worked due to fatigue.

Even those with the luxury to choose how much time they devote to work sometimes presume that they need to clock as many hours as possible to demonstrate their commitment to their jobs.

To be sure, for a significant amount of the workforce, there is no choice about how much to work because that time is dictated, whether by employers, the needs of the job or the growing necessity to work multiple jobs to make ends meet.

4-day workweek experiments

One way to shave hours off the workweek is to get more days off.

A multinational working group has examined experiments with a four-day workweek: an arrangement in which people work 80% of the time – 32 hours over four days – while getting paid the same as when they worked a standard 40-hour week. Following an initial pilot in the U.S. and Ireland in 2022, the working group has expanded to six continents. The researchers consistently found that employers and employees alike thrive in this setup and that their work didn’t suffer.

Most of those employees, who ranged from government workers to technology professionals, got Friday off. Shifting to having a three-day weekend meant that employees had more time to take care of themselves and their families. Productivity and performance metrics remained high.

This picture depicts a 4-day workweek.
Some studies examining four-day workweek experiments have had promising results.
Andrzej Rostek/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Waiting for technology to take a load off

Many employment experts wonder whether advances in artificial intelligence will reduce the number of hours that Americans work.

Might AI relieve us all of the tasks we dread doing, leaving us only with the work we want to do – and which, presumably, would be worth spending time on? That does sound great to both of us.

But there’s no guarantee that this will be the case.

We think the likeliest scenario is one in which the advantages of AI are unevenly distributed among people who work for a living. Economist John Maynard Keynes predicted almost a century ago that “technological unemployment” would lead to 15-hour workweeks by 2030. As that year approaches, it’s become clear that he got that wrong.

Researchers have found that for every working hour that technology saves us, it increases our work intensity. That means work becomes more stressful and expectations regarding productivity rise.

Deciding when and how much time to work

Many adults spend so much time working that they have few waking hours left for fitness, relationships, new hobbies or anything else.

If you have a choice in the matter of when and how much you work, should you choose differently?

Even questioning whether you should stick to the 40-hour workweek is a luxury, but it’s well worth considering changing your work routines as a new year gets underway if that’s a possibility for you. To get buy-in from employers, consider demonstrating how you will still deliver your core work within your desired time frame.

And, if you are fortunate enough to be able to choose to work less or work differently, perhaps you can pass it on: You probably have the power and privilege to influence the working hours of others you employ or supervise.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Resolve to stop punching the clock: Why you might be able to change when and how long you work – https://theconversation.com/resolve-to-stop-punching-the-clock-why-you-might-be-able-to-change-when-and-how-long-you-work-270766

Large trunks discovered in a basement offer a window into the lives and struggles of early Filipino migrants

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Sam Vong, Curator of Asian Pacific American History, Smithsonian Institution

A Filipino man poses next to a Ford Model A in the 1930s. Filipino Agricultural Workers Collection, Archives Center, National Museum of American History

In 2005, Antonio Somera, a Filipino American member of the Legionarios del Trabajo, a Masonic fraternal order, stumbled across a trove of mysterious-looking containers while he was cleaning out the basement of the Daguhoy Lodge in Stockton, California.

The containers, which had been abandoned for decades, included more than a dozen steamer trunks – large luggage chests designed for long-distance travel – and a handful of suitcases dating to the 1910s.

They belonged to former Legionarios del Trabajo members who at some point lived in the lodge but had passed away. Fraternal brothers packed their personal belongings to memorialize the deceased and hoped that surviving family members would later reclaim the objects.

These unusual time capsules and their contents tell a largely forgotten history of the men and women who had left the Philippines in the 1910s to work in Hawaii’s sugar industry and later settled in California’s San Joaquin Valley. Affectionately dubbed “Little Manila,” south Stockton became an important hub for one of the largest communities of Filipinos outside the Philippines.

Along with my curatorial assistant, Ethan Johanson, we studied the fascinating objects and photographs found in the trunks to tell the story of this largely forgotten cohort of migrants.

Here are five objects that capture the breadth and depth of life and work in California, Hawaii and other states for Filipino migrants. They’re among those featured in an exhibition created by the Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Center on display at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History. Titled, “How Can You Forget Me: Filipino American Stories,” the exhibition explores the making of the Filipino American community in Stockton between the 1910s and 1970s.

1. The steamer trunk

An old steamer trunk featuring clothes hangers and drawers.
A wardrobe trunk that held the personal belongings of Anastacio Atig Omandam, who left the Philippines in 1916 to work in Hawaii and later settled in Stockton, Calif., where he passed away in 1966.
National Museum of American History

This steamer trunk formerly belonged to Anastacio Atig Omandam, a worker who arrived in Honolulu from the Philippine province Negros Oriental in January 1916.

In his twenties, Omandam embarked on a two- to three-week voyage across the Pacific Ocean, leaving his rural and impoverished hometown to earn money to send home.

Omandam was part of a group of mostly young, single men who were recruited by sugar plantation companies as early as 1906 to work in Hawaii’s booming sugar industry. Between 1906 and 1935, thousands of men – and later women – left their hometowns in the Ilocos and Visayas regions of the Philippines for Hawaii, toiling on plantations alongside other immigrant workers.

After the United States defeated Spain in the 1898 Spanish-American War, the Philippines was under U.S. colonial rule until 1935.

Filipinos living under American rule and in U.S. territories were designated as U.S. nationals, an ambiguous legal status. It allowed Filipinos to migrate relatively freely within U.S. territories, but they lacked constitutional protections and privileges like citizenship and voting.

Omandam’s steamer trunk is emblematic of the trunks discovered by Somera in 2005. Omandam likely bought the trunk secondhand in the Philippines or Hawaii. While the origins of the trunk remain a mystery, it traveled with Omandam from job to job, reflecting the life of a migrant worker continuously on the move. Many of these trunks – Omandam’s included – contained handwritten correspondence written in beautiful cursive, photographs, postcards, work tools, garments and paystubs.

They were, in essence, time capsules of each of these men’s lives.

2. An asparagus knife

A collection of old, metal tools and knives laid out against a white backdrop.
An asparagus knife appears above various tools, all of which were found inside the trunks.
National Museum of American History

The large, unusual-looking metal instrument found in one trunk is a knife that farmworkers used to harvest asparagus.

During the harvesting season, typically between February and June, workers wielded this knife, using the sharp edge of the forked blade to pierce approximately six inches (15 centimeters) below the soil to cut the root of the asparagus.

Harvesting asparagus demanded dexterity and speed. Workers needed to constantly bend over to cut and collect the produce as they moved up and down the rows. This repetitive and backbreaking motion earned Filipino farmworkers the derogatory label “stoop labor.”

After a series of restrictive immigration laws barred Chinese, Japanese and other immigrant groups between the 1870s and 1920s, growers and agribusiness turned to hiring Filipinos and Mexicans to harvest seasonal crops such as lettuce, grapes and asparagus, among others.

When the harvesting season was over, Filipino farmworkers migrated to other West Coast states to harvest apples, hops and grapes. Others went to Alaska to can salmon.

The asparagus knife was found among the containers in the basement, alongside other grafting and pruning knives. These tools – still carrying the soil from which they were tilled – represent the work of the immigrant farm workers of all backgrounds who helped build California’s agriculture industry, which continues to feed the nation today.

3. Three-piece suits

Three-piece suits were found in nearly all the steamer trunks, along with Stetson hats, bow-ties and other fashionable accessories from the 1920s and 1930s.

A black, pinstriped, three-piece suit and Stetson hat displayed on a mannequin.
This tailored three-piece suit with matching Stetson hat was worn by Anastacio Omandam.
National Museum of American History

Despite earning meager wages, most Filipino farmworkers saved their hard-earned money to purchase at least one tailored three-piece suit. Men donned these stylish garments to attend Sunday mass, dinners and taxi dance halls – where they could pay a small fee to dance with a professional dancer – or merely to strut their stuff down the streets of Stockton’s Little Manila.

Because Americans often looked down upon agricultural workers as uncultured and illiterate – “little brown monkeys” was a common slur – Filipinos resisted these negative characterizations by presenting themselves like the Hollywood movie stars they saw at the cinema. They understood the power of self-presentation: By embracing popular American styles, they sought to command respect and dignity.

They also wore these suits to pose for fancy photographs that were sent back home to the Philippines as a way to display affluence and social mobility – and to entice their compatriots to join them in the U.S.

Not everyone was enchanted. Some white Americans viewed these slick, handsomely dressed Filipino men as a sexual threat that could “steal” their women.

4. A pageant dress

This sequined dress belonged to Barbara Nambatac, a longtime resident of Livingston, Calif., who grew up among the “manongs,” a kinship title meaning older brother often used when referring to this early generation of Filipino migrants.

A white sequined dress displayed on a headless mannequin.
Barbara Nambatac wore this white dress when she was crowned Queen of Little Manila in a 1971 beauty pageant.
Photo by Phillip R. Lee

Her Filipino father was a cook who served food to Filipino and Mexican field hands on farms throughout California’s Central Valley, where he later met Nambatac’s Mexican mother.

In the 19th century and into the 20th century, California’s anti-miscegenation laws prohibited whites from marrying outside their race. At the same time, the shared experiences of Mexican and Filipino farmworkers often led to relationships between members of the two migrant groups.

When she was 21, Nambatac’s father, who was a member of the Legionarios del Trabajo in Stockton, saved his modest salary to buy the dress from the Philippines and registered her in a beauty pageant that helped raise funds for the lodge. She ultimately won first place.

In Stockton’s Little Manila, pageants reinforced the importance of women in the community. Since women were discouraged from migrating, there was a gender imbalance in Filipino American communities that persisted for decades.

Filipinas who were able to migrate to the United States were important pillars in Stockton’s Filipino American community and assumed multiple roles. Women labored tirelessly alongside men in the fields, performed domestic work in households, advised young men to save money and go to school, and built and maintained networks that sustained local communities and transpacific ties back home in the Philippines.

Although the gender disparity was stark in Little Manila before the 1960s, the presence of women and girls ensured the survival of Filipino American families.

5. A pillowcase

A white pillowcase with embroidery depicting a bow, green plants and the text 'How Can You Forget Me.'
One of three pillowcases found in the steamer trunks. These were mementos that Filipino migrants kept to remember their loved ones back in the Philippines.
National Museum of American History

This pillowcase was one of three found in Anastacio Omandam’s steamer trunk.

It’s embroidered with floral patterns and a poignant message – “How Can You Forget Me” – which inspired the exhibition’s title. The pillowcases – along with letters and photographs – evoke the sentimental messages that connected friends, families and lovers separated by a vast ocean.

In the case of Omandam, a loved one from the Philippines likely sent him the pillowcase. The lack of punctuation is interesting: It serves as neither a question nor a declaration, but nonetheless urges Omandam to never let go of his memories of home.

In the same way, I hope the exhibition will implore visitors to never forget this generation of men and women who paved a path for other Filipino immigrants. More than 4.4 million Americans identify as having Philippine ancestry, according to the 2020 U.S. Census.

These objects reflect the stories of ordinary people who were resourceful, creative, resilient and filled with hope in the face of discrimination, racism and legal exclusion.

The odds were constantly stacked against them. And yet they persevered – each strike into the soil, each coin saved to save up for a new suit, each lodge meeting and each beauty pageant taking them one step closer to forging a place for themselves in the American story.

The Conversation

Sam Vong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Large trunks discovered in a basement offer a window into the lives and struggles of early Filipino migrants – https://theconversation.com/large-trunks-discovered-in-a-basement-offer-a-window-into-the-lives-and-struggles-of-early-filipino-migrants-265654

Tennis is set for a ‘Battle of the Sexes’ sequel – with no movement behind it

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jaime Schultz, Professor of Kinesiology, Penn State

Nick Kyrgios’ showdown with Aryna Sabalenka may be entertaining. But for women’s sports, it seems like a lose-lose. Tim Clayton/Corbis via Getty Images

In an event billed as tennis’s latest “Battle of the Sexes,” Aryna Sabalenka, the No. 1-ranked women’s tennis player in the world, will take on Nick Kyrgios, who’s currently ranked No. 673 on the men’s tour, on Dec. 28, 2025, in Dubai.

“This is about respect, rivalry and reimagining what equality in sport can look like,” explained Stuart Duguid, who, along with tennis great Naomi Osaka, co-founded Evolve, the sports agency putting on the event.

“I’ll try my best to kick his ass,” Sabalenka said during a September 2025 press conference.

“She’s not going to beat me,” Kyrgios responded. “Do you really think I have to try 100%?”

Evolve has promoted the Dubai event as a sequel to the iconic 1973 “Battle of the Sexes,” in which Billie Jean King beat Bobby Riggs.

But as critical scholars of sport, we see important differences between the two contests. For one, there are the rules: different court dimensions, service restrictions and scoring systems. What’s more, the two events’ political and cultural contexts set them even further apart. While King’s victory is viewed as a feminist triumph over entrenched sexism, neither Sabalenka nor Kyrgios seem to be playing for anything beyond the court.

It makes us wonder whether women – and women’s sports more specifically – have anything to gain from this latest battle.

Putting ‘women’s lib’ on the map

The feminist movement of the early 1970s saw American women fight for better rights, opportunities, rewards, reproductive freedoms and bodily autonomy. They also sought access to and equality in sports. Women’s tennis led the way, as King and others bravely formed their own tour, unionized and negotiated for equal pay at the U.S. Open.

Riggs – a 55-year-old ex-champion and self-proclaimed “male chauvinist pig” – was a noisy antagonist. He maintained that better pay should go to men like him on the senior tour, not to women. To prove it – and to bully his way back into the limelight – Riggs pestered the 29-year-old King to play him.

Man wearing glasses holds a yellow sign reading 'Sugar Daddy.'
Bobby Riggs was carried to the court by a group of young women ahead of his tennis match against Billie Jean King at the Houston Astrodome on Sep. 20, 1973.
Bettmann/Getty Images

“You not only cannot beat a top male player,” he needled, “you can’t beat me, a tired old man.”

King refused.

“We didn’t need him; we were making it on our own merits,” she later explained

Young woman raises her hands in celebration on a tennis court before a large crowd.
Billie Jean King throws her racket in the air after defeating retired pro Bobby Riggs at the Houston Astrodome on Sep. 20, 1973.
UPI/Bettmann Archive via Getty Images

But when Riggs trounced the No. 1 women’s player, Margaret Court, in May 1973, King, then ranked No. 2, felt she had no choice.

“Marge blew it,” she told reporters. “I’m going to put women’s lib where it should be.”

King rose to the occasion. Before 30,000 spectators at the Houston Astrodome and another 90 million television viewers, she walloped Riggs in three straight sets. Her victory took on an even larger significance, becoming a symbol of what women can accomplish when given the chance.

“It wasn’t about tennis,” King later assessed. “It was about social change.”

The apolitical star vs. the ‘bad boy’

So what, then, is the new “battle” about?

King has yet to comment on the 2025 event, but she is a fan of Sabalenka’s game.

“What I love about you is that when you come out to play, you bring all of yourself,” King told the four-time Grand Slam champion after her 2024 U.S. Open victory.

Off the court, however, the two women seem to have little in common.

King has always maintained that sports are political; Sabalenka has distanced herself from that position. When asked about Russia’s war in Ukraine, for example, the Belarusian explained, “I don’t want sport to be involved in politics, because I’m just a 25-year-old tennis player.”

King never argued that women were better players than the men. But “from a show-biz standpoint,” she clarified in her 1974 autobiography, “I felt we put on as good a performance as the men – sometimes better – and that that’s what people paid to see.”

Sabalenka, in contrast, once told a reporter that she prefers watching men’s tennis because “it’s more interesting” than the women’s game.

Comments like Sabalenka’s throw sand into the gears of the ongoing struggle for gender equity, to which King remains committed. Although all four Grand Slam events now offer equal prize money, disparities persist at lower-level tournaments.

At the 2024 Italian Open, for instance, men competed for a prize pool of US$8.5 million. The women’s equivalent was $5.5 million. That same year, women’s prize money at the Canadian Open totaled $2.5 million, while the men split $5.9 million. Men still receive better scheduling and court assignments, more media coverage and more lucrative sponsorships. As former No-2-ranked women’s tennis player Ons Jabeur put it, it’s not “just a question of money, but also respect.”

Meanwhile, Kyrgios, like Riggs more than half a century ago, has spoken out against equal pay for women players.

In fact, some might say Kyrgios’ sexism makes Riggs’ seem almost quaint. In 2015, he was fined $10,000 after making vulgar comments about his opponent’s girlfriend during a match. In 2021, he pleaded guilty to assaulting his ex-girlfriend after pushing her during an argument.

Kyrgios has “gone to all lengths” to distance himself from overtly misogynist influencers Andrew and Tristan Tate, who have been criminally charged with human trafficking, rape and assault. But this was only after Kyrgios faced significant backlash for expressing “low-key” love for the brothers and reposting Andrew on social platform X for “speaking facts as usual.”

Young man smiling while holding a tennis racket and a tennis ball, wearing a green basketball jersey and a backward white cap.
Nick Kyrgios has earned a reputation as the ‘bad boy of tennis.’
Daniel Pockett/Getty Images

Kyrgios – again, like Riggs – is also struggling to remain relevant.

By all accounts, he is a tremendously talented player who has yet to live up to his potential. Plagued with wrist and knee injuries, Kyrgios has competed in only six tour-level matches in the past three years: winning one, losing four and retiring in another. Consequently, the 2022 Wimbledon finalist, once ranked in the top 20, is better known as a “bad boy of tennis” who smashes rackets, makes lewd comments and gestures, tanks matches and verbally abuses umpires.

A lose-lose for women’s sports?

Kyrgios’ showdown with Sabalenka may be entertaining. But for women’s sports, it seems like a lose-lose.

If Sabalenka wins, critics will likely claim it’s because she had every advantage. Evolve has modified the rules to make her side of the court 9% smaller than Kyrgios’ in both length and width. The dimensions are based on Evolve’s calculation that the top women players move 9% slower than their male counterparts, although there is no published data to support the claim.

To further mitigate Kyrgios’ reported “power and speed advantage,” both players will be limited to just one serve. Unlike King and Riggs’ best-of-five sets, Sabalenka and Kyrgios will play best-of-three. Split sets between the two competitors will result in a 10-point tiebreaker.

A Kyrgios victory will only bolster arguments that the best woman cannot compete with the 673rd-ranked man, even when the rules are bent to her favor. We could see those arguments being weaponized against women’s sports more generally, which remain underresourced and undervalued.

There’s also the question of the venue.

The 2025 event will take place in the United Arab Emirates. The UAE government has been accused of egregious human rights abuses, which include gender discrimination, the criminalization of same-sex relations, and clamping down on freedom of speech and the media. Hosting high-profile sporting events distracts from these issues while cleansing the UAE’s public image in what’s known as “sportswashing.”

What does it mean to host a tennis “Battle of the Sexes” in a country where women are battling for basic human rights?

The 2017 Hollywood film “Battle of the Sexes” reaffirmed the importance of the King-Riggs contest.

Barring some surprise twist, no one will make a movie about the Sabalenka-Kyrgios duel in Dubai. We see it as nothing more than a publicity stunt and cash grab for Sabalenka, Kyrgios and, above all, Evolve. If this is “reimagining what equality in sport can look like,” as the organizers claim, then it is equality without substance.

And that is no battle at all.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tennis is set for a ‘Battle of the Sexes’ sequel – with no movement behind it – https://theconversation.com/tennis-is-set-for-a-battle-of-the-sexes-sequel-with-no-movement-behind-it-269590

Rest is essential during the holidays, but it may mean getting active, not crashing on the couch

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Stacy Shaw, Assistant Professor of Social Science & Policy Studies, Worcester Polytechnic Institute

Active leisure experiences, like going for a walk outdoors, can help reduce stress and restore energy during the holidays. Chris Griffiths/Moment via Getty Images

The holiday season is often painted as an idyllic vision of rest, conjuring images of warm beverages and bountiful time with loved ones. But many people have trouble unwinding at this time of year. Why do the December holidays offer the promise of respite but never seem to deliver? And is more restorative rest possible during this busy season?

I am a psychologist who studies how rest supports learning, creativity and well-being. Sleep is often the first thing that many people associate with rest, but humans also require restorative downtime when awake. These active rest periods include physical, social and creative experiences that can occur throughout the day – not just while mindlessly scrolling on the couch.

When holiday stresses begin to snowball, rest periods replenish depleted psychological resources, reduce stress and promote well-being. But reaping the full benefits of rest and leisure requires more than a slow morning or a mug of hot cocoa. It’s also about intentionally scheduling active recovery periods that energize us and leave us feeling restored.

That’s because good rest needs to be anticipated, planned and refined.

Holiday stress

The winter holiday season can take a toll on well-being. Financial stress increases, and daily routines are disrupted. Add the stress of travel, plus a dash of challenging family dynamics, and it’s not surprising that emotional well-being declines during the holiday season.

Quality rest and leisure periods can buffer these stressors, promoting recovery and well-being. They also can help reduce psychological strain and prolong positive emotions as people return to work.

Effective rest comes in many forms, from going outdoors for a walk to socializing, listening to music or engaging in creative hobbies. These activities may feel like distractions, but they serve important mental health functions.

For instance, research finds that walking in nature results in diminished activation in the area of the brain associated with sadness and ruminating thoughts. Walks in nature are also associated with reduced anxiety and stress.

Other studies have shown that activities such as playing the piano or doing calligraphy significantly lower cortisol, a stress hormone. In fact, some of the most promising interventions for depression involve participation in pleasant leisure activities.

Not all idle time is restorative

So why does it feel so hard to get good rest during the holidays?

One of the most robust findings from psychologists and researchers who study leisure is that the effectiveness of rest periods depends on how satisfying they feel to the individual. This might sound obvious, but people often spend their free time doing things that are not satisfying.

For example, a famous 2002 study of how people spent their time found that the most popular form of leisure was watching television. But participants also rated TV time as their least enjoyable activity. Those who watched more than four hours of TV a day rated it as even less enjoyable than those who watched less than two hours a day.

A few years ago, my colleagues and I collected data from college students and found that students reported turning to mindless distractions, such as social media, at the end of the day, but that it usually did not leave them feeling reenergized or restored. Although this study was specifically about college students, when I presented the findings to the larger research team, one of my collaborators said, “It really makes you think about yourself, doesn’t it?” There were silent nods around the room.

A stressed woman lying on a sofa, surrounded by Christmas decorations, hides her face in a pillow.
Holiday tasks and rituals can crowd out time for rest, unless it’s planned into your day.
Ilona Titova/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Planning for good rest

To combat the pitfall of poor rest cycles, science suggests planning for active rest and pleasant activities, and carrying through with those plans. A large body of research shows that designing, scheduling and engaging in enjoyable activities is effective at lowering symptoms of depression and anxiety.

For the holiday season, this might mean following an afternoon of shopping with a recovery period reading a book in a quiet place, or going for a walk after opening gifts instead of immediately shifting into cleaning mode. By following a schedule, not a mood, research suggests that people can break cycles of poor rest and inactivity and achieve greater recovery and well-being.

Wrestling with guilt

Even with perfectly planned and executed rest periods, guilt can loom. Leisure guilt is a psychological construct that encompasses feelings of distress about spending time doing things that are relaxing rather than productive. It can reduce enjoyment of leisure, undercutting one of the mechanisms that link rest with well-being.

During the holidays, this problem may become even more pronounced. The season brings changes to daily routines, daylight levels and temperature, and diets. All of these shifts can deplete people’s energy levels. High expectations during the holidays may make guilt an even bigger threat to rest.

If the answer to poor-quality rest cycles is planned active rest periods, then what is the solution to feelings of guilt?

Lower expectations, immersive rest and acceptance

Research on leisure guilt is in its infancy, but my own struggles have shown me a few ways to resist the pressure to be productive every spare minute. Here are some tips to fight back against the flawed belief that rest is just laziness in disguise, during the holidays and beyond.

First, I work to convince myself and my family members to lower expectations for our seasonal activities. Not every baked cookie needs to be individually frosted and decorated, and not every gift has to be wrapped with a perfect bow. By agreeing to lower our expectations, we eliminate extraneous work and the guilt of feeling that there is more to be done.

Cookies decorated with crooked dabs of frosting and candies
Festive doesn’t have to mean perfect.
Sally Anscombe/DigitalVision via Getty Images

Second, I’ve found that restful activities that provide a strong feeling of immersion – playing video games, going for walks and playing with my young nieces and nephews – are a lot more restorative than scrolling on my phone or watching TV on the couch. These diversions require my full attention and prevent me from thinking about things such as my overflowing email inbox or unfinished household chores.

Finally, when I do experience leisure guilt, I accept the feeling and try to move on. During high-stress situations, accepting negative emotions rather than avoiding them can reduce depressive symptoms.

Humans need restorative periods of downtime during the holidays and beyond, but this does not always come easily or naturally to everyone. Through small adjustments and intentional actions, good rest can be within reach this holiday season.

The Conversation

Stacy Shaw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Rest is essential during the holidays, but it may mean getting active, not crashing on the couch – https://theconversation.com/rest-is-essential-during-the-holidays-but-it-may-mean-getting-active-not-crashing-on-the-couch-270396

Les Nabatéens ont-ils fêté Noël plusieurs siècles avant les chrétiens ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Professeur d’histoire ancienne, Université de Lorraine

Le Qasr al-Bint, temple du dieu nabatéen Doushara, à Pétra, Jordanie. Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

Dans l’ouvrage intitulé « Panarion » où il recense ce qu’il considère comme des hérésies, Épiphane de Salamine, théologien chrétien du IVᵉ siècle, nous apprend qu’une fête nocturne se déroulait chaque année à Pétra, capitale du royaume des Nabatéens, au sud de l’actuelle Jordanie, pour y célébrer la naissance du dieu Doushara (Dousarès, en grec).


Le site archéologique de Pétra, mondialement célèbre, est visité chaque année par de nombreux touristes.

Mais les Nabatéens, peuple arabe de l’Antiquité, sont bien moins connus du grand public que les extraordinaires vestiges de leur antique cité. Entre la fin du IVe siècle avant notre ère et 106 de notre ère, date de leur intégration dans l’Empire romain, ils ont pourtant dominé un très vaste territoire depuis le sud de la Syrie jusqu’à l’oasis d’al-Ula, aujourd’hui en Arabie saoudite, en passant par le Néguev et le Sinaï. Leur souverain, commandant d’une puissante armée, était reconnu comme le « roi des Arabes », écrit l’historien antique Flavius Josèphe. Il ne régnait pas seulement sur les Nabatéens, mais aussi sur d’autres peuples qui étaient ses vassaux.

Le mot « arabe » est, quant à lui, apparu pour la première fois sous la forme Aribi, au IXe siècle avant notre ère, dans des textes assyriens.

C’est un terme général, comme « grec » ou « gaulois ». Parmi les Grecs, on compte les Ioniens, les Doriens… Parmi les Gaulois, les Arvernes, les Éduens… De même, parmi les peuples arabes de l’Antiquité, il y avait les Nabatéens, mais aussi les Thamoudéens, les Minéens, les Lihyanites…

Doushara, dieu de la montagne

Le principal dieu des Nabatéens se nomme Doushara. Il est le protecteur des souverains, comme le proclament quelques inscriptions nabatéennes. Son nom veut dire « Celui du Shara », appellation d’une montagne près de Pétra. Un « sommet très élevé d’Arabie », écrit Etienne de Byzance, auteur du VIᵉ siècle.

Doushara n’est donc pas un nom à proprement parler, mais une expression désignant un statut suprême. Elle signifie que Doushara est le dieu qui se trouve au sommet de la montagne. Un lieu élevé qui rappelle le mont Sinaï où se manifeste le dieu de Moïse, dans l’Exode. De même, le Dieu de la Bible n’a pas de véritable nom : il est le Seigneur, l’Éternel.

Les Nabatéens ont en commun avec les Hébreux une même réticence à nommer la divinité. C’est une caractéristique des religions sémitiques, alors qu’en Grèce antique ou à Rome, les dieux possèdent des noms propres : Zeus, Jupiter, Apollon…

Bétyles du dieu nabatéen Doushara. Musée archéologique des Champs-Phlégréens, près de Pouzzoles, Italie.
 : Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

Adorer des pierres

Un des rites les plus courants de la religion nabatéenne est l’adoration de pierres dressées, considérées comme sacrées, qu’on appelle « bétyles ». Le terme vient de l’araméen bet-el qui signifie littéralement « maison de dieu », parce qu’on pensait qu’une divinité ou des parcelles de divinité pouvaient se trouver à l’intérieur.

Le plus célèbre bétyle biblique est la pierre de Jacob, fils d’Isaac et petit-fils d’Abraham, dans la Genèse (Genèse 28, 17-22).

Jacob fait de cette pierre son chevet. Il pose sa tête dessus et s’endort. Pendant son sommeil, il voit en songe « une échelle dont le sommet touchait le ciel ». À son réveil, il comprend que la pierre sur laquelle il a dormi est sacrée, la redresse comme une stèle et verse de l’huile en son sommet. Puis il nomme le lieu « Béthel ».

Le Rêve de Jacob, de Jacques Réattu.
Wikimédia

Les Nabatéens, eux, n’utilisent pas le terme « bétyle » pour désigner les pierres auxquelles ils rendent un culte. Ils emploient le mot nésiba qui veut dire « dressé » et évoque un pilier ou une stèle. Mais la pratique est la même.

Plusieurs de ces idoles, généralement quadrangulaires, ont été retrouvées à Pétra. On connaît aussi leurs formes, grâce à des représentations sculptées sur des rochers, à Pétra, ou encore à Hégra, importante ville nabatéenne dans l’oasis d’al-Ula. Les fidèles s’arrêtaient devant ces reliefs rupestres pour prier et se prosterner.

Trois bétyles dressés dans une niche, sanctuaire nabatéen du Jabal al-Ithlib, Hégra, Oasis d’al-Ula, Arabie saoudite.
Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

L’idole de Doushara

Le principal bétyle nabatéen se dressait, au cœur même de Pétra, dans un grand temple, nommé aujourd’hui Qasr al-Bint (« Château de la fille ») en arabe. Ce sanctuaire est un édifice de plan carré, haut d’une vingtaine de mètres. À l’intérieur, dans la salle centrale, se dressait le bétyle de Doushara, au sommet d’une plate-forme. L’encyclopédie byzantine nommée Souda nous en donne une description assez précise, bien qu’elle ait été composée plusieurs siècles après la destruction du temple. L’ouvrage s’appuie sur des écrits antérieurs, aujourd’hui perdus.

L’idole, peut-on lire, était une pierre quadrangulaire de couleur noire sans image divine. Sa hauteur était de quatre pieds (environ 1 mètre 20) et sa largeur de deux pieds (60 centimètres). Elle se dressait sur un socle doré.

Le texte nous donne la description d’une idole aniconique qui manifeste symboliquement la présence du dieu. La couleur noire laisse penser qu’elle était peut-être taillée dans une météorite. La Souda précise que les fidèles lui offraient des sacrifices et versaient sur elle le sang des victimes, en guise de libation.

Ces sacrifices avaient lieu hors du temple. Sur une vaste esplanade qui précède le sanctuaire a été retrouvé un autel, de 3 mètres de haut, qui était plaqué de marbre. C’est là que se déroulaient les principaux sacrifices offerts par les souverains nabatéens à Doushara pour le bonheur de leur royaume et de leurs sujets. Les animaux destinés au dieu y étaient amenés et égorgés, sans doute des bœufs, des brebis, peut-être aussi des chameaux.

Le chameau était, en effet, un animal étroitement associé au grand dieu. On recueillait ensuite le sang des bêtes sacrifiées pour aller en asperger le bétyle à l’intérieur du temple.

Trois bétyles dans une niche, gravés sur une falaise du Siq, gorge étroite menant au centre de Pétra, Jordanie.
Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

Fils de la Vierge et Unique enfant du Seigneur

Au cours de la grande fête annuelle célébrant la naissance de Doushara, évoquée par Épiphane de Salamine, les fidèles chantaient en arabe, nous dit l’auteur, un hymne à la mère de Doushara dite Chaamou, c’est-à-dire « Jeune fille » ou « Vierge ». Doushara, fils de la Vierge, était quant à lui surnommé « l’Unique enfant du Seigneur » (Épiphane de Salamine, Panarion II, 51, 22, 11).

Cette ressemblance frappante entre Doushara et Jésus, lui aussi né d’une conception virginale, explique pourquoi Épiphane a cru bon d’évoquer ce « Noël » nabatéen. Rappelons que le mot « Noël » nous vient du latin Natalis dies qui signifie « Jour de la naissance ». Épiphane de Salamine entendait ainsi condamner la religion des Nabatéens qui pouvait apparaître comme concurrente du christianisme.

Le danger pour le théologien était aussi que les détracteurs de la religion du Christ accusent les auteurs chrétiens de plagiat, le culte de Doushara étant antérieur de plusieurs siècles à celui de Jésus. Les chrétiens ne possédaient pas le monopole du thème de la conception virginale. Épiphane, retournant ces accusations, s’emploie à délégitimer la religion nabatéenne considérée comme une hérésie et une parodie païenne de la seule vraie religion à ses yeux.

Cette perspective apologétique nous a fort heureusement transmis quelques bribes des croyances nabatéennes qui ne seraient sans doute jamais parvenues jusqu’à nous sans cette similitude frappante entre les deux religions.

Chameau posant devant les ruines du Qasr al-Bint, grand temple au centre de Pétra, Jordanie.
Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Fourni par l’auteur

La fête de Noël de Doushara

Le passage est également très instructif dans la mesure ou Épiphane de Salamine y mentionne trois lieux où la fête de Noël de Doushara était célébrée : le grand temple de Pétra, nous l’avons dit, mais aussi le sanctuaire de la ville nabatéenne d’Elousa dans le Néguev, et enfin le temple de Koré, fille de Déméter, à Alexandrie. Koré, dont le nom signifie « Jeune fille », était considérée comme l’équivalent grec de la Chaamou.

Elle était adorée à Alexandrie, nous dit Épiphane, en tant que Vierge mère d’un jeune dieu incarnant l’Éternité que les Grecs nommaient Aiôn. À n’en pas douter, les Nabatéens, installés à Alexandrie, y avaient fondé, comme dans les autres villes où ils étaient présents, un sanctuaire en l’honneur de leur grand dieu. Une association religieuse y rendait un culte à la Chaamou, associée aux mystères de la Koré grecque.

Doushara, père et fils ?

Au contact du monde grec, les Nabatéens ont découvert d’autres divinités comparables à leur grand dieu. Doushara, ressenti comme une puissance liée à la végétation, a pu être assimilé à Dionysos, promoteur de la culture de la vigne dans la mythologie hellénique.

Mais en tant que plus grand dieu nabatéen, Doushara était également considéré comme l’équivalent de Zeus, père de Dionysos, et maître de l’Olympe grec. C’est ce que pourrait suggérer Épiphane de Salamine : Doushara était peut-être vu par les Nabatéens comme le fils unique de son père avec lequel il se confondait, suivant le modèle de « deux en un » que reprendra plus tard le christianisme.


Les Nabatéens, IVᵉ avant J.-C.-IIᵉ siècle. De Pétra à Al-Ula, les bâtisseurs du désert, Christian-Georges Schwentzel, éditions Tallandier, collection « Humanités », septembre 2025.

The Conversation

Christian-Georges Schwentzel ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Les Nabatéens ont-ils fêté Noël plusieurs siècles avant les chrétiens ? – https://theconversation.com/les-nabateens-ont-ils-fete-noel-plusieurs-siecles-avant-les-chretiens-270525

Des Néandertaliennes et des enfants victimes de cannibalisme il y a 45 000 ans

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Quentin Cosnefroy, Post doctorant, Université de Bordeaux

Des ossements retrouvés dans la grotte de Goyet en Belgique prouvent que les Néandertaliens pratiquaient le cannibalisme. S’agit-il d’un épisode unique ou d’une pratique répétée dans le temps ? Ce comportement est-il propre à ce site ou pourrait-il être reconnu sur d’autres ?


La pratique du cannibalisme chez les Néandertaliens est bien documentée. À ce jour, et d’après nos calculs, le nombre d’individus néandertaliens montrant des traces de cannibalisme dépasserait même celui des individus inhumés pour cette espèce humaine disparue, ce qui en ferait une pratique mortuaire récurrente.

Une nouvelle étude menée par notre équipe et publiée dans la revue Scientific Reports apporte de nouveaux éclairages sur cette pratique, à la toute fin de l’histoire des Néandertaliens en Europe.

À Goyet, en Belgique, il y a environ 41 000 à 45 000 ans, des femmes et des enfants néandertaliens ont été les victimes d’un cannibalisme hautement sélectif. Cette sélection témoigne d’abord de pratiques exocannibales, c’est-à-dire qu’elle a été exercée sur des individus non locaux, considérés comme externes au groupe qui les a consommés.

L’étude révèle ensuite que la composition de l’assemblage (quatre femmes, un enfant et un nouveau-né) ne peut s’expliquer par le hasard : elle résulte d’un choix délibéré qui a spécifiquement ciblé des individus jeunes et des femmes parmi les plus petites et les moins robustes jamais documentées chez Néandertal. Ce comportement pourrait représenter l’un des premiers indices tangibles de tensions ou de conflits entre groupes humains au Paléolithique moyen (300 000 à 40 000 ans).

Un assemblage exceptionnel

Les restes osseux néandertaliens de la troisième caverne de Goyet (Belgique) représentent l’une des plus grandes collections de restes néandertaliens au monde. Les individus ont pu être identifiés grâce à un long travail de réexamen des collections anciennes, amorcé en 2008 par Hélène Rougier (qui cosigne cet article).

Conservée à l’Institut royal des sciences naturelles de Belgique (IRSNB), à Bruxelles, depuis les premières fouilles menées sur le site de Goyet à la fin du XIXe siècle, cette collection anthropologique était encore largement inédite au début du XXIe siècle, car mélangée aux restes animaux du site. Un effort de plus de dix ansn mêlant tri de la faune, remontage de pièces osseuses et analyses biochimiques, a permis de reconstituer et de réanalyser cet assemblage exceptionnel fragment par fragment, malgré la perte du contexte archéologique originel.

Une précédente étude de notre équipe a montré qu’environ un tiers de ces ossements présentent des traces de cannibalisme. Visibles sur la surface des os, des traces de découpe laissées par des outils en pierre (liées à la désarticulation et au décharnement des corps) ainsi que des impacts de percussion et des fractures réalisées sur os frais (pour en extraire la moelle osseuse) attestent d’une consommation de ces restes humains, avec un traitement identique à celui de la faune chassée et consommée dans ce site. Certains de ces ossements ont même été utilisés comme outils pour affûter les silex taillés.

Localisation des différents types de traces (coupures, cassures, impacts de percussion et usures en tant que retouchoir) sur les os de Néandertaliens de Goyet.
Fourni par l’auteur

Dans cette nouvelle étude, notre équipe interdisciplinaire et internationale menée par des chercheuses et chercheurs du laboratoire PACEA (Université de Bordeaux-CNRS-Ministère de la culture) et de l’Université d’État de Californie à Northridge, a poussé les analyses encore plus loin afin d’identifier le profil biologique des individus cannibalisés, malgré l’état fragmentaire des restes.

Une combinaison de données paléogénétiques (analyse de l’ADN ancien) et isotopiques (donnant des informations sur la provenance géographique ou l’alimentation), associées à une analyse fine de la morphologie des ossements (principalement des os des membres inférieurs, les fémurs et les tibias) indique un assemblage tout à fait singulier : sur un minimum de six individus identifiés, quatre sont des femmes adultes ou adolescentes et deux sont des individus immatures de sexe masculin.

La comparaison avec un profil de mortalité attendu à cette époque ou avec d’autres sites attestant d’un cannibalisme entre Néandertaliens montre que la probabilité d’obtenir la composition retrouvée à Goyet est proche de zéro. En somme, l’association de ces individus ne peut résulter du hasard, elle est le résultat d’une sélection délibérée de certains individus.

Une approche interdisciplinaire pour faire parler les ossements

Nous avons pu dresser le profil de ces individus cannibalisés, parmi les derniers représentants néandertaliens au monde.

Les données de l’ADN ancien montrent que les individus adultes/adolescents sont tous de sexe féminin, mais n’ont pas de liens de parenté proche. Cette caractéristique pourrait suggérer l’appartenance des individus à différents groupes, et donc renvoyer à plusieurs évènements de cannibalisme, mais pourrait aussi s’expliquer par une origine exogame des individus féminins d’un même groupe, c’est-à-dire avec des femmes venant d’autres groupes avant d’intégrer celui où elles vivaient, une pratique déjà documentée chez les Néandertaliens.

Pour aller dans ce sens, nos analyses montrent que les individus consommés n’étaient pas originaires de la région. Ce sont les isotopes du soufre présents dans leurs os qui montrent une signature distincte de celle de la faune locale et des Néandertaliens voisins du site de Spy – une indication forte que les victimes ne faisaient pas partie du groupe local, confirmant ainsi la dimension exocannibale de cette pratique sur le site de Goyet.

Enfin, l’étude de la morphologie des ossements eux-mêmes apporte des précisions essentielles sur l’identité des individus, en particulier des quatre femmes adultes/adolescentes. Cependant, cette analyse a représenté un véritable défi : les ossements sont extrêmement fragmentés, conséquence directe des multiples fracturations survenues lors de leur consommation. Ce travail, mené à l’Université de Bordeaux, s’est appuyé sur une analyse virtuelle des restes à partir de scanners par rayons X réalisés à l’IRSNB.

Les résultats montrent que les indices de robustesse des fémurs et des tibias sont très faibles en comparaison de ceux d’autres spécimens de la même période : ces Néandertaliennes étaient remarquablement graciles (minces). Plus encore, les estimations de stature obtenues indiquent une petite taille : 1m51 en moyenne pour l’ensemble des individus et autour de 1m43 pour la plus petite d’entre elles, baptisée GN3. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’estimations, ces valeurs placent les Néandertaliennes de Goyet parmi les plus petites représentantes de cette humanité disparue.

Des indices de conflits préhistoriques ?

Qu’il s’agisse d’un ou de plusieurs évènements, la pratique d’un cannibalisme ciblé sur les femmes et sur les enfants d’un autre groupe social suggère la présence de tensions ou de conflits entre groupes. À cette époque (la fin du Paléolithique moyen), les données archéologiques témoignent de la coexistence de plusieurs traditions culturelles associées à Néandertal dans le nord de l’Europe et touchant à la façon de tailler les outils en pierre.

Reconstitution virtuelle d’un Néandertalien.
Institute of Natural Sciences, Fourni par l’auteur

Dans ce contexte, l’arrivée des premiers groupes d’Homo sapiens, déjà présents à quelques centaines de kilomètres à l’est de Goyet, a pu engendrer une pression sur les groupes néandertaliens de la région et notamment dans l’accès aux ressources, les deux groupes humains chassant les mêmes animaux. Si l’on ne peut pas exclure qu’Homo sapiens ait été à l’origine de l’assemblage de Goyet, les données archéologiques, et notamment l’utilisation de certains ossements comme outils (pratique documentée dans d’autres sites avec traces de cannibalisme où seul Néandertal pouvait en être l’auteur), vont plutôt dans le sens d’une pratique intra-spécifique.

Des perspectives pour le futur

Malgré ces avancées, plusieurs questions demeurent ouvertes : s’agit-il d’un épisode unique ou d’une pratique répétée dans le temps ? Ce comportement est-il propre à Goyet ou pourrait-il être reconnu sur d’autres sites si l’on disposait des mêmes outils d’analyse ? Travailler sur des restes issus de cannibalisme reste particulièrement complexe : il faut d’abord identifier des fragments, puis tenter d’en extraire un maximum d’informations.

Dans le cas présent, c’est précisément la combinaison de plusieurs approches réunissant des spécialistes internationaux de disciplines différentes qui a permis d’éclairer la spécificité de ces vestiges longtemps restés muets.

Désormais, l’existence de méthodes fiables pour analyser des fragments très réduits ouvre des perspectives considérables : la reprise d’anciennes collections non étudiées, la réévaluation de sites connus pour leur cannibalisme ou l’identification de nouveaux assemblages pourraient, dans les années à venir, profondément renouveler notre compréhension des interactions sociales, des dynamiques territoriales et de la diversité biologique des derniers Néandertaliens.

The Conversation

Quentin Cosnefroy a reçu des financements du Projet-ANR-22-CE27-0016 NeHos : De l’Homme de Néandertal à l’Homo sapiens – Comprendre une (r)évolution culturelle en Europe au Paléolithique.

Hélène Rougier et Isabelle Crevecoeur ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur poste universitaire.

ref. Des Néandertaliennes et des enfants victimes de cannibalisme il y a 45 000 ans – https://theconversation.com/des-neandertaliennes-et-des-enfants-victimes-de-cannibalisme-il-y-a-45-000-ans-271043

Votre « sapin » de Noël n’est peut-être pas un sapin, voici pourquoi

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Guillaume Decocq, Professeur en sciences végétales et fongiques, Université de Picardie Jules Verne (UPJV)

Sapin de Noël, Piazza del Duomo, Milan (Italie). Thierry Gauquelin, CC BY

Souvent, le « sapin » de Noël n’est pas un sapin. Et il n’est pas lié historiquement à la naissance de Jésus de Nazareth. Deux botanistes se sont penchés sur ces paradoxes et nous aident à identifier les différents types d’arbres utilisés pour le 24 décembre.


Chaque année au mois de décembre, les « sapins » de Noël réapparaissent dans l’espace public, souvent richement ornementés et illuminés, mais également dans de nombreux foyers français où leurs branches les plus basses attendent d’abriter les cadeaux. Associé à la fête chrétienne de la nativité, cette tradition bien ancrée en Europe n’est pourtant pas d’origine religieuse, et le « sapin » de Noël est rarement un sapin ! Revenons donc en arrière pour tout comprendre à ces paradoxes.

Aux origines du sapin de Noël

Les origines du sapin de Noël restent incertaines et remontent probablement à la fin du Moyen Âge en Europe. Les premières mentions avérées apparaissent, indépendamment les unes des autres, au début du XVe siècle dans les régions germaniques de l’Ouest et du Nord, dans les pays baltes et, peu de temps après, en Alsace, où la première érection d’un sapin de Noël à Strasbourg date de 1492.Partout, en fin d’année, des conifères décorés de pommes, de pain d’épices et de guirlandes sont érigés sur la place publique.

Quelques années plus tard, des mâts ornés de lierre et de houx (des plantes à fleurs qui, comme la majorité des conifères, conservent leur feuillage en hiver) sont mentionnés en Angleterre.

Chaque fois, ce sont les corporations commerçantes qui sont à l’initiative de ce qui est baptisé « mai d’hiver » ou « mai de Noël ». En effet, cette pratique serait une transposition hivernale des « mais », ces arbres érigés au début du mois de mai pour célébrer la renaissance printanière de la végétation. Le terme « arbre de Noël » (Weihnachtsbaum) n’apparaît, lui, qu’en 1611, à Turckheim, en Alsace.

Il faut ensuite attendre le XVIe siècle pour que cette tradition, qui concernait uniquement la place publique, fasse son entrée dans la sphère privée. À Sélestat (Alsace), en 1521, un édit municipal autorise ainsi les habitants à couper de petits sapins pour Noël ; des conifères sont vendus sur les marchés à des particuliers pour qu’ils puissent les ramener chez eux et les décorer de pommes, de friandises et de gaufrettes.

La pratique doit connaître un succès rapide, puisque quelques décennies plus tard, les premières réglementations apparaissent pour limiter les abattages, comme à Fribourg (Suisse actuelle) en 1554, et les religieux dénoncent la généralisation d’un rite païen. Cela peut paraître paradoxal puisque le « sapin » de Noël est aujourd’hui souvent considéré comme un symbole religieux associé au christianisme.

Sapin de Noël sur la place Saint-Pierre, au Vatican
La tradition du sapin de Noël sur la place Saint-Pierre, au Vatican (Rome), apparaît en 1982…
Giuseppe Milo/Flick, CC BY

Mais cette christianisation d’un rite profane, qui ferait du sapin une évocation de l’Arbre de vie de la Bible, est très récente. Il a d’ailleurs fallu attendre 1982 pour que le premier sapin de Noël apparaisse place Saint-Pierre au Vatican.

Un arbre de Noël en Norvège au début du XXᵉ siècle. L’arbre est ici un épicéa
Un arbre de Noël en Norvège au début du XXᵉ siècle. L’arbre est ici un épicéa.
Archive nationale de Norvège, CC BY

Pour autant, l’arbre de Noël reste encore limité aux foyers aisés durant le XVIIIe siècle et ne devient une tradition populaire indissociable de la fête de Noël qu’à partir du XIXe siècle, aussi bien en Europe qu’aux États-Unis, où la tradition aurait été exportée en Pennsylvanie par des colons allemands à la fin du XVIIIe siècle.

À cette époque, l’arbre de Noël n’est d’ailleurs pas nécessairement un conifère, plusieurs feuillus sont utilisés, notamment des arbres fruitiers comme le pommier Christkindel, une variété de l’est de la France dont les petites pommes rouges écarlates auraient inspiré les boules de Noël une année où les pommes vinrent à manquer. Alors pourquoi le « sapin » de Noël ?

Sapin de Noël, à Dubaï. dans un centre commercial
Sapin de Noël, à Dubaï (Émirats arabes unis), dans un centre commercial.
CC BY

Un sapin de Noël qui en est rarement un

Aux origines, le « sapin » de Noël ne pouvait déjà pas être un sapin, puisqu’aucune espèce de sapin n’est autochtone dans les contrées qui ont vu naître cette tradition.

La seule espèce de sapin originaire d’Europe occidentale – hors région méditerranéenne – est le sapin blanc (Abies alba en latin), qui est naturellement absent de la moitié nord-ouest de l’Allemagne, des pays baltes et de toute l’Europe du Nord. Et à l’époque, l’être humain ne se livrait pas encore à des translocations d’espèces exotiques.

Forêt de sapin blanc dans les Vosges
Forêt de sapin blanc dans les Vosges.
Thierry Gauquelin, Fourni par l’auteur

Le « sapin » était donc surtout l’épicéa commun (Picea abies) et, plus occasionnellement, le pin sylvestre (Pinus sylvestris). Le véritable sapin blanc a cependant pu être utilisé de part et d’autre du Rhin, puisqu’il est indigène dans les massifs des Vosges (donc en Alsace), du Jura, des Alpes et des Pyrénées, mais probablement de manière assez marginale.

Aujourd’hui, en Europe, ce sont près de 50 millions d’arbres qui sont mis sur le marché pour les fêtes de fin d’année, dont 6 millions rien qu’en France. L’épicéa reste majoritaire, même si, en France, on lui préfère depuis quelques décennies le sapin de Nordmann (Abies nordmanniana), qui a l’avantage de ne pas perdre rapidement ses aiguilles, mais qui a l’inconvénient de ne pas dégager le même parfum de résine et d’être vendu plus cher.

Ainsi plus de 80 % des sapins vendus cette année en France sont du Nordmann, et l’épicea est, cette année, impossible à trouver dans la région de Marseille. Le sapin de Nordmann est une espèce exotique en France ; originaire d’une région qui s’étend de la Turquie aux montagnes du Caucase, il est largement planté désormais en France, notamment dans le Centre, pour être vendu à Noël, souvent un peu plus tôt que l’épicéa qui est indigène et également largement cultivé.

Ces dernières années on assiste aussi à une certaine diversification des conifères vendus comme arbres de Noël, puisque plusieurs espèces d’origine nord-américaine sont venues enrichir la palette :

  • de véritables sapins comme le sapin de Vancouver (Abies grandis) et le sapin noble (Abies procera), tous deux originaires de la côte ouest ;

  • des épicéas, en particulier le mal nommé « sapin » bleu du Colorado (Picea pungens), aux aiguilles bleu argenté et à l’odeur de pin ;

  • le « sapin » de Douglas (Pseudotsuga menziesii), dont le nom est trompeur, car il n’est ni un sapin ni un épicéa.

De manière amusante, l’Amérique du Nord, qui nous a fourni ces espèces de sapin à la mode, n’échappe pas à la tentation de l’exotisme ; ainsi, c’est le pin sylvestre européen qui a longtemps été l’espèce privilégiée outre-Altantique. Ce n’est que depuis les années 1980 que le Douglas et le sapin de Fraser (Abies fraseri) l’ont supplanté aux États-Unis, et le sapin baumier (Abies balsamea) au Canada.

Dans les régions tropicales et dans l’hémisphère Sud, cependant, d’autres arbres sont plébiscités. À La Réunion, par exemple, où Noël tombe pendant l’été austral, on utilise aussi bien des conifères (« pin » de Norfolk, Araucaria heterophylla ; « pin » colonnaire, Auraucaria columnaris ; « cèdre » du Japon, Cryptomeria japonica), que des feuillus tropicaux aux fleurs spectaculaires (flamboyant, Delonix regia) ou aux fruits comestibles (letchi, Litchi chinensis). Aux Antilles, on trouve également le filao (Casuarina equisitifolia) qui, malgré les apparences, n’est pas un conifère mais une plante à fleurs. Dans d’autres régions tropicales le pin de Monterey (Pinus radiata) et le cyprès de Lambert (Cupressus macrocarpa) sont également utilisés.

Un peu de botanique pour s’y retrouver

Parmi toutes ces espèces alors, comment s’y retrouver ? Comment savoir si ces « sapins » en sont véritablement ?

Commençons d’abord par rappeler que beaucoup des arbres que l’on voit à Noël appartiennent à la même grande famille des Pinacées qui comprend 11 genres et près de 250 espèces. On y trouve 50 espèces de sapins (Albies), 36 d’épicéas (Picea) et 130 de pins (Pinus). C’est la plus grande famille de conifères, dont les ancêtres sont apparus il y a près de 400 millions d’années, bien avant l’invention de la fleur dans l’histoire de l’évolution, plus de 200 millions d’années plus tard.

Les conifères font donc partie des Gymnospermes ou plantes « à ovule nu » qui, contrairement aux Angiospermes ne présentent ni fleur ni fruit. Parmi les Gymnospermes, une Pinacée est facilement reconnaissable à ses cônes femelles, plus connus sous le nom de « pommes de pin ». Ils sont constitués d’un axe central sur lequel des écailles ligneuses sont insérées de manière spiralée, portant sur leur face supérieure deux graines (les cônes mâles, plus discrets, sont en chatons).

Pour différencier les épicéas (genre Picea) des vrais sapins (genre Abies), quatre caractères peuvent être observés :

1 – les cônes femelles sont pendants chez les épicéas, mais dressés chez les sapins ;

A gauche un sapin aux cônes dressés. A droite un épicea aux cônes pendants. Forêt de Barèges, Pyrénées
À gauche, un sapin aux cônes dressés. À droite, un épicea aux cônes pendants. Forêt de Barèges, Pyrénées.
Thierry Gauquelin, Fourni par l’auteur

2 – les cônes d’épicéas tombent entiers au sol, alors qu’ils se désintègrent sur l’arbre chez les sapins (donc jamais de cônes entiers au sol, juste des écailles) ;

3 – les rameaux des épicéas, une fois les aiguilles tombées, sont rugueux, car chacune des aiguilles est portée par une petite excroissance appelée pulvinus. Ils sont lisses chez les sapins, mais ornés de cicatrices rondes ;

4 – les aiguilles sont cylindriques plus ou moins anguleuses chez les épicéas, mais plates chez les vrais sapins.

Rameau de sapin de Nordmann à gauche (face supérieure et inférieure), et d’épicéa sur la photo de droite
Rameau de sapin de Nordmann à gauche (face supérieure et inférieure), et d’épicéa sur la photo de droite.
Thierry Gauquelin/Guillaume Decocq, Fourni par l’auteur

Les vrais sapins peuvent être confondus avec les Douglas du genre Pseudotsuga. Ce genre comporte quatre espèces différentes, dont la plus connue et répandue est Pseudotsuga menziesii, d’origine nord-américaine). Toutes ont des aiguilles plates pourvues de deux bandes blanches à la face inférieure comme le sapin blanc. Mais chez les Douglas, les cônes sont pendants et tombent entiers, comme chez les épicéas, et les aiguilles ont toutes à peu près la même longueur, alors qu’elles sont de tailles très inégales chez les sapins.

Quant aux pins (Pinus), ils se différencient des genres précédents, qui ont tous des aiguilles solitaires, par leurs aiguilles normalement groupées par 2, 3 ou 5 au sein d’une gaine membraneuse basale caduque.

Rameaux de pin.
Auguste Herbst, vers 1900. Musée de l’école de Nancy/Thierry Gauquelin, Fourni par l’auteur

Concernant les « sapins » de Noël ultramarins évoqués plus haut, il s’agit de conifères appartenant à d’autres familles botaniques, celle des Pinacées étant quasiment restreinte à l’hémisphère Nord.

Au sud de l’équateur, on trouve par exemple les espèces du genre Araucaria comme le « pin » de Norfolk et le « pin » colonnaire, qui ne sont donc pas des pins mais qui appartiennent à la famille des Araucariacées, exclusivement présente dans l’hémisphère Sud. Le « cèdre » du Japon, du genre Cryptomeria – qui n’est donc pas un cèdre, puisque non apparenté au genre Cedrus – et le cyprès de Lambert, du genre Cupressus qui, lui, est donc bien un cyprès, appartiennent à la famille des Cupressacées, au même titre que nos genévriers ou les séquoias et les thuyas.

On voit bien ici que les noms vernaculaires utilisés pour nommer les espèces végétales sont souvent une source de confusions, d’où l’importance du nom latin, qui en revanche est unique et attribué selon des règles très précises. C’est l’objectif de la science systématique, qui décrit, nomme (conformément au Code international de nomenclature biologique) et classe dans un système hiérarchisé les êtres vivants. Ce système prend en compte les liens de parenté entre les espèces, tels qu’ils sont reconstitués à partir des données génétiques, d’où son assimilation à un arbre généalogique du vivant.




À lire aussi :
Pendant des siècles, les plantes n’ont cessé de changer de nom, voici pourquoi cela est en train de s’arrêter


Pour des sapins de Noël plus vertueux

Finalement, le seul « sapin » de Noël autochtone en France est donc l’épicea.

Dans tous les cas, les arbres commercialisés, que ce soient des Nordmann, des grandis, des pungens ou des épiceas sont issus de plantations. Et il faut être très exigeant sur leur mode de culture. Une filière bio est en train d’émerger garantissant qu’aucun traitement chimique n’est administré sur la plantation et qu’aucun désherbant ni aucun produit phytosanitaire n’est utilisé, pour le respect de la faune et de la flore locale.

Il ne faut pas oublier que les introductions d’essences exotiques ne sont pas dénuées de risques. Ainsi, même quand ils sont cultivés à proximité de la région où ils sont vendus, les « sapins » de Noël d’origine exotique peuvent servir de vecteurs pour des insectes ravageurs ou des agents pathogènes, susceptibles de s’attaquer aux conifères sauvages de nos forêts. Ainsi vaudrait-il mieux privilégier les essences autochtones.

La question est souvent posée aussi de savoir s’il faut préférer les arbres en pot ou les arbres coupés. Si les premiers sont réutilisables d’une année sur l’autre (tant qu’ils ne dépassent pas une certaine taille !) parce qu’ils peuvent être plantés ou mis en jauge dans un coin du jardin, des filières de recyclage ont aussi émergé pour les seconds, que ce soit pour le compostage ou pour lutter contre l’érosion ; par exemple la ville d’Anglet (Pyrénées-Atlantiques) installe des sapins de Noël récupérés sur le cordon dunaire de la plage pour ralentir l’érosion par la mer.

Sapins de Noël sur la plage d’Anglet
Sapins de Noël sur la plage d’Anglet (Pyrénées-Atlantiques).
Thierry Gauquelin, Fourni par l’auteur

Et dans tous les cas, un « sapin » naturel, qu’il soit Abies ou Picea vaut toujours mieux qu’un sapin en plastique. Si ces derniers restent encore minoritaires en France, ils représentent plus de 80 % des arbres achetés aux États-Unis. Et ils sont aujourd’hui bien loin des tout premiers sapins artificiels initialement apparus en Allemagne au XIXe siècle, et alors confectionnés avec des plumes d’oie teintes en vert, rapidement remplacées par des poils d’animaux, puis par de l’aluminium.

Sinon, à défaut d’acheter aujourd’hui un sapin, pourquoi ne pas décorer des plantes d’intérieur tel qu’un ficus en pot. Certes, ce n’est pas un sapin ni même un conifère, mais l’arbre de Noël n’en a pas toujours été un au cours de l’histoire.

The Conversation

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ref. Votre « sapin » de Noël n’est peut-être pas un sapin, voici pourquoi – https://theconversation.com/votre-sapin-de-noel-nest-peut-etre-pas-un-sapin-voici-pourquoi-271687