¿Por qué los conservadores estadounidenses no quieren que Bad Bunny actúe en la Super Bowl?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Ediberto Román, Professor of Law, Florida International University

Recientemente Bad Bunny decidió evitar actuar en el territorio continental de Estados Unidos, alegando el temor de que algunos de sus fans pudieran ser objeto de persecución y deportación por parte del ICE. Michael Loccisano/Getty Images for Coachella

Poco después de que la Liga Nacional de Fútbol Americano (NFL) anunciara que el rapero puertorriqueño Bad Bunny sería la estrella del intermedio de la Super Bowl, los medios de comunicación conservadores y los funcionarios de la administración Trump saltaron al ataque.

La directora de Seguridad Nacional, Kristi Noem, prometió que el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (el ICE) “estaría atento a la Super Bowl”. El presidente Donald Trump calificó la selección como “absolutamente ridícula”. El comentarista de derechas Benny Johnson lamentó el hecho de que Bad Bunny “no tenga canciones en inglés”. El rapero, se quejó la comentarista conservadora Tomi Lahren, “no es un artista estadounidense”.

Bad Bunny, cuyo nombre real es Benito A. Martínez Ocasio, es una superestrella, uno de los artistas más escuchados del mundo. Y como es puertorriqueño, también es ciudadano estadounidense.

Sin duda, Bad Bunny cumple muchos requisitos que irritan a los conservadores: apoyó a Kamala Harris para la presidencia en 2024, tiene un guardarropa que desafía los estereotipos de género, ha criticado duramente las políticas antiinmigración de la administración Trump y ha rechazado hacer giras por el territorio continental de Estados Unidos por temor a que algunos de sus fans puedan ser perseguidos y deportados por el ICE. Además, sus letras explícitas, la mayoría de las cuales están en español, harían temblar incluso al más ferviente defensor de la libertad de expresión.

Sin embargo, como expertos en cuestiones de identidad nacional y políticas de inmigración de EE. UU., creemos que los insultos de Lahren y Johnson dan en el clavo sobre por qué el cantante ha desatado tal tormenta en la derecha. El espectáculo de un rapero hispanohablante actuando durante el evento deportivo más visto de la televisión estadounidense es un rechazo directo a los esfuerzos de la administración Trump por ocultar la diversidad del país.

La colonia puertorriqueña

Bad Bunny nació en 1994 en Puerto Rico, un territorio no incorporado de Estados Unidos que el país adquirió tras la guerra hispano-estadounidense de 1898. Es el hogar de 3,2 millones de ciudadanos estadounidenses por nacimiento. Si fuera un estado, sería el trigésimo más grande en población, según el censo de Estados Unidos de 2020.

Pero Puerto Rico no es un estado, sino una colonia de una época pasada de expansión imperial. Los puertorriqueños no tienen representantes con derecho a voto en el Congreso y no pueden participar en la elección del presidente de los Estados Unidos. También están divididos sobre el futuro de la isla. Una gran mayoría busca ser un estado más del país o adquirir una forma mejorada del actual estatus de Estado Libre Asociado, mientras que una pequeña minoría lucha por la independencia.

Jóvenes gritan y agitan banderas puertorriqueñas rojas, blancas y azules.
Fiesteros en el Harlem hispano de Nueva York agitan banderas puertorriqueñas durante el festival anual de la calle 116 del barrio.
Mario Tama/Getty Images

Pero hay algo que todos los puertorriqueños tienen claro: son de una tierra no soberana, con una cultura latinoamericana claramente definida, una de las más antiguas de América. Puerto Rico puede pertenecer a los Estados Unidos –y muchos puertorriqueños aceptan esa relación especial–, pero la isla en sí no suena ni se siente como el resto de la nación.

Los más de 5,8 millones de puertorriqueños que residen en los 50 estados complican aún más el panorama. Aunque legalmente son ciudadanos estadounidenses, estos en general no suelen verlos de esa manera. De hecho, una encuesta de 2017 reveló que solo el 54 % de los estadounidenses sabía que los puertorriqueños eran ciudadanos de su mismo país.

La paradoja del ciudadano extranjero

Los puertorriqueños viven lo que describimos como la “paradoja del ciudadano extranjero”: son estadounidenses, pero solo los que residen en el territorio continental disfrutan de todos los derechos de ciudadanía.

Un informe reciente del Congreso afirmaba que la ciudadanía estadounidense de los puertorriqueños no es “igualitaria, permanente e irrevocable, protegida por la 14ª Enmienda… y el Congreso se reserva el derecho de determinar la disposición del territorio”. Cualquier ciudadano estadounidense que se traslade a Puerto Rico deja de poseer todos los derechos que tiene en el territorio continental.

La selección de Bad Bunny para el espectáculo del descanso de la Super Bowl ilustra esta paradoja. Además de las críticas de figuras públicas, hubo llamamientos generalizados entre los influencers de MAGA (siglas del movimiento Make America Great Again) para deportar al rapero.

Esta es solo una de las formas en las que se recuerda a los puertorriqueños, así como a otros ciudadanos latinos, que son los “otros”.

Las detenciones del ICE de personas que simplemente parecen ser inmigrantes, una táctica que recientemente ha recibido la aprobación del Tribunal Supremo, son un ejemplo de su condición de extranjeros.

Y la mayor parte de las redadas del ICE se han producido en comunidades predominantemente latinas de Los Ángeles, Chicago y Nueva York. Esto ha obligado a muchas de ellas a cancelar las celebraciones que tenían planeadas para el Mes de la Herencia Hispana.


¿Quiere recibir más artículos como este? Suscríbase a Suplemento Cultural y reciba la actualidad cultural y una selección de los mejores artículos de historia, literatura, cine, arte o música, seleccionados por nuestra editora de Cultura Claudia Lorenzo.


El alcance global de Bad Bunny

El fervor xenófobo contra Bad Bunny ha llevado a líderes políticos como el presidente de la Cámara de Representantes, Mike Johnson, a pedir una figura más adecuada para la Super Bowl, como el artista de música country Lee Greenwood. Refiriéndose a Bad Bunny, Johnson dijo: “Parece que no es alguien que atraiga a un público amplio”.

Pero los hechos contradicen esa afirmación. El artista puertorriqueño ocupa los primeros puestos de las listas de música mundiales. Tiene más de 80 millones de oyentes mensuales en Spotify. Y ha vendido casi cinco veces más álbumes que Greenwood.

Ese atractivo global ha impresionado a la NFL, que espera organizar hasta ocho partidos internacionales la próxima temporada. Además, los latinos representan la base de aficionados de más rápido crecimiento de la liga, y México es su mayor mercado internacional, con 39,5 millones de aficionados.

La participación de Bad Bunny en la Super Bowl puede convertirse en un momento político importante. Los conservadores, en su afán por destacar la “alteridad” del cantante –a pesar de que Estados Unidos es el segundo país con mayor número de hispanohablantes del mundo–, pueden haber educado sin querer a Estados Unidos sobre la ciudadanía estadounidense de los puertorriqueños.

Mientras tanto, los puertorriqueños y el resto de la comunidad latina de Estados Unidos siguen preguntándose cuándo serán aceptados como iguales en la sociedad.

The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. ¿Por qué los conservadores estadounidenses no quieren que Bad Bunny actúe en la Super Bowl? – https://theconversation.com/por-que-los-conservadores-estadounidenses-no-quieren-que-bad-bunny-actue-en-la-super-bowl-268006

España, a tiempo de no quedarse atrás en la carrera por los polos

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Ana Belén López Tárraga, Investigadora en el Grupo de investigación Territorio, Innovación y Desarrollo (TEIDE), Universidad de Salamanca

Remo Thommen/Shutterstock

Comer bacalao forma parte de la cultura gastronómica española. Bacalao a la tranca, a la vizcaína, en potaje o en brandada… ¿Quién no ha probado alguno de estos platos? Pues bien, si lo ha hecho, por unos momentos ha estado conectado con el Polo Norte, porque gran parte del bacalao que comemos viene del océano Ártico.

Bacalao en salazón sobre un puesto de un mercado
Bacalao en salazón en un puesto de venta en el mercado.
Ana Belén López Tárraga, CC BY-NC-SA

Este detalle curioso muestra que España está más unida a las regiones polares de lo que parece. Aunque estén muy lejos, los polos han influido en su historia, su economía y también en su forma de vida.

El interés por estos lugares viene de hace siglos. En el siglo XVI, pescadores y balleneros del norte del país viajaban a los mares de Terranova y Labrador, en la actual Canadá. Allí cazaban ballenas y pescaban bacalao, productos muy valiosos entonces. Aquellos viajes fueron los primeros contactos entre España y el Ártico.

En 1603, el navegante Gabriel de Castilla escribió que había visto tierras antárticas durante una expedición por Tierra del Fuego, entre Argentina y Chile. Es posible que fuera el primer europeo en describir el continente blanco. Esas expediciones no solo fueron comerciales: también iniciaron la observación científica de las zonas polares.

De la exploración a la ciencia

Con el tiempo, los polos dejaron de ser territorios de exploradores para convertirse en laboratorios naturales. Allí se estudian temas clave como el cambio climático, la vida marina, los océanos y la atmósfera. Lo que ocurre en el Ártico o en la Antártida afecta directamente al clima y a los mares del mundo.

España, aunque no tiene territorio polar, ha desempeñado un papel importante en la investigación antártica. Desde 1987 organiza cada verano una Campaña Antártica en la que los científicos estudian el hielo, el clima y los ecosistemas. Además, España cuenta con dos bases científicas: la Juan Carlos I y la Gabriel de Castilla, situadas en las islas Shetland del Sur.

En estas misiones colaboran universidades y centros de investigación de todo el país. Sin embargo, la presencia española en el Ártico ha sido menor. No hay bases propias, y la mayoría de los estudios se realizan con el apoyo de otros países.

Un conjunto de construcciones rojas sobre un terreno cubierto de nieve y al fondo el mar helado
Base Antártica Española Gabriel de Castilla, situada en la isla Decepción.
Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, CC BY-NC-SA



Leer más:
¿Qué papel geopolítico y científico tiene España en los dos polos?


Un plan que espera convertirse en realidad

En 2016, el Ministerio de Ciencia publicó las Directrices para una Estrategia Polar Española. Este documento marcaba las ideas que debía seguir España para fortalecer su presencia en los polos.

El plan se dividía en tres partes: investigación científica, apoyo logístico y acciones sectoriales.

En la parte científica, se pedía mantener una observación continua del entorno polar. También crear un programa nacional de seguimiento a largo plazo y reforzar el Centro Nacional de Datos Polares. Se propuso apoyar a jóvenes investigadores, promover la cooperación con otros países y acercar el conocimiento polar al público.

En la parte logística, el objetivo era mantener y modernizar las bases antárticas y mejorar el transporte marítimo y aéreo que las abastece. Además, se recomendaba cooperar con otras naciones para compartir recursos, reducir costes y cuidar el medio ambiente.

Por último, en las acciones sectoriales, se destacaba la importancia de la pesca sostenible. Este sector es clave para la economía española. La estrategia proponía una gestión responsable de los recursos marinos y una participación activa en los foros internacionales que deciden sobre la protección de los océanos.

¿Por qué España debería ponerse al día?

Han pasado casi diez años desde que se publicaron esas directrices. Aun así, España no ha convertido el plan en una estrategia real. Esto ha hecho que el país avance más despacio que otros.

Mientras tanto, Francia, Alemania y el Reino Unido, que tampoco son países árticos, ya tienen políticas polares consolidadas. También China e India han desarrollado programas ambiciosos de investigación y cooperación. Estas naciones han entendido que el Ártico y la Antártida son espacios esenciales para la ciencia y la sostenibilidad del planeta.




Leer más:
El deshielo de Groenlandia, un altavoz del cambio global y sus impactos


Vivimos un momento marcado por la crisis climática y el deshielo acelerado. España tiene la oportunidad de ponerse al día y actualizar su estrategia. Una política moderna permitiría reforzar la ciencia, asegurar financiación estable y mejorar la coordinación entre ministerios e instituciones.

Además, serviría para planificar mejor las operaciones logísticas, mantener las bases en buen estado y aumentar la cooperación en el Ártico. También ayudaría a unir la investigación con la economía, impulsando sectores sostenibles como la pesca, la tecnología marina y las energías limpias.




Leer más:
La pesca mundial frente al cambio climático: un éxodo hacia los polos


Una apuesta por el futuro

Tener una política polar actualizada no es solo una cuestión científica. Es también una forma de asumir responsabilidad global ante los retos del siglo XXI. Los polos son el termómetro del planeta: lo que ocurre allí nos afecta a todos.

España tiene la experiencia, el conocimiento y las alianzas necesarias para desempeñar un papel más activo. Convertir las directrices de 2016 en una estrategia concreta permitiría aprovechar el trabajo ya hecho y situar al país entre las naciones que lideran la protección y el estudio de las regiones polares.

Hablar de los polos no es hablar de lugares lejanos. Es hablar del futuro del clima, de los océanos y de la vida en la Tierra.

The Conversation

Ana Belén López Tárraga no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. España, a tiempo de no quedarse atrás en la carrera por los polos – https://theconversation.com/espana-a-tiempo-de-no-quedarse-atras-en-la-carrera-por-los-polos-266685

Nicolas Sarkozy incarcéré : une normalisation démocratique ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Vincent Sizaire, Maître de conférence associé, membre du centre de droit pénal et de criminologie, Université Paris Nanterre – Alliance Paris Lumières

L’ancien président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy a été incarcéré à la prison de la Santé à Paris, ce mardi 21 octobre, après avoir été jugé coupable d’association de malfaiteurs dans l’affaire du financement libyen de sa campagne présidentielle victorieuse de 2007. Cet événement inédit dans l’histoire de France s’inscrit dans une évolution des pratiques de la magistrature qui s’est progressivement émancipée du pouvoir politique. Elle couronne le principe républicain, proclamé en 1789, mais longtemps resté théorique, d’une pleine et entière égalité des citoyens devant la loi.


Le 25 septembre 2025, Nicolas Sarkozy a été reconnu coupable d’association de malfaiteurs par le tribunal correctionnel de Paris, qui a considéré qu’il avait tenu un rôle actif dans la mise en place d’un dispositif de financement de sa campagne électorale de 2007 par les dirigeants libyens. Comme on pouvait s’y attendre, cette décision a immédiatement suscité l’ire d’une large partie de la classe politique.

Que l’on conteste la décision en soutenant qu’elle est injuste et infondée, cela est parfaitement légitime dans une société démocratique, à commencer pour les principaux intéressés, dont c’est le droit le plus strict – comme, d’ailleurs, de faire appel du jugement. Mais, dans le sillage de la décision rendue dans l’affaire des assistants parlementaires du Front national, cette condamnation est aussi l’occasion, pour une large fraction des classes dirigeantes, de relancer le procès du supposé « gouvernement des juges ».

Certes, la condamnation peut paraître particulièrement sévère : 100 000 euros d’amende, cinq ans d’inéligibilité et surtout, cinq ans d’emprisonnement avec un mandat de dépôt différé qui, assorti de l’exécution provisoire, oblige le condamné à commencer d’exécuter sa peine de prison même s’il fait appel.

Toutefois, si on les met en regard des faits pour lesquels l’ancien chef de l’État a été condamné, ces peines n’apparaissent pas disproportionnées. Les faits sont d’une indéniable gravité : organiser le financement occulte d’une campagne électorale avec des fonds provenant d’un régime corrompu et autoritaire, la Libye, (dont la responsabilité dans un attentat contre un avion ayant tué plus de 50 ressortissants français a été reconnue par la justice), en contrepartie d’une intervention pour favoriser son retour sur la scène internationale…

Alors que la peine maximale encourue était de dix ans de prison, la sanction finalement prononcée ne peut guère être regardée comme manifestement excessive. Mais ce qui est contesté, c’est le principe même de la condamnation d’un responsable politique par la justice, vécue et présentée comme une atteinte intolérable à l’équilibre institutionnel.

Si l’on prend le temps de la mise en perspective historique, on constate pourtant que les jugements rendus ces dernières années à l’encontre des membres de la classe dirigeante s’inscrivent, en réalité, dans un mouvement d’émancipation relative du pouvoir juridictionnel à l’égard des autres puissances et, en particulier, du pouvoir exécutif. Une émancipation qui lui permet, enfin, d’appliquer pleinement les exigences de l’ordre juridique républicain.

L’égalité des citoyens devant la loi, un principe républicain

Faut-il le rappeler, le principe révolutionnaire proclamé dans la nuit du 4 au 5 août 1789 est celui d’une pleine et entière égalité devant la loi, entraînant la disparition corrélative de l’ensemble des lois particulières – les « privilèges » au sens juridique du terme – dont bénéficiaient la noblesse et le haut clergé. Le Code pénal de 1791 va plus loin encore : non seulement les gouvernants peuvent voir leur responsabilité mise en cause devant les mêmes juridictions que les autres citoyens, mais ils encourent en outre des peines aggravées pour certaines infractions, notamment en cas d’atteinte à la probité.

Les principes sur lesquels est bâti le système juridique républicain ne peuvent être plus clairs : dans une société démocratique, où chaque personne est en droit d’exiger non seulement la pleine jouissance de ses droits, mais d’une façon générale, l’application de la loi, nul ne peut prétendre bénéficier d’un régime d’exception – les élus moins encore que les autres. C’est parce que nous avons l’assurance que leurs illégalismes seront sanctionnés effectivement, de la même façon que les autres citoyens et sans attendre une bien hypothétique sanction électorale, qu’ils et elles peuvent véritablement se dire nos représentantes et représentants.

Longtemps, cette exigence d’égalité juridique est cependant restée largement théorique. Reprise en main et placée dans un rapport de subordination plus ou moins explicite au gouvernement, sous le Premier Empire (1804-1814), la magistrature est demeurée sous l’influence de l’exécutif au moins jusqu’au milieu du XXe siècle. C’est pourquoi, jusqu’à la fin du siècle dernier, le principe d’égalité devant la loi va se heurter à un singulier privilège de « notabilité » qui, sauf situations exceptionnelles ou faits particulièrement graves et médiatisés, garantit une relative impunité aux membres des classes dirigeantes dont la responsabilité pénale est mise en cause. Il faut ainsi garder à l’esprit que la figure « du juge rouge », popularisée dans les médias à la fin des années 1970, vient stigmatiser des magistrats uniquement parce qu’ils ont placé en détention, au même titre que des voleurs de grand chemin, des chefs d’entreprise ou des notaires.

La donne ne commence à changer qu’à partir du grand sursaut humaniste de la Libération qui aboutit, entre autres, à la constitution d’un corps de magistrats recrutés sur concours, bénéficiant à partir de 1958 d’un statut relativement protecteur et d’une école de formation professionnelle spécifique, l’École nationale de la magistrature. Ce corps se dote progressivement d’une déontologie exigeante, favorisée notamment par la reconnaissance du syndicalisme judiciaire en 1972. Ainsi advient une nouvelle génération de juges qui, désormais, prennent au sérieux la mission qui leur est confiée : veiller en toute indépendance à la bonne application de la loi, quels que soient le statut ou la situation sociale des personnes en cause.

C’est dans ce contexte que survient ce qui était encore impensable quelques décennies plus tôt : la poursuite et la condamnation des notables au même titre que le reste de la population. Amorcé, comme on l’a dit, au milieu des années 1970, le mouvement prend de l’ampleur dans les décennies suivantes avec la condamnation de grands dirigeants d’entreprises, comme Bernard Tapie, puis de figures politiques nationales, à l’image d’Alain Carignon ou de Michel Noir, députés-maires de Grenoble et de Lyon. La condamnation d’anciens présidents de la République à partir des années 2010 – Jacques Chirac en 2011, Nicolas Sarkozy une première fois en 2021 – achève de normaliser cette orientation ou, plutôt, de mettre fin à l’anomalie démocratique consistant à réserver un traitement de faveur aux élus et, plus largement, aux classes dirigeantes.

Procédant d’abord d’une évolution des pratiques judiciaires, ce mouvement a pu également s’appuyer sur certaines modifications du cadre juridique. Ainsi de la révision constitutionnelle de février 2007 qui consacre la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel suivant laquelle le président de la République ne peut faire l’objet d’aucune poursuite pénale durant l’exercice de son mandat, mais qui permet la reprise de la procédure dès la cessation de ses fonctions. On peut également mentionner la création, en décembre 2013, du Parquet national financier qui, s’il ne bénéficie pas d’une indépendance statutaire à l’égard du pouvoir exécutif, a pu faire la preuve de son indépendance de fait ces dernières années.

C’est précisément contre cette évolution historique qu’est mobilisée aujourd’hui la rhétorique de « la tyrannie des juges ». Une rhétorique qui vise moins à défendre la souveraineté du peuple que celle, oligarchique, des gouvernants.

The Conversation

Vincent Sizaire ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Nicolas Sarkozy incarcéré : une normalisation démocratique ? – https://theconversation.com/nicolas-sarkozy-incarcere-une-normalisation-democratique-266101

Giant ground sloths’ fossilized teeth reveal their unique roles in the prehistoric ecosystem

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Larisa R. G. DeSantis, Associate Professor of Biological Sciences, Vanderbilt University

Harlan’s ground sloth fossil skeleton excavated and displayed at the La Brea Tar Pits in Los Angeles. Larisa DeSantis
animal hanging from a branch looks upside down at the camera
A two-toed sloth at the Nashville Zoo.
Larisa R. G. DeSantis

Imagine a sloth. You probably picture a medium-size, tree-dwelling creature hanging from a branch. Today’s sloths – commonly featured on children’s backpacks, stationery and lunch boxes – are slow-moving creatures, living inconspicuously in Central American and South American rainforests.

But their gigantic Pleistocene ancestors that inhabited the Americas as far back as 35 million years ago were nothing like the sleepy tree huggers we know today. Giant ground sloths – some weighing thousands of pounds and standing taller than a single-story building – played vital and diverse roles in shaping ecosystems across the Americas, roles that vanished with their loss at the end of the Pleistocene.

In our new study, published in the journal Biology Letters, we aimed to reconstruct the diets of two species of giant ground sloths that lived side by side in what’s now Southern California. We analyzed remains recovered from the La Brea Tar Pits of what are colloquially termed the Shasta ground sloth (Nothrotheriops shastensis) and Harlan’s ground sloth (Paramylodon harlani). Our work sheds light on the lives of these fascinating creatures and the consequences their extinction in Southern California 13,700 years ago has had on ecosystems.

Dentin dental challenges

Studying the diets of extinct animals often feels like putting together a jigsaw puzzle with only a portion of the puzzle pieces. Stable isotope analyses have revolutionized how paleoecologists reconstruct the diets of many ancient organisms. By measuring the relative ratios of light and heavy carbon isotopes in tooth enamel, we can figure out what kinds of foods an animal ate – for instance, grasses versus trees or shrubs.

dental drill in hands near an animal jawbone
Drilling teeth provides a sample for stable isotope analyses.
Aditya Kurre

But the teeth of giant ground sloths lack enamel, the highly inorganic and hard outer layer on most animal teeth – including our own. Instead, sloth teeth are made primarily of dentin, a more porous and organic-rich tissue that readily changes its chemical composition with fossilization.

Stable isotope analyses are less dependable in sloths because dentin’s chemical composition can be altered postmortem, skewing the isotopic signatures.

Another technique researchers use to glean information about an animal’s diet relies on analyzing the microscopic wear patterns on its teeth. Dental microwear texture analysis can infer whether an animal mostly ate tough foods such as leaves and grass or hard foods such as seeds and fruit pits. This technique is also tricky when it comes to sloths’ fossilized teeth because signs of wear may be preserved differently in the softer dentin than in harder enamel.

Prior to studying fossil sloths, we vetted dental microwear methods in modern xenarthrans, a group of animals that includes sloths, armadillos and anteaters. This study demonstrated that dentin microwear can reveal dietary differences between leaf-eating sloths and insect-consuming armadillos, giving us confidence that these tools could reveal dietary information from ground sloth fossils.

Distinct dietary niches revealed

Previous research suggested that giant ground sloths were either grass-eating grazers or leaf-eating browsers, based on the size and shape of their teeth. However, more direct measures of diet – such as stable isotopes or dental microwear – were often lacking.

Our new analyses revealed contrasting dental wear signatures between the two co-occurring ground sloth species. The Harlan’s ground sloth, the larger of the two, had microwear patterns dominated by deep pitlike textures. This kind of wear is indicative of chewing hard, mechanically challenging foods such as tubers, seeds, fungi and fruit pits. Our new evidence aligns with skeletal adaptations that suggest powerful digging abilities, consistent with foraging foods both above and below ground.

diagram of sloth profiles, tooth outline and magnified surface of two bits of the teeth
The fossil teeth of the Harlan’s ground sloth typically showed deeper pitlike textures, bottom, while the Shasta ground sloth teeth had shallower wear patterns, top.
DeSantis and Kurre, Biology Letters 2025

In contrast, the Shasta ground sloth exhibited dental microwear textures more akin to those in leaf-eating and woody plant-eating herbivores. This pattern corroborates previous studies of its fossilized dung, demonstrating a diet rich in desert plants such as yucca, agave and saltbush.

Next we compared the sloths’ microwear textures to those of ungulates such as camels, horses and bison that lived in the same region of Southern California. We confirmed that neither sloth species’ dietary behavior overlapped fully with other herbivores. Giant ground sloths didn’t perform the same ecological functions as the other herbivores that shared their landscape. Instead, both ground sloths partitioned their niches and played complementary ecological roles.

Extinctions brought ecological loss

The Harlan’s ground sloth was a megafaunal ecosystem engineer. It excavated soil and foraged underground, thereby affecting soil structure and nutrient cycling, even dispersing seed and fungal spores over wide areas. Anecdotal evidence suggests that some anachronistic fruits – such as the weird, bumpy-textured and softball-size Osage orange – were dispersed by ancient megafauna such as giant ground sloths. When the Pleistocene megafauna went extinct, the loss contributed to the regional restriction of these plants, since no one was around to spread their seeds.

The broader consequence is clear: Megafaunal extinctions erased critical ecosystem engineers, triggering cascading ecological changes that continue to affect habitat resilience today. Our results resonate with growing evidence that preserving today’s living large herbivores and understanding the diversity of their ecological niches is crucial for conserving functional ecosystems.

Studying the teeth of lost giant ground sloths has illuminated not only their diets but also the enduring ecological legacies of their extinction. Today’s sloths, though charming, only hint at the profound environmental influence of their prehistoric relatives – giants that shaped landscapes in ways we are only beginning to appreciate.

The Conversation

Larisa R. G. DeSantis received funding from the National Science Foundation, the Guggenheim Foundation, and Vanderbilt University. DeSantis is also a research associate at the La Brea Tar Pits and Museum.

Aditya Reddy Kurre received funding from Vanderbilt University.

ref. Giant ground sloths’ fossilized teeth reveal their unique roles in the prehistoric ecosystem – https://theconversation.com/giant-ground-sloths-fossilized-teeth-reveal-their-unique-roles-in-the-prehistoric-ecosystem-267601

Prince Andrew didn’t really give up his titles, and truly removing them would be onerous

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Justin Vovk, Adjunct Professor. History of the Royal Family, Redeemer University

Prince Andrew has announced he will “no longer use my title or the honours which have been conferred upon me.” Translation? Andrew is giving up his Duke of York title.

The decision comes as the Royal Family has faced calls to take action against Andrew over his friendship with Jeffrey Epstein, the notorious convicted sex offender and pedophile who died in prison in 2019.

The late Virginia Giuffre, one of Epstein’s victims, accused Andrew of sexually assaulting her on three occasions when she was 17, allegations he has repeatedly denied. In 2022, she settled a civil lawsuit against him in a Manhattan court for an undisclosed amount and a charitable donation.

PR disaster

Prince Andrew’s public image imploded after his now infamous 2019 interview with BBC’s Newsnight. Speaking to host Emily Maitlis, he presented an incredulous, implausible and, at times, baffling series of denials in an attempt to clear his name of any wrongdoing toward Giuffre when she was underage.

Andrew’s statements during the interview were met with “near universal condemnation” and were a public relations disaster for the prince. He was removed from public duties four days later.




Read more:
A Very Royal Scandal: of all the interviews that rocked the royal family’s brand – Prince Andrew’s might just be the worst


Within a week, he resigned from his role as patron of more than 200 charitable organizations. He was no longer a working member of the Royal Family, but a member he nonetheless remained.

These actions did little to improve public opinion of Andrew or his actions. In June 2020, Newsweek released a poll suggesting almost 60 per cent of Britons felt Andrew should not only be stripped of his titles, but also extradited to the United States to answer for his conduct with Epstein.

A case of déjà vu

The first major step taken by the Royal Family only came in January 2022 once a judge allowed Giuffre’s civil suit to proceed. Andrew was stripped of all his military appointments and honourary positions.

At the same time, Buckingham Palace announced Andrew would no longer be referred to as His Royal Highness. To date, there has been no formal decree stripping Andrew of HRH. It simply disappeared from his name.

That makes his recent announcement to give up his royal titles seem like a case of déjà vu.

Despite appearances to the contrary, he hasn’t actually been renounced or been stripped of those titles or honours. They have simply fallen into dormancy; an inactive limbo. Andrew is still a prince and is still in the line of succession to the British throne, at least for now.

The natural question that many people are now asking is why hasn’t Andrew been formally stripped of these titles? Why is he still a prince? To answer those question, it’s necessary to explain what these titles mean and the process to remove them, which is actually much more complicated than meets the eye.

Andrew’s titles

Let’s start with the prince. As a child of the late Queen Elizabeth, Andrew was born a prince of the United Kingdom. In 1917, King George V issued a royal decree known as Letters Patent. The document stated “that the children of any Sovereign …shall have and at all times hold and enjoy the style title or attribute of Royal Highness with their titular dignity of Prince or Princess.”

There is currently no mechanism for stripping a sovereign’s child of that princely title. But never say never.

In 1986, Queen Elizabeth granted Andrew the titles Duke of York, Earl of Inverness and Baron Killyleagh. These titles are known as peerages.

For centuries, it has been customary for sovereigns to bestow peerages on their sons and heirs. Prince William was made Duke of Cambridge on his wedding day in 2011. Prince Harry was similarly granted the title Duke of Sussex when he married Meghan Markle in 2018.

It has become tradition that certain peerages go to certain members of the Royal Family. Since 1474, for example, the title Duke of York has been bestowed on the sovereign’s second son.

An act of parliament

For nearly 40 years, this title has been synonymous with Prince Andrew. When it was recently announced that he would no longer use his peerage titles, news reports spread like wildfire with headlines declaring he had lost or relinquished his titles. Neither, in fact, has happened.

King Charles can’t simply revoke a peerage once it has been granted. Doing so would require an act of parliament under some pretty extreme circumstances. It has only happened twice in the last two centuries.

In 1798, parliament passed an Act of Attainder (or treason) against Lord Edward Fitzgerald for leading a rebellion in Ireland.

In 1917, parliament passed the Titles Deprivation Act during the First World War. Several German princes held British titles because they descended from Queen Victoria. The act provided parliament with a way to deprive enemy German princes of their “British dignities and titles” for fighting against Britain in the war.

Prince Andrew’s recent announcement has done little to deflect public fury away from him. This week, a group of British parliamentarians presented a motion to take legal steps to officially remove his peerages. As more Epstein revelations come to light, Andrew’s troubles are clearly far from over.

The Conversation

Justin Vovk has previously received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada. He is an advisory board member of the Institute for the Study of the Crown in Canada.

ref. Prince Andrew didn’t really give up his titles, and truly removing them would be onerous – https://theconversation.com/prince-andrew-didnt-really-give-up-his-titles-and-truly-removing-them-would-be-onerous-267940

King, pope, Jedi, Superman: Trump’s social media images exclusively target his base and try to blur political reality

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Andrew Rojecki, Professor of Communication, University of Illinois Chicago

Two Instagram images put out by the White House. White House Instagram

A grim-faced President Donald J. Trump looks out at the reader,
under the headline “LAW AND ORDER.” Graffiti pictured in the corner of the White House Facebook post reads “Death to ICE.” Beneath that, a photo of protesters, choking on tear gas. And underneath it all, a smaller headline: “President Trump Deploys 2,000 National Guard After ICE Agents Attacked, No Mercy for Lawless Riots and Looters.”

The official communication from the White House appeared on Facebook in June 2025, after Trump sent in troops to quell protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in Los Angeles. Visually, it is melodramatic, almost campy, resembling a TV promotion.

A Facebook post with the words 'Law and Order' at the top, a photo of President Trump and messages about ICE.
A June 2025 Facebook post from the White House.
White House Facebook account

The post is not an outlier.

In the Trump administration, White House social media posts often blur the lines between politics and entertainment, and between reality and illusion.

The White House has released AI images of Trump as the pope, as Superman and as a Star Wars Jedi, ready to do battle with “Radical Left Lunatics” who would bring “Murderers, Drug Lords … & well-known MS-13 Gang Members” into the country.

Most recently, on the weekend of the No Kings protests, both Trump and the White House released a video of the president wearing a crown and piloting a fighter jet, from which he dispenses feces onto a crowd of protesters below.

Underpinning it all is a calculated political strategy: an appeal to Trump’s political base – largely white, working-class, rural or small-town, evangelical and culturally conservative.

As scholars who study communication in politics and the media, we believe the White House’s rhetoric and style is part of a broader global change often found in countries experiencing increased polarization and democratic backsliding.

Trump posted a video on the weekend of the No Kings protests of him dropping feces on a crowd of protesters.

White House style

In the past, national leaders generally favored a professional tone, whether on social or traditional media. Their language was neutral and polished, laced with political jargon.

While populist political communication has become more common along with the proliferation of social media, the communication norms are further altered in Trump White House social media posts.

They are partisan, theatrical and exaggerated. Their tone is almost circuslike. The process of governing is portrayed as a reality TV show, in which political roles are performed with little regard for real-world consequences. Vivid color schemes and stylized imagery convert political messaging into visual spectacle. The language is colloquial, down-to-earth.

Just as other influencers in a variety of domains might create an emotional bond by tailoring social media messages, content, products and services to the needs and likes of individual customers, the White House tailors its content to the beliefs, language and worldview of Trump’s political base.

In doing so, the White House echoes a broad, growing trend in political communication, portraying Trump as “a champion of the people” and using direct and informal communication that appeals to fear and resentment.

Trump White House social media makes no effort to promote social unity or constructive dialogue, or reduce polarization – and often heightens it. Undocumented immigrants, for example, are often portrayed as inherently evil. White House social media amplifies dramatic, emotionally charged content.

In one video, Trump recites a poem about a kind woman who takes in a snake, a stand-in for an immigrant who in reality is a dangerous serpent. “Instead of saying thanks, that snake gave her a vicious bite,” Trump recites.

Talking to the base

While some scholars have called the White House social media style “amateurish,” that hasn’t resulted in change.

The lack of response to negative feedback is partially explained by the strategic goal of these communications: to appeal to the frustrations of Trump’s deeply disaffected political base, which seems to revel in the White House social media style.

Scholars identify a large number of these voters as “the precariat,” a group whose once-stable, union-protected jobs have been outsourced or replaced with low-wage, insecure service work. These workers, many former Democrats, can no longer count on a regular paycheck, benefits or work they can identify with.

As a result, they are more likely to support political candidates whom they believe will respond to their economic instability.

In addition, many of these voters blame a breakdown in what they perceive as the racial pecking order for a loss of social status, especially when compared with more highly educated workers. Many of these workers distrust the media and other elite institutions they feel have failed them. Research shows that they are highly receptive to messages that confirm their grievances and that many regard Trump as their champion.

Trump and the White House social media play to this audience.

On social media, the president is free to violate norms that anger his critics but have little effect on his supporters, who view the current political system as flawed. One example: A White House Valentine’s Day communication that said “Roses are red, violets are blue, come here illegally, and we’ll deport you.”

In addition, Trump and the White House social media use the president’s status as a celebrity, coupled with comedy and spectacle, to immunize the administration from fallout, even among some of its critics.

Trump’s exaggerated gestures, over-the-top language, his lampooning of opponents and his use of caricature to ridicule whole categories of people – including Democrats, the disabled, Muslims, Mexicans and women – is read by his political base as a playful and entertaining take down of political correctness. It may form a sturdy pillar of his support.

But prioritizing entertainment over facts has long-term significance.

Trump’s communication strategies are already setting a global precedent, encouraging other politicians to adopt similar theatrical and polarizing tactics that distort or deny facts.

These methods may energize some audiences but risk alienating others. Informed political engagement is reduced, and democratic backsliding is increasingly a reality.

Although the communication style of the White House is playful and irreverent, it has a serious goal: the diffusion of ideological messages whose intent is to create a sense of strength and righteousness among its supporters.

In simple terms, this is propaganda designed to persuade citizens that the government is strong, its enemies evil and that fellow citizens – “real Americans” – think the same way.

Scholars observe that the White House projection of the often comical images of authority echoes the visual style of authoritarian governments. Both seek to be seen as in control of the social and political order and thereby to discourage dissent.

The chief difference between the two is that in a deeply polarized democracy such as the U.S., citizens interpret these displays of authority in sharply different ways: They build opposition among Trump opponents but support among supporters.

The rising intolerance that results erodes social cohesion, undermines support for democratic norms and weakens trust in institutions. And that opens the door to democratic backsliding.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. King, pope, Jedi, Superman: Trump’s social media images exclusively target his base and try to blur political reality – https://theconversation.com/king-pope-jedi-superman-trumps-social-media-images-exclusively-target-his-base-and-try-to-blur-political-reality-259950

Chinese car firm BYD is racing ahead with its electric vehicles. Here’s how more established brands can catch up

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Pietro Micheli, Professor of Business Performance and Innovation, Warwick Business School, University of Warwick

Electric cars made by the Chinese car firm BYD are now a familiar sight on British roads. In September 2025, the company sold 11,271 vehicles in the UK – ten times as many as in the same month last year.

This level of growth means the UK is now BYD’s largest market outside of China. In an industry once dominated by long established brands, the company has become the biggest manufacturer of electric vehicles in the world. So how have they done it?

Generous subsidies from the Chinese government have certainly played a role, but BYD also appears to be a smoothly run operation which could end up revolutionising the automotive industry.

For example, it has secured the supply of the critical materials such as lithium and tungsten used to build electric vehicles and produces its own batteries, reducing reliance on external suppliers.

It has built large-scale gigafactories and industrial parks, and investments in research and development, especially in relation to batteries, have been very effective.

Another key factor is the company’s aggressive pricing strategy. A BYD Dolphin Surf for example, costs £18,650 in the UK – less than half the price of the entry level Tesla, the Model 3, which begins at around £39,000.

Older and more established car manufacturers will be painfully aware of BYD’s swift ascent towards the top of the electric vehicle market. And research I worked on with colleagues into how major companies react to new rivals suggests why some of them are being left behind.

Many make the mistake of ignoring customers’ needs and rely on past success to the extent that they become over confident. Others just seem to lack foresight.

In the car industry specifically, I have seen a variety of market forecasts and technology roadmaps – generated by both companies and industry associations – and been struck by some common themes.

To begin with, they are often linear – inevitably predicting that the speed, features and performance of cars will all gradually improve over time. But technological innovations often appear in leaps and bounds, and depend on a vast network of suppliers to implement, which makes development complex.

They also frequently show a surprising neglect for customers’ desires and fears – and budgets. The price of new cars has increased dramatically over the past two decades, outpacing growth in salaries. Yet many companies, such as Jaguar and Tesla, appear to be focused only on “premium vehicles” for wealthy customers, and will eventually end up competing for a small market.

Car companies also suffer in a similar way to big firms in other sectors (think Blackberry or Nokia), where there is often a clear lack of humility and awareness from many senior executives. As studies have shown, bosses who see their organisations as innovative and flexible are often at odds with more junior employees who view them as stale and slow.

For the high jump?

The need for industry-wide change reminds me of how athletes competing in the high jump evolved over the years. Many techniques were tried and tested, including the “scissors”, the “straddle” and the Fosbury flop, which was eventually deemed the most effective.

Some established car companies are desperately trying to hang onto their equivalent of the straddle jump (petrol and diesel cars), and avoiding a commitment to learning the Fosbury flop (developing electric vehicles).

Because of this, the days of established car companies leading the way seem to be over. Hoping to make decent profits from old models and creating electric vehicles only for the wealthy is a delusional strategy.

So what could established carmakers do?

Male high jumper.
Catching up.
Real Sports Photos/Shutterstock

One option is to change the way they work with suppliers. The usual approach here is transactional and price based, with a carmaker buying components (seats or mirrors, for example) from a supplier but switching if it finds a cheaper deal. The problem is that innovation (and indeed supply chain resilience, as the microchip shortage shows) requires supplier and buyer to jointly invest in future developments. The transactional approach does not allow for this.

Second, they should develop new capabilities, not only in relation to batteries but also to other technologies. It is indicative that BYD wants to be predominantly known as a “technology company” whose ultra-fast charging system promises to be well ahead of its competitors.

Could VW, Toyota and BMW become technology companies? Probably not, but they could be part of a network of firms, including technology and AI ones, that would allow them to benefit from the latest developments in those fields.

Third, carmakers need to focus more on addressing customer needs. Besides understanding and improving their experiences as drivers and passengers, they could work more closely with local authorities and infrastructure providers as most users’ issues – and hesitation – about electric vehicles are related to the ability to charge them up.

These changes are substantial, but achievable, as long as carmakers are prepared to take a more open and collaborative approach to the road ahead.

The Conversation

Pietro Micheli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Chinese car firm BYD is racing ahead with its electric vehicles. Here’s how more established brands can catch up – https://theconversation.com/chinese-car-firm-byd-is-racing-ahead-with-its-electric-vehicles-heres-how-more-established-brands-can-catch-up-267028

I tried out a new version of Minecraft to see why environmental storylines help children learn

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elliot Honeybun-Arnolda, Senior Research Associate, Environmental Sciences, University of East Anglia

A new version of Minecraft aims to teach students about coastal erosion, flood resilience and climate adaptation, and shows how children can use computer games to learn about complex situations.

CoastCraft is a new custom world from the educational arm of the Minecraft team that can be downloaded and added to the game. It is set in the seaside town of Bude, Cornwall, and players attempt to protect the coastal landscape from the various effects associated with sea-level rises and climate change. The game takes about an hour or two to complete.

Bude is experiencing increasing coastal erosion and the project was developed in conjunction with the UK Environmental Agency and Cornwall Council as part of a £200 million flood and coastal erosion innovation programme.

In the game, students use animations to help them understand coastal erosion and rising sea levels before being able to explore and engage with a range of coastal management strategies (including relocating key infrastructure, using nature-based solutions such as plants, or potentially doing nothing at all).

I played the game for a few hours and found that the mechanics of Minecraft lent themselves very well to understanding the principles of environmental management.

If you do a bad job, the sea encroaches on the terrain and certain infrastructure is lost (for instance, a car park or toilets). These dynamics add to the immersive experience of the game. They also really nail the realities of future climate change in a way that is potentially far more relevant and digestible than scientific models and projections.

In making the decisions, you get to move around the map to chat with key people about the potential impact of going ahead with a decision and any other factors. You are limited by how much you can spend. Some decisions, like relocating the lifeguard hut, are very expensive (costing 75% of your total funds), while nature-based management, such as sand dune protection, costs nothing. Through this players are actively introduced to decision-making and the implications of their actions.

Throughout the game, there is a major emphasis on balancing the economic, social and environmental impact. You are able to fast-forward to 2040 and then again to 2060 to see what your decision-making looks like down the line.

After each round, you are sent back to a roundtable of NPCs (non-playing characters) who scrutinise your decisions before revealing a sustainability score on how well you managed to reconcile the competing economic, societal and environmental demands. Once you have finished the game, you can return to the main base and also chat to NPCs about different careers in coastal management.

At the University of East Anglia my team ran a series of workshops with staff and students from different disciplines to help establish what and how climate change should be taught (see figure below).

We suggest that teachers should try to include a range of skills into their curriculum design and planning (see image above) to help students understand the multiple ways in which the challenges of climate change can be managed. CoastCraft is an excellent example of this.

In this game students are in an immersive, digital experience that not only provides basic scientific knowledge but also introduces the idea that choices around environmental management have multiple outcomes that need to be anticipated. It shows that the balance between the environment, economy and society is a fragile one needing attention. Research found involving students in role-playing activities (in that case a pretend climate summit) could help them to understand the realities and politics of decision-making.

Making decisions

In CoastCraft, the experience of getting students to actively engage with decisions and trade-offs, deciding what forms of expertise to listen to or base decisions on, and then getting to witness how decisions affect the future can also be important in helping students understand the politics and challenges of local climate change adaptation.

Games can be used as a teaching method to convey complex environmental stories and immerse students in situations they may not otherwise have access to.

A tidal pool in Bude, Cornwall.
Bude in Cornwall is experiencing increasing coastal erosion.
Chris276644/Shutterstock

Recently, educational charity Students Organising for Sustainability found that only 22% of respondents felt that children and young people were prepared for climate change through their education. Anecdotally, I’ve had multiple students tell me that they want to learn about how to help solve the problem of climate and sustainability, not simply find out about why it is happening.

CoastCraft has managed to capture the politics of coastal management in an immersive experience. This is an impressive achievement, showing gameplay can be relevant and educational and still fun.


Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


The Conversation

Elliot Honeybun-Arnolda receives funding from Natural England for work associated with the Public Engagement Laboratory for Nature and Society.

ref. I tried out a new version of Minecraft to see why environmental storylines help children learn – https://theconversation.com/i-tried-out-a-new-version-of-minecraft-to-see-why-environmental-storylines-help-children-learn-267161

Kent County Council is Reform’s ‘shop window’ – its leaked Zoom call implies chaos and poor leadership

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lisa Lazard, Professor in Psychology, The Open University

A leaked video of an online meeting between members of the Reform-led Kent county council showed shocking exchanges. There was shouting, swearing and repeated interruptions. At one point, council leader Linden Kemkaran mutes another member of the council.

Councillors Paul Thomas, Oliver Bradshaw, Bill Barret and Maxine Fothergrill have been suspended pending an investigation over their conduct. Reform has, at the same time, defended the aggressive exchanges on the call as evidence of robust argument and a sign that Kent councillors are taking their responsibilities seriously.

Kent county council has 50 Reform members, giving it a huge majority. Kent has therefore been seen as a test case for whether Reform can run administrations. Kemkaran makes this explicit during the leaked call, reminding fellow council members that party leader Nigel Farage sees their council as “the flagship council” and a “shop window” for how Reform operates councils.

But as a psychologist who studies power, interaction and online meeting dynamics, I see the Reform meeting as a case study in something else – poor leadership, a lack of team trust and collaboration. It suggests an absence of the psychological safety needed to effectively run a council or any other organisation.

During the meeting in question, Kemkaran defended her style by saying: “Because I am not a dictator or an autocrat … I like to hear what everybody thinks. However, when it comes to making the really big decisions … sometimes I will make a decision that might not be liked by everybody in the group but I’m afraid you’re just going to have to fucking suck it up, ok?”

The use of the word “however” here is telling. It is a conversational tactic that claims to value the contributions of others but then immediately signals that ultimate control resides with the chair.

This is an especially corrosive type of chairing that is associated with trying to wield power over others. It gives the appearance of open input while preserving hierarchy and dominance. The result is disillusionment, disengagement and conflict rather than genuine contribution.

As the chair and councillors clashed, the council meeting descended into shouting, repeated interruptions and eventually a councillor’s voice literally being cut off with the mute button.

Several council members have been suspended over the leaked call.

When we use platforms like Zoom, various technological tools enable us to improve digital meetings. We can manage processes and protect people from disruption when they are speaking. But in the Kent meeting, the mute function was used as a power move – to silence a dissenting voice, reinforce control and prevent dialogue.

Both Kemkaran and Thomas noted on the call that “it would’ve been easier [to meet] in person.” But in organisations, toxic practices rarely start online, they just get expressed there.

We don’t yet know what the four suspended councillors are being investigated for but if a team culture is built on dominance, control, disrespect or authoritarianism, the online meeting becomes a amplifier of existing issues.

Gendered leadership styles and unexpected flips

The more problematic chairing styles that can be seen in the council meeting – directive, punitive, controlling – share some similarities with stereotypical masculine models of leadership: high dominance, low collaboration, controlling decision‐making.

Research has also shown how these ideas about gendered leadership play out in how we understand women’s leadership, which is often seen to be more aligned with participative or democratic styles.

This matters because here we have Kemkaran, a woman chair who adopted a highly directive and controlling style. She is visibly adopting (and perhaps over‑compensating into) a style traditionally associated with masculine dominance.

That flip is significant: the “strong leadership” script (loudness, command, the ability to shout down dissent) remains coded as masculine. When someone (especially a woman) inhabits that script badly, it encourages not only internal discord but more negative social judgement.

Our research on gender equitable interactions online suggests productive meetings are associated with assertiveness without aggression or abuse. Disagreement should be managed with respect and structure, rather than shouting or controlling interruptions.

Functional organisations generally also make it clear that there is zero tolerance for disrespect: behaviour such as swearing, interrupting, silencing via tech or chair prerogative should be flagged, addressed and prevented. This is the case regardless of the participants’ rank.

Leaders who switch between directive clarity (setting the agenda, managing time, making decisions) and genuine participatory engagement (inviting dissent, structuring inclusion) rather than defaulting to dominance or passivity generally seem to preside over better meetings.

These are not “soft skills”, they are essential leadership competencies. When they’re missing, you get what we saw in Kent – high levels of conflict rather than collaboration.

How people run their meetings matters to organisational trust, public reputation and internal performance. When chairs use aggression and dominance under the guise of “strong leadership”, they erode trust, invite conflict, diminish performance.

The signal to those they work with is that power is more important than values. Little wonder, then, that councillors became so visibly concerned with how the chaos they were descending into would reflect poorly on Reform’s reputation now that it controls so many councils in England.

Controlling dissent by weaponising technological meeting features like the mute function are not signs of strength. They are signals of failure.

The Conversation

Lisa Lazard receives funding from CHANSE – Collaboration of Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe.

ref. Kent County Council is Reform’s ‘shop window’ – its leaked Zoom call implies chaos and poor leadership – https://theconversation.com/kent-county-council-is-reforms-shop-window-its-leaked-zoom-call-implies-chaos-and-poor-leadership-267900

ChatGPT is about to get erotic, but can OpenAI really keep it adults-only?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Thorne, Senior Lecturer in Computing and ​Information Systems, Cardiff Metropolitan University

shutterstock sakkmesterke/Shutterstock

OpenAI will roll out a new ChatGPT feature in December 2025, allowing verified adults to generate erotic text and engage in romantic or sexual conversations. Artificial intelligence (AI) platforms like Replika and Grok already do this, but OpenAI’s entry marks a turning point.

The company frames this as “treating adults like adults”. But it’s a commercial strategy to keep users talking and paying.

OpenAI burned through more than $2.5 billion (£1.8 billion) in cash in the first half of 2024. Erotic chat promises what investors crave most – engagement. Elon Musk’s Grok platform charges £30 a month for erotic companion features.

OpenAI, like other tech firms, says it will restrict erotic content through age verification and moderation filters. In theory, only verified adults will be able to access these modes.

In practice, such systems are easily fooled. Teenagers routinely bypass age gates with borrowed IDs, manipulated selfies or deepfakes. They can upload photos of older people, scan printed images, or use disposable accounts and VPNs to evade detection.

Other platforms show what can go wrong. Grok allows users to create “erotic companion avatars”, including a sexualised anime character called Ani. A recent investigation by news website Business Insider found that conversations with Ani often escalated into explicit exchanges after minimal prompting.

Company employees also encountered AI-generated sexual abuse while moderating Grok’s flirtatious avatar, which can “strip on command” and be switched between “sexy” and “unhinged” modes.

Emotional intimacy and adolescent risk

Erotic chatbots don’t just offer sexual content. They can simulate care, warmth and attention. That emotional pull is powerful, especially for young people.

Recent research by online safety charity Internet Mattersfound that 67% of children aged between nine and 17 already use AI chatbots, with 35% saying it feels like “talking to a friend”. Among vulnerable children, 12% said they had “no one else” to talk to, and 23% used chatbots for personal advice.

Adding erotic features to that mix risks deepening emotional dependency and distorting how adolescents understand intimacy, consent and relationships. The same engagement tools that keep adults hooked could exploit young users’ loneliness and need for validation.




Read more:
Sex machina: in the wild west world of human-AI relationships, the lonely and vulnerable are most at risk


Even if erotic functions are technically locked to adults, large language models can be “jailbroken” – tricked into producing content they’re not supposed to. This uses layered prompts, roleplay framing or coded language to override the systems which control what the chatbot is allowed to say to the user.

Users have already developed ways to bypass ethical filters that normally stop chatbots from producing explicit or dangerous material.

OpenAI’s erotic mode will come with a special ethical alignment to block illegal or abusive themes. But those safeguards are likely to be as vulnerable to jailbreaks as any other. Once text-based material is generated, it can easily circulate online, beyond any platform’s control.

Grey areas

Neon cyber girl in futuristic glasses and overalls.
AI platforms can be jailbroken in many ways.
Kiselev Andrey Valerevich/Shutterstock

Erotic AI also exposes deep gaps in regulation. In the UK, written erotica is legal and not subject to age verification, unlike pornographic images or videos. That creates a loophole which means that content banned from adult sites could still be generated as text by a chatbot.

Globally, laws vary. Some countries, such as China and the Gulf states, ban erotic material outright. Others rely on weak or inconsistent enforcement. The forthcoming EU AI Act may classify sexual companion bots as “high risk”, but implementation of the act remains a long way off.

Meanwhile, companies can tweak their “ethical alignments” at will, meaning what’s forbidden today may be permitted tomorrow.

Despite claims of neutrality, erotic AI is anything but. Some platforms overwhelmingly design their companions as female-coded, submissive and always available. The result is a digital environment that normalises misogyny and warped ideas about consent, especially among boys and young men.

Women and girls already bear the brunt of online sexual harm. They are the targets of non-consensual deepfakes and image-based abuse – harms that erotic AI could make easier, faster and cheaper to produce.




Read more:
The AI sexbot industry is just getting started. It brings strange new questions – and risks


Yet these issues are largely absent from mainstream AI policy debates. Erotic AI is being built in ways that privilege male fantasies while placing women and girls at risk. It’s teaching a generation of young men ideas about women that should have died out long ago.

The arrival of erotic AI companions feels like a significant departure from OpenAI’s attempts to keep potentially harmful information away from users of ChatGPT. The general environment of erotic AI is one of weak age gates, emotional vulnerability, legal loopholes and gendered harms. Will ChatGPT be any different?

These systems will probably be jailbroken. They may be accessed by people they weren’t designed for, including minors. And they will probably produce content that tests or crosses legal boundaries.

Before erotic chatbots become another unregulated corner of the internet, governments, educators and technologists need to act. Regulation is urgently needed. Until then, erotic AI risks amplifying existing online harms, with women, girls and other vulnerable users paying the price.

The Conversation

Simon Thorne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ChatGPT is about to get erotic, but can OpenAI really keep it adults-only? – https://theconversation.com/chatgpt-is-about-to-get-erotic-but-can-openai-really-keep-it-adults-only-267660