Qué pistas ofrece la literatura sobre la infidelidad y el revuelo que provoca

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Jason Wang, Postdoctoral Fellow, Modern Literature and Culture Research Centre, Toronto Metropolitan University

La escena en el estadio Gillette de Massachusetts el 16 de julio estaba llena de ironía.

Durante el segmento del concierto de Coldplay en el que las cámaras recorren el público, la pantalla gigante enfocó a Andy Byron, entonces director ejecutivo de la empresa de datos Astronomer, abrazando a Kristin Cabot, directora de recursos humanos de la empresa. Ambos están casados con otras personas.

El momento, capturado en vídeo y ampliamente difundido en las redes sociales, muestra a la pareja retrocediendo bruscamente cuando el cantante de Coldplay, Chris Martin, dice: “O están teniendo una aventura o son muy tímidos”.

El comentario de Martin, aparentemente ligero en ese momento, rápidamente adquirió un tono diferente cuando los detectives de Internet identificaron a la pareja y descubrieron sus funciones en la empresa y su estado civil. En cuestión de días, tanto Byron como Cabot han dimitido de sus puestos.

Este hecho plantea una pregunta más profunda: ¿por qué la infidelidad, especialmente entre los poderosos, provoca tal revuelo público? La tradición literaria ofrece algunas pistas: la traición íntima nunca es realmente privada. Rompe un contrato social implícito y exige el escrutinio de la comunidad para restaurar la confianza.

Cuando la confianza se desmorona públicamente

La noción de “identidad narrativa” del filósofo francés Paul Ricoeur sugiere que damos sentido a nuestras vidas percibiéndolas como si fueran historias. Las promesas que hacemos (y rompemos) se convierten en capítulos de nuestra identidad y en la base sobre la que los demás depositan su confianza. La traición rompe el marco que une los votos privados con los roles públicos; sin ese vínculo, la confianza se desmorona.

La exposición de Byron en el estadio convirtió un voto matrimonial en un símbolo de integridad profesional. La traición pública magnifica la indignación pública porque los líderes simbolizan la estabilidad; sus fallos personales se reflejan inevitablemente en sus instituciones.

Cuando la junta directiva de Astronomer declaró que “no había estado a la altura” del nivel esperado, lamentaba el colapso de la integridad narrativa de Byron y, por extensión, la de su empresa.

Esta idea, que la moralidad privada sustenta el orden público, no es nueva. En Las Leyes, el filósofo griego Platón describió el adulterio como un desorden que socava la familia y el Estado. El filósofo romano Séneca lo calificó de traición a la naturaleza, mientras que el estadista Cicerón advirtió que romper la fides (confianza) corroe los lazos cívicos.

El coste social de la infidelidad en la literatura

La literatura rara vez limita la infidelidad al dormitorio; sus ondas expansivas fracturan comunidades.

La idea de la “consciencia colectiva” sostiene que las normas morales compartidas crean “solidaridad social”. Como demuestra la literatura, las violaciones de estas normas socavan inevitablemente la confianza comunitaria.

Portada del libro _Anna Karénina_, de Lev Tolstói.
Portada del libro Anna Karénina, de Lev Tolstói.
Penguin Libros

Anna Karénina, de León Tolstói (1875-77), dramatiza la fractura social que provoca la traición. La aventura de Anna con el conde Vronsky no solo desafía las convenciones morales, sino que desestabiliza las normas aristocráticas que antes sustentaban su estatus.

A medida que el escándalo la lleva al ostracismo, Anna llora la pérdida de su mundo, dándose cuenta demasiado tarde de que “la posición que disfrutaba en la sociedad… era muy valiosa para ella… [y] no podía ser más fuerte de lo que era”.

En Madame Bovary (1857), las aventuras extramatrimoniales de Emma Bovary desentrañan las redes de su pueblo provinciano, convirtiendo el anhelo privado de lujo y romance en un contagio público.

Nathaniel Hawthorne, en La letra escarlata (1850), lo deja claro: la “A” escarlata de su protagonista Hester Prynne convierte su pecado en un drama cívico. La humillación pública en el cadalso, sugiere la novela, delimita los límites morales y busca restaurar el orden social, un proceso que prefigura los actuales “censores digitales”, donde los momentos virales someten a los individuos al juicio masivo en línea y a la condena pública.

Migajas domésticas y patibulos digitales

Las narrativas contemporáneas cambian el escenario, pero mantienen el mismo principio: la traición devasta los rituales mundanos que construyen la confianza.

Portada de _Se acabó el pastel_, de Nora Ephron.
Portada de Se acabó el pastel, de Nora Ephron.
Anagrama

La novela autobiográfica de Nora Ephron Se acabó el pastel (1983), basada en el fracaso de su propio matrimonio con el periodista de investigación Carl Bernstein, convierte la vida doméstica en un arma.

La protagonista de Se acabó el pastel, Rachel Samstat, expresa sus emociones a través de recetas: la “vinagreta”, como símbolo de intimidad y traición; el “estofado de Lillian Hellman”, como intento de alcanzar la estabilidad doméstica, y la “tarta de lima”, que lanza a su marido, se convierten en símbolos de una vida destrozada por la infidelidad pública.

La sátira de Ephron, posteriormente adaptada al cine, anticipa nuestra era digital de exposición, en la que el dolor privado alimenta el consumo y el juicio públicos.

Portada de _Departamento de especulaciones_, de Jenny Offill.
Portada de Departamento de especulaciones, de Jenny Offill.
Libros del Asteroide

Departamento de especulaciones, de Jenny Offill (2014), que se inspira en su propia vida, muestra otra perspectiva: la traición como una erosión silenciosa.

Offill nunca describe la infidelidad de forma directa; en su lugar, las ausencias del marido, sus silencios y una referencia casual a “otra persona” crean un temor sofocante. Esta indirecta muestra que el poder de la traición reside en su potencial latente, que desmantela lentamente una vida construida sobre la confianza antes de que se produzca ningún acto manifiesto.

Ambas obras subrayan el impacto de la traición en la conciencia colectiva: una mentira fractura una familia tan profundamente como la indiscreción de un director ejecutivo erosiona la confianza institucional. El poder magnifica las consecuencias al convertir los fracasos privados en símbolos públicos de fragilidad. Incluso la traición oculta envenena los rituales compartidos que unen a cualquier grupo, haciendo insostenible la noción de “privado” mucho antes de que se revele públicamente.

Los límites del poder

La literatura reconoce el barniz protector del poder frente a las consecuencias, así como sus límites.

La Trilogía del deseo, de Theodore Dreiser, inspirada en el magnate Charles Yerkes durante la Edad Dorada de Estados Unidos, narra el ascenso del financiero Frank Cowperwood, cuyo poder lo protege… hasta que deja de hacerlo. Incluso su vasto imperio se muestra vulnerable cuando su adulterio sale a la luz. Las mismas redes que lo custodiaban comienzan a desconfiar de él.

Aunque muchos críticos de la élite están ellos mismos comprometidos moralmente en la trilogía, la transgresión de Cowperwood se convierte en un arma para desacreditarlo. Su breve exilio demuestra que el poder puede aplazar, pero no borrar, el precio de la traición. Una vez que se rompe la confianza, incluso los poderosos se convierten en un lastre. No caen con menos frecuencia, solo de forma más llamativa.

El género también influye en la configuración de estas narrativas. Los protagonistas masculinos como Cowperwood resurgen como trágicos antihéroes, y sus fallos morales se reconvierten en defectos de carácter. Por el contrario, las mujeres –pensemos en Emma Bovary, de Flaubert, o Hester Prynne, de Hawthorne– son tachadas de figuras aleccionadoras, y sus transgresiones son estigmatizadas en lugar de mitificadas.

Este desequilibrio en la asignación de consecuencias revela un juicio social más profundo: aunque la confianza rota exige reparación, el camino hacia la restauración suele depender del género del transgresor.

El ojo que todo lo ve

Desde los salones de Tolstói hasta el scroll de TikTok, la literatura no ofrece refugio alguno frente a las repercusiones de la traición. Cuando la confianza privada se fractura de forma visible, se activan los reflejos comunitarios.

Las letras escarlatas, el exilio o la dimisión de un director ejecutivo tienen como objetivo sanar la confianza colectiva. La pantalla gigante, como el cadalso de Hester, es el último instrumento de este antiguo teatro de la exposición.

Pantallas gigantes. Andamios. El mismo sistema operativo. La misma vergüenza.

The Conversation

Jason Wang no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Qué pistas ofrece la literatura sobre la infidelidad y el revuelo que provoca – https://theconversation.com/que-pistas-ofrece-la-literatura-sobre-la-infidelidad-y-el-revuelo-que-provoca-261979

Avec Machiavel, penser la liberté politique dans un monde en guerre

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Jérôme Roudier, Professeur de philosophie politique, Institut catholique de Lille (ICL)

_Portrait posthume de Nicolas Machiavel_ (1500), par le peintre florentin Santi di Tito (1536-1603), huile sur toile, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence (Toscane).

Notre démocratie est en crise, comment la réinventer ? Que nous enseignent ceux qui, au cours des âges, furent ses concepteurs ? Troisième volet de notre série consacrée aux philosophes et à la démocratie avec Nicolas Machiavel (1469-1527). Pour le Florentin, la conflictualité est un horizon politique indépassable : le « peuple » doit être armé pour ne pas subir la tyrannie des « Grands » et les républiques doivent être puissantes pour ne pas subir l’impérialisme des États voisins.


Machiavel est un penseur qui fait de la survie et de la fondation des États un enjeu fondamental. Pour celui qui exerça les fonctions de haut fonctionnaire de la République florentine, la question du régime politique est donc subordonnée à celle de la survie dans un contexte toujours marqué par l’horizon de la guerre.

Le meilleur régime est forcément celui qui assure à la fois la liberté et la puissance et qui permet de fonder l’État dans la durée. La science politique qu’il inaugure ainsi n’est plus une réflexion théorique, mais bien un programme politique articulant l’idéal au pragmatisme.

Un républicanisme originel et fondateur

Machiavel n’est pas à proprement parler un penseur de la démocratie. C’est un républicain convaincu. Les républicains de son époque entendent élargir la base du gouvernement et intégrer cette classe moyenne dans une vie politique qui, traditionnellement, est réservée aux aristocrates. Le choix, par Machiavel et par ses contemporains voire par la tradition florentine de parler de « République », indique un régime où, comme sous Rome, tout le monde n’est pas forcément citoyen.

Pour les républicains, jusqu’au milieu du XIXe siècle, l’élargissement voire l’universalisation de la citoyenneté constituera une question essentielle. Étant donné que la classe moyenne augmente peu à peu dans le temps pour atteindre une proportion très importante, voire majoritaire, de la population européenne, le républicanisme, dans ces conditions, s’articule avec une citoyenneté universellement attribuée aux membres de la société et peut alors se proposer comme le fondement théorique des démocraties modernes puis contemporaines.

L’horizon de la puissance

Du point de vue intérieur, Machiavel estime que la division sociale est inévitable et que le rôle d’un système légal consiste à la laisser s’exprimer tout en l’arrêtant dans ses manifestations les plus extrêmes. Comme il le souligne, les Grands veulent naturellement dominer, il faut donc les arrêter pour qu’ils ne tyrannisent pas. Le « peuple » (entendre les « classes moyennes ») veut seulement ne pas être dominé, par conséquent, il faut lui donner les armes qui lui permettront de constituer un contre-pouvoir envers la tyrannie potentielle des Grands.

Le monde de Machiavel est belliciste, la puissance est à la fois le gage de la survie et l’outil pour conquérir. Si le peuple peut se contenter de n’être pas asservi, une société, dans un monde instable, se doit d’être puissante. La politique se constitue dans l’articulation bien pensée à la fois de ce qu’elle est sur le fond, la recherche d’un vivre-ensemble viable, et de sa situation dans le monde, composée par ses interactions inévitables avec les autres entités politiques.

Pour Machiavel, le monde politique n’est pas chrétien : son fondement, celui de toute société, reste l’appétit de chacun. Si nous étions tous des saints chrétiens, la politique n’existerait tout simplement pas. Or, le désir de dominer, parfaitement naturel et donc inévitable, structure toute collectivité et la divise en trois : ceux qui veulent dominer (les Grands), ceux qui accepteraient cette domination par nécessité de survie (la populace, la plèbe) et ceux qui ne veulent ni l’un ni l’autre (le peuple, la « classe moyenne »). Ce point de départ, le système politique républicain l’assume. Il accepte l’inégalité fondamentale des conditions et des désirs, dans sa tripartition même.

Dès lors, Machiavel place au centre du dispositif à la fois la loi, que chacun doit avant tout respecter, mais aussi les armes. Le Florentin n’imagine pas une seconde que les Grands arrêteront d’eux-mêmes leur soif de domination et de reconnaissance. Il anticipe ainsi les libéraux, en particulier Montesquieu sur ce point, en estimant que seul le pouvoir arrête le pouvoir. Dans la vision machiavélienne et pragmatique des choses, l’arrêt d’une domination qui risquerait d’être tyrannique ne peut se faire par la Loi seule. Il convient que le peuple de citoyens soit armé pour imposer le respect de la Loi aux Grands.

Pour le Florentin, cette dynamique initiale ne débouche pas sur la guerre civile mais sur l’évolution de la soif de domination des Grands qui vont, par la force des choses, tourner leurs désirs vers l’extérieur. Plutôt que tyrans, ils vont avoir un double intérêt à devenir généraux et hommes d’État. Ce point est très visible à travers le plan des Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, livre méconnu du grand public mais très lu par les républicains ultérieurs. Pour Machiavel, le système politique républicain, dans ses turbulences et son instabilité fondamentale, offre la possibilité de la puissance à l’extérieur et d’une certaine forme d’impérialisme.

« Si vis pacem… »

Pour Machiavel, toute situation de paix correspond à ce moment qui précède une nouvelle guerre. Par conséquent, il faut préparer la guerre, au mieux pour ne pas avoir à la faire. La vie du Secrétaire se déroula pendant les guerres d’Italie où la guerre était omniprésente et inévitable. De son point de vue, un pacifisme qui pourrait présider à une compétition aux armements pour défendre les démocraties en assumant le risque de guerre est toujours préférable à un désarmement qui ne pourrait qu’augurer d’une invasion à venir.

La question de la paix, pour Machiavel, nous est ainsi restituée comme celle d’une tension très difficile à atteindre et non comme d’un projet idéal rationnel. Ainsi, l’effort kantien pour promouvoir la paix perpétuelle via une extension de l’État de droit à toutes les entités politiques est à l’opposé de la pensée machiavélienne. Selon le Florentin, pour obtenir la paix, il convient qu’une puissance impériale républicaine soit limitée par une autre puissance impériale équivalente. Nous pourrions dire que, dans notre monde contemporain, ce fut le cas en Europe depuis 1945, sous la domination de la puissance impériale américaine face à l’URSS. Dès lors que la première puissance n’est plus, il convient de lui substituer une puissance suffisante pour dissuader toute agression extérieure.

Mourir pour la liberté ?

Machiavel lierait sans doute cette question à une autre, plus essentielle pour lui et qui fonderait sans doute, à ses yeux, l’ensemble du problème démocratique : sommes-nous prêts à mourir pour la liberté, c’est-à-dire pour ce qui la permet, à savoir la patrie et son régime politique ?

Cette question simple et cruciale, pour Machiavel, ne devrait jamais sortir de l’horizon d’une société qui souhaite perdurer. La liberté, pour Machiavel, c’est la puissance : seul un peuple en armes est libre et capable de maintenir sa liberté face aux Grands comme face à l’ambition des voisins, en imposant la crainte.

Nombre de voix se font entendre, aujourd’hui, sur le caractère sacré de la vie. Dans une perspective machiavélienne, qui retrouve les pensées philosophiques antiques préchrétiennes, en particulier stoïcienne, la vie ne saurait être sacrée. Elle n’est pas le don ineffable du Créateur, mais un fait qui nous projette dans un univers collectif au sein duquel nous devons faire des choix et apporter un sens qui n’est pas donné d’avance et qui n’est pas extérieur à ce monde. Il y a ici tout un questionnement à approfondir, un sens à donner au politique dans nos sociétés, à la fois christianisées et désenchantées, pour reprendre le terme de Max Weber.

Machiavel apporte une réponse républicaine sans aucune ambiguïté, impliquant une réponse radicale à la question de savoir si nous voulons vivre à tout prix, y compris sous une tyrannie. Ce premier penseur de la modernité écartait clairement toute perspective chrétienne pour privilégier, d’une manière très singulière à son époque, une « religion civique » sur le modèle romain pré-chrétien. La réflexion que suscite la lecture de Machiavel pour nos démocraties libérales, renvoie à la place de la politique dans nos vies. Pour le Florentin, la vie ne vaut que si elle est politiquement libre.


Jérôme Roudier est l’auteur de Machiavel par lui-même (PUF, 2025).

The Conversation

Jérôme Roudier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Avec Machiavel, penser la liberté politique dans un monde en guerre – https://theconversation.com/avec-machiavel-penser-la-liberte-politique-dans-un-monde-en-guerre-259122

Neanderthals likely ate fermented meat with a side of maggots

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Melanie Beasley, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Purdue University

Black soldier fly maggots can feed on decomposing animals. Melanie M. Beasley

Scientists long thought that Neanderthals were avid meat eaters. Based on chemical analysis of Neanderthal remains, it seemed like they’d been feasting on as much meat as apex predators such as lions and hyenas. But as a group, hominins – that’s Neanderthals, our species and other extinct close relatives – aren’t specialized flesh eaters. Rather, they’re more omnivorous, eating plenty of plant foods, too.

It is possible for humans to subsist on a very carnivorous diet. In fact, many traditional northern hunter–gatherers such as the Inuit subsisted mostly on animal foods. But hominins simply cannot tolerate consuming the high levels of protein that large predators can. If humans eat as much protein as hypercarnivores do over long periods without consuming enough other nutrients, it can lead to protein poisoning – a debilitating, even lethal condition historically known as “rabbit starvation.”

So, what could explain the chemical signatures found in Neanderthal bones that seem to suggest they were healthily eating tons of meat?

I am an anthropologist who uses elements such as nitrogen to study the diets of our very ancient ancestors. New research my colleagues and I conducted suggests a secret ingredient in the Neanderthal diet that might explain what was going on: maggots.

A close-up photograph of a black-colored fly with green and brown patterned eyes
A black soldier fly adult. The larvae of this fly are one of the species of maggots studied.
GordZam/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Isotope ratios reveal what an animal ate

The ratios of various elements in the bones of animals can provide insights into what they ate while alive. Isotopes are alternate forms of the same element that have slightly different masses. Nitrogen has two stable isotopes: nitrogen-14, the more abundant form, and nitrogen-15, the heavier, less common form. Scientists denote the ratio of nitrogen-15 to nitrogen-14 as δ¹⁵N and measure it in a unit called permil.

As you go higher up the food chain, organisms have relatively more of the isotope nitrogen-15. Grass, for example, has a very low δ¹⁵N value. An herbivore accumulates the nitrogen-15 that it consumes eating grass, so its own body has a slightly higher δ¹⁵N value. Meat-eating animals have the highest nitrogen ratio in a food web; the nitrogen-15 from their prey concentrates in their bodies.

By analyzing stable nitrogen isotope ratios, we can reconstruct the diets of Neanderthals and early Homo sapiens during the late Pleistocene, which ran from 11,700 to 129,000 years ago. Fossils from various sites tell the same story – these hominins have high δ¹⁵N values. High δ¹⁵N values would typically place them at the top of the food web, together with hypercarnivores such as cave lions and hyenas, whose diet is more than 70% meat.

But maybe something else about their diet was inflating Neanderthals’ δ¹⁵N values.

Uncovering the Neanderthal menu

We suspected that maggots could have been a different potential source of enriched nitrogen-15 in the Neanderthal diet. Maggots, which are fly larvae, can be a fat-rich source of food. They are unavoidable after you kill another animal, easily collectible in large numbers and nutritionally beneficial.

To investigate this possibility, we used a dataset that was originally created for a very different purpose: a forensic anthropology project focused on how nitrogen might help estimate time since death.

I had originally collected modern muscle tissue samples and associated maggots at the Forensic Anthropology Center at University of Tennessee, Knoxville, to understand how nitrogen values change during decomposition after death.

A photo of an animal carcass with maggots covering it
Maggots feeding on and decomposing an animal carcass.
Hari Sucahyo/iStock via Getty Images Plus

While the data can assist modern forensic death investigations, in our current study we repurposed it to test a very different hypothesis. We found that stable nitrogen isotope values increase modestly as muscle tissue decomposes, ranging from -0.6 permil to 7.7 permil.

This increase is more dramatic in maggots feeding on decomposing tissue: from 5.4 permil to 43.2 permil. To put the maggot values in perspective, scientists estimate δ¹⁵N values for Pleistocene herbivores to range between 0.9 permil to 11.2 permil. Maggots are measuring up to almost four times higher.

Our research suggests that the high δ¹⁵N values observed in Late Pleistocene hominins may be inflated by year-round consumption of ¹⁵N-enriched maggots found in dried, frozen or cached animal foods.

Cultural practices shape diet

In 2017, my collaborator John Speth proposed that the high δ¹⁵N values in Neanderthals were due to the consumption of putrid or rotting meat, based on historical and cultural evidence of diets in northern Arctic foragers.

Traditionally, Indigenous peoples almost universally viewed thoroughly putrefied, maggot-infested animal foods as highly desirable fare, not starvation rations. In fact, many such peoples routinely and often intentionally allowed animal foods to decompose to the point where they were crawling with maggots, in some cases even beginning to liquefy.

This rotting food would inevitably emit a stench so overpowering that early European explorers, fur trappers and missionaries were sickened by it. Yet Indigenous peoples viewed such foods as good to eat, even a delicacy. When asked how they could tolerate the nauseating stench, they simply responded, “We don’t eat the smell.”

A Neanderthal wearing animal fur butchering a goat with a stone tool
Reconstruction of a Neanderthal man butchering a goat at the Neanderthal Museum in Mettman, Germany.
Pressebilder Neanderthal Museum, Mettmann/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Neanderthals’ cultural practices, similar to those of Indigenous peoples, might be the answer to the mystery of their high δ¹⁵N values. Ancient hominins were butchering, storing, preserving, cooking and cultivating a variety of items. All these practices enriched their paleo menu with foods in forms that nonhominin carnivores do not consume. Research shows that δ¹⁵N values are higher for cooked foods, putrid muscle tissue from terrestrial and aquatic species, and, with our study, for fly larvae feeding on decaying tissue.

The high δ¹⁵N values of maggots associated with putrid animal foods help explain how Neanderthals could have included plenty of other nutritious foods beyond only meat while still registering δ¹⁵N values we’re used to seeing in hypercarnivores.

We suspect the high δ¹⁵N values seen in Neanderthals reflect routine consumption of fatty animal tissues and fermented stomach contents, much of it in a semi-putrid or putrid state, together with the inevitable bonus of both living and dead ¹⁵N-enriched maggots.

What still isn’t known

Fly larvae are a fat-rich, nutrient-dense, ubiquitous and easily procured insect resource, and both Neanderthals and early Homo sapiens, much like recent foragers, would have benefited from taking full advantage of them. But we cannot say that maggots alone explain why Neanderthals have such high δ¹⁵N values in their remains.

Several questions about this ancient diet remain unanswered. How many maggots would someone need to consume to account for an increase in δ¹⁵N values above the expected values due to meat eating alone? How do the nutritional benefits of consuming maggots change the longer a food item is stored? More experimental studies on changes in δ¹⁵N values of foods processed, stored and cooked following Indigenous traditional practices can help us better understand the dietary practices of our ancient relatives.

The Conversation

Melanie Beasley received funding from the Haslam Foundation for this research.

ref. Neanderthals likely ate fermented meat with a side of maggots – https://theconversation.com/neanderthals-likely-ate-fermented-meat-with-a-side-of-maggots-261628

¿Qué es la dermatosis nodular contagiosa qué ha obligado a modificar el recorrido del Tour de Francia?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Raúl Rivas González, Catedrático de Microbiología. Miembro de la Sociedad Española de Microbiología., Universidad de Salamanca

Pavel1964/Shutterstock

La organización del Tour de Francia 2025 ha decidido modificar el recorrido de la etapa 19, entre Albertville y La Plagne para evitar la subida al Col des Saisies, considerado como un puerto de primera categoría y que podría haber sido clave en la clasificación final de la carrera ciclista. La razón ha sido un brote de dermatosis nodular contagiosa que afecta al ganado vacuno de un rebaño ubicado en el Col des Saisies que ha obligado a sacrificar a los animales enfermos.

La dermatosis nodular contagiosa es una enfermedad vírica transfronteriza emergente altamente infecciosa. Está causada por un virus miembro de la familia Poxviridae y del género Capripoxvirus. Afecta principalmente al ganado bovino y, en menor medida, a otros rumiantes como órices, jirafas, ñus, antílopes e impalas. Tiene gran importancia económica en ganadería debido a las pérdidas productivas que ocasiona, especialmente al disminuir la producción de leche de las vacas lecheras y la producción de carne.

A esto se le suma que puede dar lugar a pérdida de peso, esterilidad temporal o permanente en toros y vacas, abortos, daños en las pieles y muerte. Afortunadamente, la mortalidad no supera el 10 % en el ganado infectado.

Afecta a vacas y búfalos, pero no a seres humanos

Las especies bovinas (Bos taurus y Bos indicus) y el búfalo de agua (Bubalus bubalis) son los principales huéspedes de esta enfermedad, que la Organización Mundial de Sanidad Animal (WOAH) ha incluido en la lista de enfermedades de declaración obligatoria debido a su importancia clínica y económica.

Ahora bien, es importante destacar que la enfermedad no representa un riesgo para la salud pública, porque no afecta a los seres humanos. Es decir, no es una zoonosis, lo que significa que el virus no se transmite de los animales a las personas.

De Zambia a Francia, sin pasar por España

La enfermedad fue descrita por primera vez en 1929 en Zambia y, desde entonces, se consideró confinada a varias áreas de África, donde se registraron brotes periódicos hasta 1986.

En el año 2014 se notificó por primera vez en la Unión Europea, concretamente en Chipre. Al año siguiente apareció en Grecia y en el año 2016 continuó extendiéndose hacia el oeste de Europa.

La enfermedad apareció por primera vez en Francia el 29 de junio de 2025. El brote inicial se confirmó en una explotación bovina en el departamento de Saboya. Desde entonces, se han notificado varios focos en territorio francés. Por su parte, Italia confirmó el primer foco de enfermedad en el país el 21 de junio.

Los casos en Francia e Italia marcan un hito preocupante. En España, hasta la fecha, no se han declarado nunca focos de la enfermedad.

Declaración urgente de la OMSA

Ante la situación, la Organización Mundial de Sanidad Animal ha emitido una declaración urgente, instando a los países a reforzar la vigilancia y las medidas de control. Tanto Italia como Francia están aplicando medidas conforme al Reglamento Delegado (UE) 2020/687 de la Comisión Europea, que incluyen inmovilización y control de movimientos en las zonas afectadas, sacrificio de los animales, eliminación adecuada de cadáveres y productos potencialmente contaminados, investigación epidemiológica para identificar el origen y los contactos de riesgo, vacunación estratégica de emergencia de las poblaciones de bovinos en las zonas de riesgo y desinsectación de animales, instalaciones y vehículos.

La dermatosis nodular contagiosa se caracteriza por fiebre alta, emaciación, ganglios linfáticos superficiales agrandados, lagrimeo, conjuntivitis y nódulos notables en la piel y las membranas mucosas de la boca y órganos internos, el tracto respiratorio y los genitales. Se transmite por vectores artrópodos hematófagos, cómo mosquitos (Culex mirificens y Aedes natrionus), moscas picadoras (Stomoxys calcitrans y Biomyia fasciata) y garrapatas (Riphicephalus appendiculatus y Amblyomma hebraeum).

Actualmente no existe tratamiento para la dermatosis nodular contagiosa. La vacunación y la serovigilancia activa siguen siendo las medidas más efectivas para controlar la propagación del virus. Las vacunas disponibles comercialmente para la inmunización profiláctica del ganado son, en su mayoría, vacunas vivas atenuadas fabricadas con la cepa Neethling o sus derivados, que proporcionan la mejor herramienta para el control de la enfermedad.

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Raúl Rivas González no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Qué es la dermatosis nodular contagiosa qué ha obligado a modificar el recorrido del Tour de Francia? – https://theconversation.com/que-es-la-dermatosis-nodular-contagiosa-que-ha-obligado-a-modificar-el-recorrido-del-tour-de-francia-261997

Using cosmetics on babies and children could disrupt hormones and trigger allergies

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

Evgeniya Yantseva/Shutterstock

Would you dab perfume on a six-month-old? Paint their tiny nails with polish that contains formaldehyde? Dust bronzer onto their cheeks?

An investigation by the Times has found that babies and toddlers are routinely exposed to adult cosmetic products, including fragranced sprays, nail polish and even black henna tattoos.

While these may sound harmless – or even Instagram-friendly – the science tells a more concerning story. Infant skin is biologically different from adult skin: it’s thinner, more absorbent and still developing. Exposure to certain products can lead to immediate problems like irritation or allergic reactions, and in some cases, may carry longer term health-risks such as hormone disruption.

This isn’t a new concern. A 2019 study found that every two hours in the US, a child was taken to hospital because of accidental exposure to cosmetic products.

Newborn skin has the same number of layers as adult skin but those layers are up to 30% thinner. That thinner barrier makes it easier for substances, including chemicals, to penetrate through to deeper tissues and the bloodstream.

Young skin also has a higher water content and produces less sebum (the natural oil that protects and moisturises the skin). This makes it more prone to water loss, dryness and irritation, particularly when exposed to fragrances or creams not formulated for infants.

The skin’s microbiome – its protective layer of beneficial microbes – also takes time to develop. By age three, a child’s skin finishes establishing its first microbiome. Before then, products applied to the skin can disrupt this delicate balance. At puberty, the skin’s structure and microbiome change again, altering how it responds to products.

The investigation found that bronzers and nail polish were being used on young children. These products often contain harmful or even carcinogenic chemicals, such as formaldehyde, toluene and dibutyl phthalate.

Toluene is a known neurotoxin, and dibutyl phthalate is an endocrine disruptor – a chemical that can interfere with hormone function, potentially affecting growth, development and fertility. Both substances can more easily pass through infants’ thinner, more permeable skin.

Even low-level exposure to formaldehyde, such as from furniture or air pollution, has been linked to higher rates of lower respiratory infections in children (that’s infections affecting the lungs, airways and windpipe).

Irritating ingredients

In the US, one in three adults experiences skin or respiratory symptoms after exposure to fragranced products. If adults are reacting, it’s no surprise that newborns and children with their developing immune systems are at even greater risk.

Perfumes often contain alcohol and volatile compounds that dry out the skin, leading to redness, itching and discomfort.

Certain skincare ingredients have also been studied for their potential to affect hormones, trigger allergies or pose long-term health concerns:

While many of these ingredients are permitted in regulated concentrations, some researchers warn of a “cocktail effect”: the cumulative impact of daily exposure to multiple chemicals, especially in young, developing bodies.




Read more:
Scroll, watch, burn: sunscreen misinformation and its real‑world damage


Temporary tattoos

Temporary tattoos, particularly black henna, are popular on holidays but they aren’t always safe. Black henna is a common cause of contact dermatitis in children and may contain para-phenylenediamine (PPD), a chemical approved for use in hair dyes but not for direct application to skin.

PPD exposure can cause severe allergic reactions and, in rare cases, cancer. Children may develop hypopigmentation – pale patches where colour is lost – or, in adults, hyperpigmentation that can last for months or become permanent.

Worryingly, children exposed to PPD may experience more severe reactions later in life if they use hair dyes containing the same compound. This can sometimes lead to hospitalisation or even fatal anaphylaxis. Because of these risks, European legislation prohibits PPD from being applied directly to the skin, eyebrows, or eyelashes.

‘Natural’ doesn’t mean harmless

Products marketed as “natural” or “clean” can also cause allergic reactions. Propolis (bee glue), for instance, is found in many natural skincare products but causes contact dermatitis in up to 16% of children.

A study found an average of 4.5 contact allergens per product in “natural” skincare ranges. Out of 1,651 “natural” personal care products on the US market, only 96 (5.8%) were free from contact allergens. Even claims like “dermatologically tested” don’t guarantee safety; they simply mean the product was tested on skin, not that it’s free from allergens.

Babies and young children aren’t just miniature adults. Their skin is still developing and is more vulnerable to irritation, chemical absorption and systemic effects: substances that penetrate the skin can enter the bloodstream and potentially affect organs or biological systems throughout the body. Applying adult-targeted products, or even well-meaning “natural” alternatives, can therefore carry real risks.

Adverse reactions can appear as rashes, scaling or itchiness and, in severe cases, blistering or crusting. Respiratory symptoms like coughing or wheezing should always be investigated by a medical professional.

When in doubt, keep it simple. Limit what goes on your child’s skin, especially in the early years.


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Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Using cosmetics on babies and children could disrupt hormones and trigger allergies – https://theconversation.com/using-cosmetics-on-babies-and-children-could-disrupt-hormones-and-trigger-allergies-261204

Unlocking nature’s toolkit: how plant compounds may support cancer therapy

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ahmed Elbediwy, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Biochemistry / Cancer Biology, Kingston University

Michel Arnaud/Shutterstock.com

Green tea and red wine may seem like simple dietary choices – but beneath the surface, they harbour compounds with remarkable medical potential. Scientists are uncovering how these everyday drinks might support cancer treatment, not by replacing conventional therapies like chemotherapy or radiotherapy, but by enhancing their effectiveness and reducing their side-effects.

The humble cup of green tea, first enjoyed in first-century China, has long been valued for its cultural significance and traditional health benefits. Tea has historically been used to combat ageing, protect the brain and heart, and aid weight loss. Today, researchers are uncovering a more profound capability – its potential to fight cancer.

The key lies in epigallocatechin gallate (EGCG), a potent antioxidant found in this kind of tea. Antioxidants are protective molecules that help shield cells from damage caused by free radicals and environmental stress, but EGCG appears to do much more.

Cancer cells are notoriously disruptive, hijacking the body’s normal energy-systems to fuel their rapid growth. EGCG targets this very process, disrupting how cancer cells generate energy, and attacking the proteins that help tumours grow and divide. By targeting these proteins, it prevents cancer from multiplying, ultimately leading to cell death.

Even more promising is EGCG’s ability to enhance conventional treatments. Early studies suggest it could make cancer cells more vulnerable to chemotherapy and radiation therapy, potentially reducing the need for high doses and their severe side-effects.

For those who prefer their green tea in powdered form, matcha offers even greater protection, as it’s made from whole ground tea leaves and contains significantly more EGCG than regular green tea.

Red wine’s protective power

Red wine, too, offers compelling potential, thanks to a substance called resveratrol. This compound is found in red grapes, blueberries and peanuts, and has been shown to support the heart, liver and brain. Interestingly, resveratrol works through mechanisms distinct from EGCG.

Rather than targeting cancer cells directly, resveratrol focuses on the tumour’s environment. Cancer cells cleverly surround themselves with blood vessels and supportive tissue, creating a protective fortress that aids growth and spread. Resveratrol disrupts this structure, making tumours vulnerable to conventional treatments.

The compound also enhances the immune system’s ability to recognise and attack cancer cells more effectively. Perhaps most significantly, resveratrol prevents tumours from forming new blood vessels – the lifelines they need to obtain nutrients for growth. Without this blood supply, tumours become starved and eventually die.

Two glasses of red wine on a wooden table in a vineyard.
The cancer-fighting compound resveratrol can be found in red wine. It is especially high in tannat wines.
Nikolaj Sribyanik/Shutterstock.com

Beyond the glass

The potential of natural cancer-fighting compounds extends far beyond our favourite beverages. Apigenin, found in parsley, can slow tumour growth, while turmeric contains curcumin, which disrupts cancer-cell survival. And emodin, found in aloe vera and rhubarb, reduces inflammation and inhibits cancer growth.

However, scientists face a significant challenge: many of these natural substances are poorly absorbed by the body. Research in this area is currently focused on developing enhanced delivery systems, such as wrapping the compounds in tiny lipids called nanoparticles. This approach protects the substances and increases their effectiveness against tumours.

The absorption of natural substances are further improved by mixing compounds with each other such as piperine with curcumin. Piperine is found in black pepper and helps curcumin based nanoparticles to have better bioavailabilty in cancer therapy.

While the research remains in its early stages, the possibility that everyday foods and drinks could one day support cancer treatment represents a fascinating frontier in medical science.

So the next time you reach for a cup of green tea or a glass of red wine, consider this: you may be doing more than relaxing – you could be reinforcing your body’s natural defences against cancer.


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The Conversation

Ahmed Elbediwy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Nadine Wehida does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Unlocking nature’s toolkit: how plant compounds may support cancer therapy – https://theconversation.com/unlocking-natures-toolkit-how-plant-compounds-may-support-cancer-therapy-260225

As the UK reviews the pension age again, could more time off when you’re young compensate for later retirement?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Malte Jauch, Lecturer in Management and Marketing, University of Essex

The retirement age keeps creeping up. In the UK, the state pension is currently paid to people at 66, but that’s set to rise to 67 in the next couple of years, and a move to 68 might come sooner than previously planned after the government launched a review.

Gradually increasing the working lifespan is never going to be popular. But one way of making this policy more palatable could be to give people early access to some of the free time that retirement promises.

After all, sometimes that promise fails to deliver, because many people die before they reach retirement age.

Globally, about 27% of men and 18% women die before the age of 65 (although this proportion also includes deaths before working age). In wealthy countries, the number of people who die prematurely is lower than the global average, but still significant. In the EU, 16% of men and 8% of women die before 65.

For these people, the promise of free time and leisure in old age never materialises. There will also be many whose physical and mental health will have deteriorated by the time they retire, so that they are less capable of enjoying their free time.

So perhaps slogging away until retirement is not an ideal arrangement.

But what if you could transfer some of the time off that retirement promises to an earlier stage of your life, when everything is a rush, crammed with the demands of work and domestic responsibilities?

Luckily, the stark contrast between a time-poor middle age and a time-rich old age is not unavoidable. Governments can choose different approaches that directly affect how free time is distributed across our life stages.

Japan, for example, is a country which has opted to focus on delaying leisure time, and encourages workers to postpone that enjoyment of free time until old age. It does this in part by rewarding workers with wage increases – known as “seniority-based pay” – if they don’t take career breaks.

Japanese employment law also permits companies to force employees to retire at the age 60. As a result, on average, Japanese workers work 1,680 hours per year and retire at 63.

In the Netherlands by contrast, people work less (1,433 hours per year) and retire later – at 67. Labour laws make it easier for employees to decrease their hours, by going part time, for example.

Discrimination between workers based on work hours is prohibited, so that those who opt for part-time work are guaranteed equal treatment with regard to wages and other benefits. But the high legal age of retirement discourages Dutch workers from early retirement.

So how should we assess these different approaches?

Time on your side?

One way to look at retirement is that it compensates us for our previous hard work. The prospect of compensation might lead us to adopt a relaxed attitude toward long work hours. Once we’ve stopped work, we’ll be rewarded with a large chunk of leisure.

But for those who don’t make it to retirement, this promise of a life of leisure turns out to be a cruel joke. Early deaths are also more prominent among those who have already suffered from poverty and other disadvantages.

Family walking with cityscape background.
The right time for time off?
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

The same is true for ill health. The disadvantaged are much more likely to suffer from a variety of conditions that prevent them from being able to fully enjoy retirement.

Another risk for those who are healthy when they retire is that relatives or friends may have died. This reduces the value of the retirees’ free time because the loved ones they hoped to share that time with are no longer around.

So perhaps some of that free time could be better used when workers are younger. Raising a family, for example, is extremely time consuming, and there can’t be many parents of young children who don’t wish for a few extra hours a week to call their own.

Even devoting time to hobbies when we’re younger might be considered more efficient than waiting until we have retired. After all, if you learn a new language or how to paint when you’re in your 40s, you may have much more time to enjoy your new skill over the ensuing decades.

My research suggests that for all these reasons, the state should help people take some of their retirement early.

None of us knows how long we will live, or how healthy we will be in the future. Faced with this uncertainty, it makes sense not to gamble with our opportunities for free time and leave it until it may be too late.

Even those who enjoy their work have strong reasons not to postpone a large proportion of their time off, and governments should help us access more of it while we’re younger.


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Malte Jauch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As the UK reviews the pension age again, could more time off when you’re young compensate for later retirement? – https://theconversation.com/as-the-uk-reviews-the-pension-age-again-could-more-time-off-when-youre-young-compensate-for-later-retirement-259464

Cuban government scrambling to deal with outrage about country’s economic crisis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emily Morris, Research Associate, Institute of the Americas, UCL

Cuba doesn’t have any beggars, according to the country’s minister of labour, Marta Elena Feitó Cabrera. In a speech to the national assembly on July 15, she denied the existence of destitution in the communist country, claiming the problem was actually people “disguised as beggars”.

Her words were greeted by public outcry on social media. They also prompted a swift rebuke from her peers and the president, Miguel Díaz-Canel, who said leadership could not “act with condescension”. The next day, the Cuban government published an official note saying Feitó Cabrera had resigned.

The political vulnerability of the Cuban government explains the urgent need to respond to missteps such as Feitó Cabrera’s. The country is enduring an acute economic crisis, which has seen living standards plummet and over 1 million Cubans leave the country since 2020.

Cubans are leaving en masse:

A graph showing net emigration in Cuba.
A severe economic crisis in Cuba has prompted a mass exodus from the island.
Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas e Información

The recession has severely strained the system of social protection that the government points to as one of its main achievements since taking power more than 60 years ago. Despite food subsidies and the efforts of welfare services, a growing number of people are now going hungry.

Public confidence in the government has been severely weakened as a result, particularly among young Cubans. The risk of escalating popular protest is magnified by the proliferation of social media channels, emanating from inside and outside the country.

These channels air the many complaints about daily frustrations in Cuba and highlight any failings or signs of hypocrisy on the part of officials. So when Feitó Cabrera’s speech went viral, it was met with inevitable public outrage.

Díaz-Canel’s reaction can be seen as urgent damage limitation. But it is also consistent with his broader approach to managing the crisis facing his country. He has worked tirelessly to try and defuse anger through engagement, touring Cuba for local meetings to search for solutions.

In his comments after Feitó Cabrera’s speech, he insisted that officials should acknowledge the scale of hardship being suffered, and “help, support and show solidarity” with the disadvantaged and most vulnerable.

This need to reach out was all the more important given the grim tone of the national assembly meeting where Feitó Cabrera made her remarks. Ministers appeared one after the other to present dismal reports on the state of almost all sectors of the Cuban economy.

The electricity system remains plagued by breakdowns caused by chronic underinvestment as well as difficulties in obtaining fuel and spare parts. The resulting daily power outages ensure that the sense of crisis is ever-present and frustrate all efforts to boost production.

Doubting official data

While full official national income data for 2024 has not yet been released, Cuba’s economy ministry estimates that real national income contracted by 1.1% in 2024. This leaves it more than 10% below its pre-pandemic level, and 2025 is not expected to show much improvement.

The decline in real disposable income for Cuban households since 2021 has, in reality, been far greater. The official inflation rate indicates that consumer prices have risen fourfold over the past five years. At this rate, living costs would have increased broadly in line with salaries.

Consumer prices have risen fourfold since 2020:

Official inflation data for Cuba.
Official inflation data for Cuba. The spike in early 2021 was the result of a monetary reform, which involved a big jump in wages in December 2020 followed by a currency reform in January 2021.
Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas e Información

But official figures systematically understate the actual increase in prices faced by Cuban households, due to the weightings used. In 2021, for example, research estimated the inflation rate to be between 174% and 700% – well above the government’s estimate (77.3%).

The rising market prices have put many essential goods beyond the reach of most people who depend on state incomes. This has forced many households to depend on remittances or the informal economy to survive.

Thanks to tight fiscal restraint, the official annual rate of inflation eased to 15% in June. But the wide gap between the increase in the actual cost of living and official inflation index continues to compound distrust of the government and the perception that the country’s leaders are out of touch.

A lack of transparency and long delays in the publication of economic data, together with restrictions on the scope for private enterprise, are widely attributed to the government’s incompetence and reluctance to enact liberalising reforms.

Recovery blocked by US sanctions

For these reasons, the government’s insistence that US sanctions are to blame for limiting the possibilities for economic recovery is increasingly regarded with scepticism. However, the constraint on economic growth imposed by US measures is real and severe.

It is also the deliberate aim of US policy. The unilateral sanctions not only block trade, as well as financial and international travel between the US and Cuba. They also severely hamper all kinds of transactions between Cuba and the rest of the world.

Every branch of the Cuban economy has been affected, including the health service, social safety nets, agriculture and industry. And the lack of hard currency has, in turn, limited the scope for the investments and reforms needed for economic recovery.

The easing inflation rate, together with some new investments in renewable energy, an improved fiscal balance and a recent small increase in pensions, may signal that the end of the economic downturn may be approaching. But neither the government nor the population have any confidence that the crisis will come to an end this year.

No one is expecting US sanctions to be lifted while Donald Trump is president. Before Trump first stood for the presidency he hadn’t given Cuba his attention, but as president he has aligned himself firmly with hardliners.

In his first term, Trump reversed the opening with Cuba initiated by Barack Obama. And his current secretary of state, Marco Rubio, is one of the architects and leading proponents of economic sanctions against Cuba. Trade and investment will thus remain depressed, while shortages, power cuts, a lack of transport and crumbling public services will persist.

But by demanding the resignation of the minister of labour, perhaps Díaz-Canel hopes to demonstrate that his government understands what that the economic asphyxiation means for a majority of Cubans struggling to survive.


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Emily Morris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cuban government scrambling to deal with outrage about country’s economic crisis – https://theconversation.com/cuban-government-scrambling-to-deal-with-outrage-about-countrys-economic-crisis-261702

Armenia and Azerbaijan are trying to mend fences – what does this mean for Russia?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Matveeva, Visiting Senior Research Fellow, King’s Russia Institute, King’s College London

At a time when Vladimir Putin needs friends in his neighbourhood, he appears instead to be losing them in the South Caucasus. After two centuries of Russian involvement in the region, balancing the historical rivalry and at times acting as mediator between Armenia and Azerbaijan, there is growing speculation that the two countries are preparing a major reset in relations.

When Armenia’s prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, met the Azerbaijani president, Ilham Aliyev, in Abu Dhabi on July 10, they reportedly came close to agreeing a peace treaty. The big question is whether, if these two countries can iron out mistrust and violence born of the territorial conflict, there will still be a role for Russia in the South Caucasus.

To understand the complex geopolitics of the region, you need to go back to the early 19th century, when Azerbaijan and what is now the Republic of Armenia) were ceded to Russia following the Russo-Persian wars. After the Russian revolution, the two countries achieved brief independence between 1918 and 1920 (though not in their present borders) before being incorporated into the Soviet Union.

During the Soviet era, the union republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan both felt that Moscow favoured the other. Armenia was unhappy that the Soviet leadership allocated Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian exclave surrounded by Azeri-populated lands, to Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan was dissatisfied that its borders denied it a land connection to its population in Nakhchivan, an exclave of ethnic Azeris that could only be reached via southern Armenia.

In the final years of the Soviet Union, as Armenian nationalism began to assert itself during the period of perestroika (restructuring), Nagorno-Karabakh’s legislature passed a law declaring its intention to join Armenia. This move eventually led to armed clashes in the region.

The first Karabakh war, which raged between 1988 and 1994, began before the Soviet break-up but continued after the two countries gained their independence. In 1994, after more than 30,000 casualties, Russia brokered a ceasefire. The settlement favoured Armenia, leaving it in control of Nagorno-Karabakh and another six surrounding Azerbaijani districts.

Things began to change when Putin took power in Russia in 2000. Russia’s relations with Azerbaijan improved, partly due to his personal rapport with the then-president, Heydar Aliyev, and his son Ilham, who would succeed him in 2003. After 9/11, when combating international terrorism became a global priority, Azerbaijan put measures in place to prevent transfer of fighters and weapons through its territory to the war in Chechnya, which further improved relations with Moscow.

At this stage, Azerbaijan was pursuing what it described as a “multi-vector” foreign policy. This allowed it to develop ties with a variety of countries, including the US, Russia and others to whom it sold oil. While remaining in the Commonwealth of Independent States, it did not sign up to the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO).

Nagorno-Karabakh

Armenia, by contrast, was a fully participating member of the CSTO. Having signed an Eternal Friendship Treaty with Russia in 1997, this was a clear strategic choice for Armenia – partly motivated by historical ties.

Russia had traditionally been seen as a defender of Christianity in the days of the Ottomon empire. Many people had fled massacres in Western Armenia (modern-day Turkey) in 1915 to come under the protection of the Russian Tsar. But Armenia also saw Moscow as a vital security guarantor against an increasingly militarised Azerbaijan, which was determined to recover control of Nagorno-Karabakh and other areas occupied by Armenia.

Map of Azerbaijan and Armenia showing contested regions.
Map showing the concept of the ‘Zanzegur corridor’, which would cut across southernmost Armenia to connect Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan.
Mapeh/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC

Indeed, it was Nagorno-Karabakh which really soured relations between Armenia and Moscow. In 2020, when – aided by Turkey – Azerbaijan launched its offensive to retake the territory, Russia failed to come to the aid of its CSTO ally. This was expected, given that relations had begun to deteriorate in 2018 when Pashinyan came to power in Armenia.

In hindsight, most commentators believe Russia had become tired of Armenia’s intransigence over the plan, agreed in Madrid in 2007, for it to cede back the six districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan.

Instead, Moscow brokered a ceasefire agreement and deployed 2,000 peacekeepers along the Lachin corridor, a strip of land connecting Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. But these troops also failed to intervene when an Azeri offensive retook the whole of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, forcing the population of about 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee.




Read more:
Nagorno-Karabakh: the world should have seen this crisis coming – and it’s not over yet


Things sour between Moscow and Baku

Relations between Russia and Azerbaijan, meanwhile, have gone downhill rapidly. In December 2024, an Azeri civilian airliner was shot down in Russian airspace. Putin apologised, but Azerbaijan insisted on Moscow disclosing the results of the investigation and paying compensation to the victims.

Things got worse at the end of June, when Russian authorities arrested a group of ethnic Azerbaijanis as part of a decades-old murder case. Two of the men died while being detained. Azerbaijan retaliated by raiding the Baku offices of Russia’s Sputnik news agency and detaining the staff as well as a group of Russian IT workers. When they appeared in court, some of the men appeared to have been beaten in custody.

Azerbaijan also denounced Russia in state media and Russia House, the state-funded Russian cultural agency in Baku, was closed down, with several cultural events cancelled. Security agencies began to enforce documentation checks on all Russian nationals in the country.

At the same time, Azerbaijan and Armenia were already talking about concluding a peace treaty independently, without intermediaries. All this has prompted speculation of a serious loss of influence in the region for Moscow.

However, a complete shutout of Russia in the South Caucasus is unlikely. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan depend on remittance income from their nationals in Russia. Both countries also remain close trading partners with Russia. While Armenia suspended its membership in CSTO, it has not quit the organisation altogether.

Far more likely is that the two countries, mindful of the growing influence of Turkey in the region and the shifts created by Donald Trump in world affairs, are manoeuvring while weighing their options. Geography matters, as Georgia’s example demonstrates – efforts to cut ties with Russia by its former president, Mikheil Saakashvili, have been partially reversed by the current government, which increasingly leans towards Moscow.

In the cases of Armenia and Azerbaijan, economic ties, transport links and human connections still favour a relationship with Russia. So, a temporary breakdown in political relations can be mended – if all three leaders demonstrate enough statesmanship to sail through the troubled waters.


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Anna Matveeva does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Armenia and Azerbaijan are trying to mend fences – what does this mean for Russia? – https://theconversation.com/armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-trying-to-mend-fences-what-does-this-mean-for-russia-261384

How poetry can help to fight polarisation and misinformation

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Hubbard, Associate lecturer in English Literature and Creative Writing, Aberystwyth University

Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

People are becoming more divided and ill informed. In January 2024, a report by the World Economic Forum identified misinformation and disinformation as “the most severe global risk anticipated over the next two years”.

As a result, it predicted “perceptions of reality are likely to also become polarised” – and that unrest resulting from unreliable information may cause “violent protests … hate crimes … civil confrontation and terrorism”. Many people would agree that something is needed to bridge the ever-widening gaps between ourselves.

In my view, this is not just a problem of alternative sets of facts, but a failure to perceive and empathise with that which is outside of our own experiences.

While the smartphone, with its capacity to provide users with sources from across the world, can provide endless opportunity to learn about other perspectives and experiences, research suggests social media increasingly cocoons users within their own interests.

This algorithmically encouraged self-importance means we are stuck in a feedback loop – the echo chamber – where our own experiences, values and desires are seen as the norm.

In contrast, by encouraging people to imagine beyond their own experience, reading poetry can serve as an exercise in seeing things from a different perspective.


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Poetry has always been political. The writer and civil-rights activist Audre Lorde argued it produces “a revelatory distillation of experience”. In other words, by distilling aspects of an experience, poetry can reveal powerful truths about reality.

Lorde’s poem Afterimages (1981) records her memory of turning 21 in the same year that 14-year-old Emmett Till was lynched in Mississippi. The poem’s revelation is a simple one. For black Americans, coming of age means coming to terms with the constant threat of extreme racial violence.

Poetry’s success often relies upon showing people aspects of the world which they might otherwise have ignored, repressed or simply missed.

Some poetry experiments with form itself to produce this revelatory effect. Estate Fragments (2014) is a long poem written by Gavin Goodwin, exploring the Bettws council estate in Newport. It juxtaposes quotations from academic writing alongside interviews with residents – a practice referred to as “found poetry”.

Goodwin attempts to consider the effect that seemingly abstract political decision-making and discussions have on a particular place and community. Take this stanza:

Increased inequality

ups the stakes

‘People that were younger than you

were more dangerous.’

The first two lines quote Common Culture by Paul Willis (1990), a sociological study in the cultures of young people. The latter are from an interview with a resident of the Bettws estate. Together, they tell a story: national economic inequality causes people in a working-class community to fear each other.

Looking closer and looking deeper

More conventional lyric poetry can still reveal sociopolitical realities. Canadian Métis Nation writer katherena vermette’s collection North End Love Songs (2012) explores the North End in Winnipeg, Canada. In a CBC interview, vermette discussed how the local community are:

The people that get picked on [and] blamed … but what I’m trying to do in my work is to go into looking closer and looking deeper … and seeing that they’re not what they seem.

Misinformation and polarisation cause social tension, as particular groups are generalised and blamed. Vermette’s poem indians explicitly explores the devastation caused by preconceptions of peoples and places.

Red River at sunset
Red River in Winnipeg.
Teng Guan/Shutterstock

The poem recalls vermette’s brother going missing, before being found in the Red River, a powerful body of water that moves through Winnipeg. It focuses on the apathy of Winnipeg’s police service, who tell the family that there is “no sense looking”, as the man will return when “he gets bored/or broke”. The authorities come to this conclusion not through investigation, but by reducing the speaker’s brother to racist stereotypes.

This is then contrasted with what the family “finds out”. Not only has the brother drowned, but the “land floods/with dead indians”. The speaker discovers the fate of her brother is also the fate of many other Métis people in Winnipeg. This personal experience of loss comes to speak for many other loses:

indians get drunk

don’t we know it?

do stupid things

like being young

like going home alone

like walking across a frozen river

not quite frozen

Vermette links grief to struggles against systematic apathy and oppression. The poem’s sense of politics, people and place are a central part of its poetics.

Audre Lorde looking pensive
Audre Lorde in 1980.
Wiki Commons, CC BY

Such explicitness means the poem meaningfully connects to important political issues – drawing attention to the startlingly high number of missing people found and suspected to be in the Red River. As such, it can also link to important grassroots initiatives like Drag the Red, which aims to “find answers about missing loved ones” which might lie in the river.

While North End Love Songs was published two years before Drag the Red’s formation, the poem and initiative are clearly formed by the same kind of traumatic, sociopolitical events.

Newsfeeds increasingly silo us into comfortable ways of thinking and perceiving. Forty years on, Lorde’s declaration that poetry “is not a luxury” takes on a whole new meaning. Now, it might be a political necessity.


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Alex Hubbard is formerly affiliated with the Labour Party, and Aber Food Surplus, a community hub.

ref. How poetry can help to fight polarisation and misinformation – https://theconversation.com/how-poetry-can-help-to-fight-polarisation-and-misinformation-255567