‘Phubbing’: why ignoring your partner for your phone infuriates certain people – and causes them to retaliate

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Hart, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of Southampton

Picture this: you’re out for dinner with your partner. The food arrives, the conversation flows – and then their phone buzzes. They glance down, smile faintly and start typing. You sit there, fork in hand, suddenly invisible.

That moment has a name: phubbing, a mash-up of “phone” and “snubbing.” It’s become an almost inevitable feature of modern relationships, as smartphones claim a place at the table – sometimes literally.

You might think of phubbing as a minor irritation, but our research shows it can erode relationship quality, dent self-esteem, stir up resentment and even trigger retaliation. And some people are far more sensitive to it than others.

Using a daily diary study, we tracked 196 people over multiple days, asking them to report how much they felt phubbed by their partner, how they reacted and how they felt afterwards.

The pattern was remarkably consistent. On days when people felt more phubbed, they reported lower relationship satisfaction, worse mood and more anger or frustration.

Phubbing can make the “phubbee” feel excluded, less important and less connected. This fits with equity theory in psychology – relationships feel better when both partners invest equally. If your partner is focused on their phone instead of you, it can signal unequal investment.

Individual differences

Not everyone experiences phubbing the same way. In our 2025 study, published in the Journal of Personality, we found that attachment style – the habitual way people think and feel about relationships – played a big role.

People higher in attachment anxiety – who fear abandonment and crave reassurance – reacted more strongly when phubbed. They reported more depressed mood, lower self-esteem and greater resentment. They were also more likely to retaliate.

Those higher in attachment avoidance – who are uncomfortable with closeness – didn’t report their relationship satisfaction drop as sharply due to phubbing, but they still sometimes retaliated, often by picking up their own phone to seek approval and validation from others when their partner wasn’t meeting these needs.

Narcissism can also play a role. People with high levels of narcissism generally like being the centre of attention, but they may go about it in different ways. In another 2025 study, we examined two sub-types of narcissism: narcissistic rivalry (being antagonistic, insecure and status-defending) and narcissistic admiration (being self-promoting and charm-driven).

We found that people higher in narcissistic rivalry reported lower self-esteem, higher anger and more conflict – whether phubbed or not. When phubbed, they were more curious about what their partner was doing, but also more likely to retaliate out of revenge or to gain approval from others.

People higher in narcissistic admiration tended to have higher relationship satisfaction and wellbeing overall. When phubbed, they were more likely to engage in conflict with their partner than retaliation.

Phubbing as a tit-for-tat game

In our earlier 2022 study, we looked more closely at the type of behaviour phubbed partners engaged in. Common responses included ignoring the phubbing, feeling resentful, asking about the phone use or directly confronting the partner. But one of the most frequent, and telling, responses was retaliation – picking up their own phone and doing the same.

When we asked why people retaliated, three main motives emerged. One was revenge, to “teach the partner a lesson”. The other was seeking support, turning to others for connection when the partner seemed unavailable. And a third was seeking approval – posting on social media or messaging to get validation from others. Boredom was also sometimes mentioned, but it was far less common.

Phubbing might seem trivial – after all, we all check our phones. But in relationships, it can act as a micro-rupture in connection. These small moments can accumulate, creating a sense that your partner’s attention is elsewhere and that you’re less valued.

You couple with smartphones sitting in bed with phones and looking at each other with suspicion.
Phubbing can become a game of revenge.
Prostock-studio/Shutterstock

For people who are already sensitive to signs of rejection – like those high in attachment anxiety or narcissistic rivalry – the impact can be magnified. They may interpret phubbing as a deliberate slight, rather than a mindless habit. This can set off cycles of conflict or withdrawal.

How to break the phubbing cycle

If you’ve ever been accused of phubbing, it doesn’t mean you’re a bad partner, but it might mean your habits need attention.

Simple steps can help protect relationship quality can include creating “phone-free” zones during meals or before bed. It could also be useful to acknowledge the interruption if you must check your phone – explaining why and returning your attention quickly.

Ideally, couples should discuss phone boundaries openly so both partners feel respected. If you’re the phubbee, recognising your own triggers can help. If phubbing hits a deep nerve, it may reflect earlier experiences of feeling ignored or undervalued. Perhaps your partner checking their phone isn’t about your inadequacy but rather about having a bad habit that’s hard to break.
Knowing this can help you respond in ways that repair connection rather than escalate conflict.

Ultimately, smartphones aren’t going away and neither is phubbing. But our findings suggest that the small, everyday choice to be present with your partner matters more than you might think. Put simply, when you put down your phone, you pick up your relationship.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Phubbing’: why ignoring your partner for your phone infuriates certain people – and causes them to retaliate – https://theconversation.com/phubbing-why-ignoring-your-partner-for-your-phone-infuriates-certain-people-and-causes-them-to-retaliate-263963

Rois, évêques et despotes : la tyrannie au Moyen Âge, des leçons pour aujourd’hui

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Joëlle Rollo-Koster, Professor of Medieval History, University of Rhode Island

Richard II est devenu roi d’Angleterre à l’âge de 10 ans et a été destitué à 32 ans. British Library/Wikimedia Commons

La tyrannie n’appartient pas qu’aux manuels d’histoire. Elle reste une notion d’actualité pour comprendre la mauvaise gouvernance aujourd’hui. Que signifiait-elle au Moyen Âge, une époque souvent perçue – à tort – comme un âge de chaos et de violence politique ? Loin des idées reçues, l’Europe médiévale savait déjà dénoncer les abus de pouvoir et poser des limites aux dirigeants considérés comme injustes.


Le site de référence World Population Review offre aux chercheurs plusieurs définitions modernes de la tyrannie, parmi lesquelles : dictature militaire, monarchie, dictature personnalisée, dictature à parti unique ou encore dictature hybride qui combine des éléments des autres types. Dans tous les cas, les dénominateurs communs sont l’abus de pouvoir, un déséquilibre représentatif et un manque de cadre législatif qui conduisent à une limitation des libertés politiques et individuelles.

Ce même site dénombre aujourd’hui quelque 66 pays ayant des index démocratiques très bas. La question reste ouverte pour la Russie et pour la Chine. Malgré le lourd héritage du mot, la « tyrannie » est toujours bien présente dans nos mondes démocratiques.

Mes étudiants ont tendance à imaginer le Moyen Âge comme quelque chose qui ressemble aux jeux vidéo Kingdom Come ou Total War : une époque de tyrannie, de chaos politique absolu, où régnaient les épées et les poignards et où la masculinité et la force physique importaient plus que la gouvernance.

En tant qu’historienne du Moyen Âge, je pense que cette image tumultueuse tient moins de la réalité que du « médiévalisme », un terme qui désigne la manière dont les temps modernes réinventent la vie pendant le Moyen Âge européen, entre les Ve et XVe siècles environ.

L’Europe médiévale était peut-être violente, et ses normes de gouvernance ne seraient pas louées aujourd’hui. Mais les gens étaient certainement capables de reconnaître les dysfonctionnements politiques, que ce soit à la cour royale ou au sein de l’Église, et proposaient des solutions.

À une époque de montée de l’autoritarisme et où la politique aux États-Unis semble embourbée dans un despotisme pseudo constitutionnel, il est utile de revenir sur la manière dont les sociétés d’il y a plusieurs siècles définissaient la mauvaise gouvernance.

Tyrans, rois et mauvais évêques

Au Moyen Âge, les auteurs réfléchissent à la politique en termes de leadership et qualifient souvent la mauvaise gouvernance de « tyrannie », qu’ils critiquent un dirigeant unique ou un tout un système. Dans tous les cas, la tyrannie – ou « autocratie », comme on l’appelle souvent aujourd’hui – est un concept que les grands penseurs discutent depuis l’Antiquité.

Pour les Grecs de l’Antiquité classique, la tyrannie signifie gouverner seul pour le bénéfice d’un seul. Aristote, le penseur fondateur sur le sujet, définit la tyrannie comme l’antithèse du règne parfait, qu’il considérait comme la royauté : un dirigeant unique qui règne dans l’intérêt général de tous. Selon lui, le tyran est dominé par le désir « de pouvoir, de plaisir et de richesse », tandis que le roi est motivé par l’honneur.

Le théoricien politique moderne Roger Boesche observe que les tyrans ont tendance à réduire le temps libre de la population. Selon Aristote, le temps libre permet aux gens de réfléchir et de faire de la politique, c’est-à-dire d’être des citoyens.

Pendant la République romaine (de 509 à 27 avant notre ère, ndlr), les penseurs politiques comparent la tyrannie à un membre malade qu’il faut amputer du corps politique. Ironiquement, certains Romains en viennent à éliminer Jules César par crainte qu’il ne devienne un tyran, pour se retrouver avec Auguste, qui finit par devenir empereur.

Types de despotes

À la fin de l’Antiquité, les auteurs politiques commencent aussi à réfléchir à la tyrannie dans le domaine religieux.

Illustrations de deux hommes chauves sur le dessus de la tête, vêtus de robes, assis à l’intérieur d’arcs rouges
Un manuscrit du Xᵉ siècle représentant Isidore de Séville (à droite).
Monastère d’Einsiedeln (Suisse)/Wikimedia

Dans ses Sententiae, une série de livres de théologie, l’archevêque du VIIe siècle Isidore de Séville aborde la question des mauvais évêques. Ces hommes se comportent comme des « pasteurs orgueilleux », écrit-il, qui « oppriment tyranniquement le peuple, ne le guident pas et exigent de leurs sujets non pas la gloire de Dieu, mais la leur. » De manière générale, Isidore critique l’incompétence politique fondée sur la colère, sur l’orgueil, sur la cruauté et sur l’avidité des dirigeants.

Des siècles plus tard, les dirigeants et penseurs européens débattent encore de la nature de la tyrannie – et des moyens d’y remédier. Jean de Salisbury, évêque et philosophe anglais du XIIe siècle, propose une solution radicale : le tyrannicide. Dans son Policraticus, un traité de théorie politique, il écrit que c’est un devoir civique de rétablir l’ordre en tuant un tyran mauvais, violent et oppressif.

Jean de Salisbury est l’un des premiers auteurs à soutenir que la tyrannie ne survit pas seulement par le caprice du tyran, mais grâce au soutien de ses partisans. Dans sa conception organique de la tyrannie, le tyran (le corps) ne peut exister qu’avec le soutien de la société (ses membres).

Au XIVe siècle, le plus grand penseur juridique de l’époque, Bartole de Sassoferrato, distingue deux types de tyrannie : certains despotes accèdent au pouvoir par des moyens légaux, mais agissent de manière illégale. Les usurpateurs, en revanche, sont ceux qui prennent le pouvoir de manière illégitime, se complaisent dans l’orgueil et ne respectent pas la loi.

Renverser un tyran

Parfois, les dirigeants impopulaires ou encombrants sont destitués, comme Richard II d’Angleterre (1377-1399). Le procès-verbal de sa déposition énumère près de trois douzaines de chefs d’accusation contre le roi détrôné : rejet du conseil, défaut de remboursement de dettes, incitation des autorités religieuses au meurtre, spoliations et destitution de ses rivaux. Il ne connaît pas une fin heureuse : il meurt en prison en 1400 et les circonstances exactes de sa mort restent un mystère.

Le roi Venceslas (1376-1400) de la maison de Luxembourg est déposé le 20 août 1400, au motif qu’il était « inutile, indolent, négligent, diviseur et indigne de régner sur l’Empire ». Le journal allemand Die Welt le classe aujourd’hui encore comme le pire roi d’Allemagne, amateur de boisson et de ses chiens de chasse, et sujet à des accès de rage.

Illustration en couleurs représentant plusieurs hommes en collants et chapeaux frappant un homme à terre avec des épées
L’homme qui ordonna le meurtre du duc d’Orléans affirmait avoir empêché un tyran d’accéder au pouvoir.
Bibliothèque nationale de France/Wikimedia

Les éliminations violentes de supposés tyrans ne se font pas toujours dans l’ombre. En 1407, en France, Louis d’Orléans, frère du roi Charles VI, est pris dans un guet-apens. Il est attaqué par un groupe d’hommes qui s’enfuient en chassant les témoins.

Louis n’est pas seulement le frère de Charles le Bien-Aimé, mais aussi un rival politique de Jean sans Peur, duc de Bourgogne. Ce dernier revendique la responsabilité du meurtre. Avec son avocat, le théologien Jean Petit, Jean sans Peur fait valoir qu’il a agi dans l’intérêt de la nation en ordonnant l’assassinat d’un tyran cupide et d’un traître, et que la mise à mort de Louis est donc justifiée.

Les hommes d’Église

La politique médiévale ne fait guère de distinction entre monde séculier et monde religieux. Les papes sont des dirigeants politiques et peuvent eux aussi être considérés comme des tyrans. Lors du grand schisme d’Occident (1378–1417), une scission de l’Église catholique au cours de laquelle plusieurs papes se disputent le trône, chaque camp accuse l’autre d’illégitimité et d’usurpation.

Les ennemis du pape Urbain VI, par exemple, affirment que son tempérament colérique est un signe révélateur de tyrannie qui le rend inapte à diriger. Dietrich de Nieheim, qui œuvre à la chancellerie pontificale, note dans sa chronique :

« Plus le Seigneur Urbain parlait, plus il se mettait en colère, et son visage devenait comme une lampe ardente de colère, et sa gorge était enrouée. »

Les cardinaux français le déposent en 1378 pour illégitimité et tyrannie.

Il n’est pas le seul pape à être destitué pour tyrannie, même si ce mot n’est pas toujours utilisé. Le concile de Constance (novembre 1414-avril 1418), réuni pour mettre fin au schisme, dépose le pape Jean XXIII en 1415 pour désobéissance, corruption, mauvaise gestion, malhonnêteté et obstination. Deux ans plus tard, le même concile destitue le pape Benoît XIII, l’accusant de persécution, de trouble à l’ordre public, d’encouragement à la division, de promotion du scandale et du schisme et d’indignité.

Les évêques, papes et rois médiévaux ne sont sans doute pas des modèles pour nos démocraties d’aujourd’hui, mais leur monde politique n’était pas si différent du nôtre ni aussi chaotique qu’on l’imagine souvent. Même un monde qui ignore la démocratie peut définir ce qu’est la « mauvaise gouvernance » et poser des limites à l’autorité de ceux qu’il considère comme irresponsables. Des règles de conduite politique sont établies, même si la loi ne prime pas toujours sur la violence.

Mais il est utile de se rappeler comment les gens perçoivent la mauvaise gouvernance des siècles avant notre époque de divisions politiques. Aujourd’hui, toutefois, nous avons un avantage décisif : nous élisons nos dirigeants… et nous pouvons les renvoyer.

The Conversation

Joëlle Rollo-Koster ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Rois, évêques et despotes : la tyrannie au Moyen Âge, des leçons pour aujourd’hui – https://theconversation.com/rois-eveques-et-despotes-la-tyrannie-au-moyen-age-des-lecons-pour-aujourdhui-263249

Invention de l’école maternelle : Comment l’éducation des enfants de 3 ans à 6 ans est devenue une priorité

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Catherine Valenti, Maîtresse de conférences en histoire, Université Toulouse – Jean Jaurès

L’école maternelle telle qu’on la connaît se dessine, en France, à la fin du XIXe siècle, et la pédagogue Pauline Kergomard a joué un rôle décisif dans sa création. Retour sur cette histoire qui nous éclaire sur les besoins des jeunes enfants.


En septembre sonne l’heure de la rentrée scolaire pour tous les enfants à partir de 3 ans. Avec la loi du 28 juillet 2019, l’âge de l’instruction obligatoire a en effet été abaissé de 6 ans à 3 ans. C’était là l’aboutissement d’un long processus entamé, en France, au début du XIXe siècle, lorsqu’ont été créées les salles d’asile, ancêtres de nos écoles maternelles. Si bien des spécialistes de la petite enfance ont apporté leur pierre à l’édifice, un nom reste étroitement associé à l’invention de ces écoles maternelles, celui de Pauline Kergomard (1838-1925).

Moins connue aujourd’hui que la célèbre pédagogue italienne Maria Montessori, Pauline Kergomard, née Reclus, a pourtant été, dans les dernières décennies du XIXe siècle, l’un des piliers de l’enseignement primaire en France.

Son action au sein du ministère de l’instruction publique, de la fin des années 1870 jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale, a profondément renouvelé la façon d’envisager l’apprentissage des tout-petits. Remettons en perspective le parcours atypique de cette républicaine convaincue.

Les salles d’asile, ancêtres des écoles maternelles

Les « salles d’asile » destinées à l’accueil de tout-petits sont apparues au tournant des XVIIIe et XIXe siècles et leur naissance est indissociablement liée à la révolution industrielle et à ses conséquences. Il n’est donc pas étonnant que les premières aient été créées au Royaume-Uni, premier pays au monde à connaître un take-off industriel fulgurant, et ce, dès le XVIIIe siècle.

Au départ, il n’est pas question d’éducation à proprement parler dans ces infant schools britanniques : elles accueillent les enfants des ouvrières qui n’ont pas les moyens de les faire garder pendant qu’elles travaillent en usine. La vocation première des infant schools est donc avant tout sociale, bien plus que pédagogique : il s’agit de préserver les enfants des milieux populaires des dangers de la rue, mais aussi d’éviter le développement de la délinquance juvénile.

Au fur et à mesure que la révolution industrielle s’étend en Europe continentale, les initiatives copiées sur le modèle britannique se multiplient. En France, c’est l’action philanthropique qui s’empare de la question, et les premières salles d’asile sont créées à Paris, dans la deuxième moitié des années 1820, puis se diffusent dans le reste du pays.

À partir de la deuxième moitié des années 1830, elles passent sous la coupe du ministère de l’instruction publique. En 1837, une ordonnance royale relative à la « création des salles d’asile » – en réalité, elles existaient déjà, mais étaient gérées par des fonds privés – vient préciser le rôle et la mission des salles d’asile au plan national.

Ce sont, ainsi que le stipule l’article 1 de l’ordonnance,

« des établissements charitables où les enfants des deux sexes peuvent être admis, jusqu’à l’âge de six ans accomplis, pour recevoir les soins de surveillance maternelle et de première éducation que leur âge réclame ».

En 1881, la naissance de l’école maternelle

En 1879, Pauline Kergomard, une institutrice protestante née en 1838 au sein de la célèbre famille Reclus, est nommée au poste de déléguée générale à l’inspection des salles d’asile, chargée de veiller au bon fonctionnement de ces établissements qui accueillent alors près de 700 000 enfants âgés de 3 ans à 6 ans.

En cette fin des années 1870, le nouveau pouvoir républicain comprend que les salles d’asile doivent être davantage pour l’enfance qu’un simple abri contre les dangers de la rue. Par ailleurs, de plus en plus de pédagogues, dont Pauline Kergomard elle-même, dénoncent la « méthode » jusque-là utilisée dans les salles d’asile :

« Montée et descente du gradin d’après un cérémonial bizarre, marches lourdement rythmées dans les préaux et dans les salles d’exercices ; arrêts subits commandés par le claquoir ; procédés mnémotechniques pour enseigner la lecture, le calcul ; initiation à l’histoire de la création du monde et des patriarches d’Israël. »

Cette garderie à discipline quasi militaire semble désormais en désaccord avec le but que se propose « le ministère démocrate et laïcisateur de Jules Ferry ».

Pauline Kergomard vers 1900
Pauline Kergomard vers 1900, photographe inconnu, collections du Musée national de l’éducation (Rouen).
via Wikimedia

De nouveaux principes pédagogiques entrent en scène, symbolisés par le décret du 2 août 1881 qui transforme les salles d’asile en « écoles maternelles », ainsi que le souhaitaient Pauline Kergomard et d’autres pédagogues avant elle, comme la Sarthoise Marie Pape-Carpantier (1815-1878). Plus qu’un simple changement de terminologie, c’est une véritable mutation ontologique.

Tout d’abord, on ne parle plus de « salles » mais d’« écoles », ce qui montre que le but est bien de dispenser une forme d’éducation aux tout-petits, et de leur transmettre un enseignement. Par ailleurs, ces écoles sont qualifiées de « maternelles », car pendant longtemps seules des femmes s’occuperont des tout-petits dans ces établissements, de la même façon qu’à la maison, c’est traditionnellement à la mère qu’échoie le soin des jeunes enfants.

L’école maternelle assure donc une forme de continuité entre la famille et l’école, et ceci est valable pour tous les enfants, quel que soit leur milieu social.

La mission de l’école maternelle : éveiller les tout-petits

Le décret du 2 août 1881 fixe dans les grandes lignes le programme des écoles maternelles. Il n’est plus question désormais de la garderie à discipline quasi militaire qui a longtemps caractérisé les salles d’asile. Pas question de transformer les tout-petits en singes savants : il faut les éveiller au monde qui les entoure et stimuler leur intellect – même si les activités physiques ne sont pas négligées.

Pour Kergomard, la tâche principale des enseignantes de l’école maternelle est d’éveiller l’enfant au monde qui l’environne, en s’appuyant notamment sur le jeu. Car, précise-t-elle, « le jeu, c’est le travail de l’enfant ; c’est son métier, c’est sa vie ». C’est donc par le jeu qu’il convient de l’amener à prendre progressivement conscience de l’environnement au sein duquel il évolue.


Mémoring éditions

Cet éveil passe également par la « leçon de choses » – à laquelle Kergomard a consacré de nombreux articles et le chapitre XV de son ouvrage l’Éducation maternelle dans l’école (1886). La leçon de choses est la « leçon par excellence, écrit Pauline Kergomard, parce qu’elle est intimement liée à l’acquisition de la langue maternelle et à la culture de tous les sens ». C’est en effet par le biais de l’affect, et non de la science pure, qu’il est possible d’intéresser les tout-petits au monde :

« La sollicitude de la poule pour ses poussins, celle de la chatte qui nourrit ses petits, les frappe autrement que le nombre de pattes de la première et les ongles rétractiles de la seconde. »

Il ne faut pas hésiter à sortir de la classe, et même de l’école, pour aller observer sur place les objets qui sont au cœur de la leçon de choses :

« La maison d’école, celle de la directrice, celle des enfants, l’atelier où travaillent leurs pères, leurs jardins, la grande route, la campagne environnante fourniront le meilleur musée, je dirais presque le seul que doive posséder l’école maternelle. »

En tant qu’inspectrice des écoles maternelles, Pauline Kergomard va veiller, jusqu’à sa retraite en 1917, à ce que les institutrices adoptent une pédagogie réellement adaptée à la petite enfance et à ses spécificités. Elle a ainsi jeté les bases de l’école maternelle actuelle, dont les deux piliers sont encore aujourd’hui l’individualisation du jeune enfant et l’action visant à l’éveiller au monde qui l’entoure.

The Conversation

Catherine Valenti ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Invention de l’école maternelle : Comment l’éducation des enfants de 3 ans à 6 ans est devenue une priorité – https://theconversation.com/invention-de-lecole-maternelle-comment-leducation-des-enfants-de-3-ans-a-6-ans-est-devenue-une-priorite-256847

New finds shed light on Canopus – the ancient Egyptian port city lost to the sea

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Isabella Gilmour, PhD Candidate, Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Bristol

This year has seen a number of artefacts recovered from the Mediterranean Sea off the coast of Egypt. The area has attracted interest for some time due to ongoing searches for the tomb of Cleopatra VII and Alexander the Great. But the new finds add to our knowledge of the ancient city of Canopus, one of several settlements that have largely been lost to the sea.

The discovery of buildings and an ancient dock is particularly crucial for our understanding of this principal port – one of the most important for the economy of Egypt before the foundation of Alexandria in the 4th century BC.

The Nile Delta is where the river flows into the Mediterranean Sea, and the twin cities of Canopus and Thonis-Heracleion were situated on opposite banks. Canopus was on the western side, at the mouth of the westernmost branch of the Nile. Recovering artefacts from the mouth of the Nile is difficult because much of the material not only lies on the seabed, but is submerged under clay and silt.

The preservation of archaeological material underwater is variable. Metal objects do not fare well, but stone is more durable. Organic materials such as wood can last surprisingly well due to the lack of oxygen in waterlogged places, although they become very vulnerable when removed, so rapid protection is essential.

The recent discoveries include the remnants of an ancient harbour and a merchant ship, shedding light on shipbuilding techniques and economic activity.

Statues continue to emerge, building on what we already know of sculptural practices, religion and politics. They offer clues as to the physical appearance of the ancient city.

One of these statues is a huge quartz sphinx holding the cartouches of Pharaoh Ramesses II (carved oval tablets bearing his name). While it is not yet determined how or when that sphinx was brought to Canopus, it emphasises the antiquity of the site. A white marble statue of a Roman nobleman further confirms the city’s status as multicultural and extremely wealthy.

Where Greece and Egypt meet

The foundation date of Canopus is unknown, but the site had been settled for centuries before the Greeks. It was first mentioned in writing in the 6th century BC, in a poem by Solon.

Expanded over time, in a location perfect for trade and military activity in the Mediterranean, Canopus became a key part of the success of the Greek rulers of Egypt. It served the Ptolemaic dynasty well for several centuries before eventually becoming part of the Roman empire around 30BC. However, the coastal position meant that settlements in that area were vulnerable to environmental stresses and earthquakes and rising sea levels eventually submerged them by the 8th century AD.

Excavators discuss their finds.

A large proportion of the western suburbs of Canopus are today underneath the modern Egyptian coastal town of Abu Qir, while the eastern suburbs are underwater.

For ancient people, Canopus was a place of pilgrimage. Countless people travelled to the sanctuaries of the Egyptian gods Osiris and Serapis there to take part in the Mysteries of Osiris. The annual religious festival reenacting the god’s murder, dismemberment and resurrection dated back to the earliest days of ancient Egypt.

The modern site of Abu Qir was also a place of importance to early Christianity, as religious changes took hold across the world.

A sunken city and its treasures

Underwater excavation in the Alexandria area has continued for decades, most notably by French archaeologist Franck Goddio and his team. They work under the auspices of the European Institute for Underwater in collaboration with the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities.

Many initial finds were made during the team’s work in the 1990s-2010s. The British Museum showcased some 200 of its artefacts in their Sunken Cities: Egypt’s Lost Worlds exhibition in 2016. Highlights included a 5.4 metre tall granite statue of Hapy, the personification of the Nile (on loan from the Maritime Museum, Alexandria) and a massive statue of the Apis bull (from the Graeco-Roman Museum, Alexandria). It showed that Greek rule did not mean the end of Egypt; rather, it was refashioned with a new image.

A sculpted figure of the posthumously deified Arsinoë II, daughter of Ptolemy I, as the Egyptian goddess Isis was also found. It is an intriguing combination of the timelessness of ancient Egyptian statuary, overlaid with the Greek aesthetic, wearing garments rendered in stone so fine they seem transparent.

There is much more to be found beneath the waves, but the strict criteria applied to these underwater excavations mean that most objects will remain there, at least for now, with plans being developed for the world’s first underwater museum.

The targeted nature of the excavations is part of a quest to highlight and celebrate the work being done around underwater heritage. As climate change pushes sea levels ever higher, the need for protection for archaeological sites like Canopus only becomes more pressing.


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The Conversation

Claire Isabella Gilmour does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New finds shed light on Canopus – the ancient Egyptian port city lost to the sea – https://theconversation.com/new-finds-shed-light-on-canopus-the-ancient-egyptian-port-city-lost-to-the-sea-263953

Defendants in sexual assault cases are just as likely to misremember the event as alleged victims – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ciara Greene, Associate Professor of Psychology, University College Dublin

StunningArt/Shutterstock

Psychologists have intensively studied the factors that make both eyewitnesses and victims more or less susceptible to memory distortion. But to date there has been no experimental evidence comparing memory suggestibility between the complainants and accused in sexual assault cases.

My recent study was the first to compare memory errors between complainants and the accused. The findings of this study, which examined the memories of people embroiled in a fictional sexual assault case, suggest that both parties are equally likely to misremember the details of what happened.

Imagine that you have been called to serve on a jury, evaluating a case of alleged sexual assault. In this case, David and Rebecca are university classmates and went to a party one Saturday evening. Towards the end of the night, they went to an upstairs bedroom, where sexual activity took place. The next day, Rebecca went to police to lodge a complaint of sexual assault, stating that she did not consent to sex with David.

In this trial, as is often the case in real court cases, the accused, David, contends that the sexual activity was entirely consensual. As a juror, this puts you in a difficult position. Both parties agree that sexual activity took place, so any physical evidence is probably going to be of limited use. To make your decision, you must rely on the testimony of David and Rebecca, based on their recollections of the evening. This means that you must evaluate the credibility of David and Rebecca’s memories.

When a court case hinges on the memories of victims or eyewitnesses, expert witnesses are sometimes called to explain the science of memory to the jury. The issue is understudied, but evidence suggests that in sexual assault cases, these experts are almost always called by the defence rather than the prosecution.

In the case I described above, this means that the expert testimony would be used to argue that Rebecca’s – but not David’s – memory might be distorted.

Research into eyewitness memory literature is largely motivated by a desire to reduce eyewitness errors and avoid miscarriages of justice. As a direct result, the majority of evidence that the expert can rely upon in giving their testimony will have focused on memory distortion among witnesses and victims of crimes. This can give the impression that witnesses and complainants are particularly prone to memory errors, while the memory of the complainant is infallible.

People who are accused of crimes are human too, and their memories are subject to the same reconstructive processes as anyone else. In response to this issue, my colleagues and I conducted a series of experiments – recently published in Scientific Reports – which showed that both parties in a “he said, she said” case are equally likely to suffer from memory distortion.

In our study, participants were invited to imagine that they were going on a date with either a man or a woman. They then watched a video of scenes from the date, filmed from a first person perspective. After the video, participants were told that an accusation of sexual assault had been made, and were randomly assigned to the role of the complainant or the accused.

Next, they were shown witness statements from a security guard, bartender and taxi driver that included some misleading descriptions of the date. For example, the statement suggested that the accused was plying the complainant with drinks, or that the complainant was sexually aggressive. Over three experiments, we found that the “accused” and the “complainant” were equally likely to incorporate these misleading details into their memory of the date.

A lot of people tend to think of remembering as a simple act of accessing information, like pulling up a computer file. But research has shown we reconstruct each memory from the ground up every time we recall it, as though we are building a Lego tower out of individual bricks, rather than recalling the event as a whole. This reconstruction can be error prone, and we sometimes incorporate misinformation into our memories, like adding a brick to our tower where it shouldn’t be.

The problem arises when we expect human beings to have machine-like recollection for the details of an event, and judge them harshly when they don’t.

Female witness giving evidence to a court
In court, the scrutiny is often focused on the alleged sexual assault victim.
Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

These errors can have devastating consequences in judicial settings. The US-based independent non-profit the Innocence Project reported in 2014 that 72% of mistaken convictions that were later overturned when DNA evidence emerged had originally relied upon faulty eyewitness testimony.

But psychologists have developed techniques that interrogators can use to obtain uncontaminated eyewitness testimony. For example, interviewers can be trained to extract eyewitness reports using techniques from the cognitive interview, a technique developed by psychologists to avoid introducing post-event misinformation and distorting witnesses’ memories. In this technique, the interviewer can help witnesses recall details by asking them to form an image of the original scene (such as the location of objects in a room), to comment on their emotional reactions at the time and to describe any sounds, smells and other physical conditions.

When people ask why we didn’t evolve perfect memories, the answer is the same as when we ask why we didn’t evolve to be four metres tall or have hearts that beat 300 times per second: we didn’t need to. Evolutionary pressures pushed us to stand upright and reach a height that supported our ability to feed and defend ourselves, but once that need was met, natural selection no longer favoured ever-increasing height.

In the same way, our memories evolved to support our daily lives – to help us make decisions and take action – not to be an infallible recording device.

When it comes to eyewitness memory, we should treat it just like any other form of evidence, recognising its value but also understanding that it can be contaminated. In the case of sexual assault, it is important to understand that the factors that might undermine a victim’s account – including the passage of time since the event, alcohol consumption and exposure to post-event misinformation are just as likely to apply to the defendant too.

The Conversation

Ciara Greene receives funding from Research Ireland, Science Foundation Ireland, the Health Research Board of Ireland, and AXA Insurance.

ref. Defendants in sexual assault cases are just as likely to misremember the event as alleged victims – new study – https://theconversation.com/defendants-in-sexual-assault-cases-are-just-as-likely-to-misremember-the-event-as-alleged-victims-new-study-262841

Scientists have been wrong about phantom limbs for decades – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Malgorzata Szymanska, PhD Candidate, Cognition and Brain Science, University of Cambridge

22ImagesStudio/Shutterstock.com

Inside every human brain lies a detailed map of the body, with different regions dedicated to different body parts – the hands, lips, feet and more. But what happens to this map when a body part is removed?

For decades, scientists believed that when a body part is amputated, the brain’s body map dramatically reorganises itself, with neighbouring body parts taking over the area once represented by the missing limb.

This idea of large-scale brain reorganisation became a central pillar of what neuroscientists call adult brain plasticity: the ability of the brain to change its structure and function in response to injuries, new experiences or training.

Our new study, published in Nature Neuroscience, shows the opposite is true: the brain’s body map remains strikingly stable, even years after amputation.
To test what happens in the brain after a person loses a body part, we took a unique approach.

Working with NHS surgeons, we followed three adult patients who were preparing to undergo lifesaving arm amputations for medical reasons, such as cancer or severe problems with blood supply. We scanned their brains with functional magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) before the amputation and repeatedly afterwards – in some cases for as long as five years.

During the MRI scans, we asked patients to move different body parts: tapping their individual fingers, curling their toes or pursing their lips. This allowed us to map brain activity and to construct the brain’s body map.

After the surgery, we repeated the scans, this time asking them to move their missing (phantom) fingers. Phantom movements are not imaginary: most amputees continue to feel vivid sensations of their missing limbs, even though they are physically no longer there. Doing so gave us a rare opportunity to directly compare the brain’s hand map before and after amputation in the same person.

We discovered that, across all three patients, the map of the hand in the brain remained remarkably unchanged and did not get overwritten by other body parts, such as the face. This neural stability helps explain why so many amputees continue to feel their missing limbs so vividly.

For most amputees, however, phantom sensations are not neutral sensations; they are painful and described as burning, stabbing or itching. For years, the dominant explanation for these painful sensations came from the idea that the brain’s body map has reorganised itself. In turn, this theory inspired therapies such as mirror box therapy, virtual reality training, or sensory-discrimination exercises, all aimed at fixing supposedly broken maps.

Mirror-box therapy explained.

Our findings show the brain’s body map is not broken. This helps explain why these therapies consistently fail to outperform placebo treatments in clinical trials. If the map remains intact, trying to fix it is a dead end.

The real culprit

Instead, our results suggest we should look elsewhere, for example, in the nerves that are cut during surgery. Severed nerves can form tangled clusters that misfire signals back to the brain. New amputation surgical techniques are being developed to preserve nerve signalling and maintain stable connections to the brain.

Our findings have important implications for developing prosthetic limbs and brain-computer interfaces. Invasive next-generation brain-computer interfaces can tap directly into the preserved map of the amputated body part to decode what movements are being attempted or even deliver electrical stimulation to the map to enable amputees to feel their missing limb.

These technologies are in development and could, one day, restore natural and intuitive control and sensations of a prosthetic limb, by using the preserved body map.

Our results show that our brains have a resilient model of the body that maintains the representations, even when the sensory input is lost. For amputees, this means that the missing limb lives on in the brain, sometimes as a source of discomfort, but also as a resource for future technologies to use.

The Conversation

Malgorzata Szymanska is receiving funding from the Medical Research Council for her PhD. She was also funded by the Wellcome Trust while working on the study.

The study was supported by a Wellcome Trust Senior Research Fellowship, awarded to Tamar R. Makin. Hunter Schone was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the National Institute of Mental Health and a research fellowship from the National Institute of Mental Health of the National Institutes of Health.

ref. Scientists have been wrong about phantom limbs for decades – new study – https://theconversation.com/scientists-have-been-wrong-about-phantom-limbs-for-decades-new-study-263547

Africa’s city planners must look to the global south for solutions: Johannesburg and São Paulo offer useful insights

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Astrid R.N. Haas, Research associate at African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town

For decades, the dominant theories and models in urban studies have been built from the experience of a small set of mostly western cities. Other urban contexts, particularly those in Africa, Latin America and Asia, have too often been treated as peripheral, as if they simply copy or lag behind “northern” norms.

Urban geographer Jennifer Robinson has called this out, arguing that urban theory needs to take seriously the diverse realities of all cities. This means starting from places like Johannesburg, South Africa’s commercial capital, and São Paulo, Brazil’s financial capital, not just as isolated case studies, but rather as central sites for understanding dynamic urban processes. The majority of urbanisation in the coming decade will take place in contexts just like these.

I came to Urban Power, a book written by professor of sociology and international affairs at Princeton University Benjamin Bradlow last year, with this framing in mind.

Bradlow’s focus is on three essential urban public goods in São Paulo, population 22 million people, and Johannesburg, population 6.5 million people: housing, transport and sanitation.

His central question is: why are some cities more effective than others at reducing inequalities in the built environment?

The answer lies in what Bradlow calls urban power.

What is ‘urban power’?

Bradlow defines urban power as the way formal and informal relationships come together in a city that influences how that city is governed and ultimately how the public services and infrastructures are distributed across the urban space. Two elements determine how well this functions in any given city context.

First, embeddedness – the ties between city government and social movements in civil society. Second is cohesion. This is the abiltiy of city governments to coordinate across their own departments and agencies.

Bradlow argues that effective urban power is built when both embeddedness and cohesion are strong, as these determine how well policy is informed by and accountable to those most affected.

Thus struggles to build and exercise such power form a core foundation of urban governance. This ultimately shapes both the distribution of urban public goods and how effectively they reach the most marginalised.

Basically, it’s about how those in power are willing and able to coordinate with society and within government to meet everybody’s needs fairly.

Housing: different paths

As São Paulo (1980s) and Johannesburg (1990s) entered their democratic eras, both were led by mayors who explicitly committed to redistributing wealth by extending adequate housing to the most excluded neighbourhoods.

Yet, housing is also the sector in which Bradlow finds some of the starkest contrasts in outcomes between the two cities.

During South Africa’s democratic transition, the rallying cry of “one city, one tax base” brought together neighbourhood associations, social movements and local branches of trade unions. To overcome the fiscal fragmentation left by apartheid, wealthy and largely white areas of the city were to contribute property taxes to a central fiscal administration. This central body would then cross-subsidise precisely the new capital investments in poor black townships.

But in the years that followed, the governing African National Congress (ANC) party demobilised social movements in favour of a centralised one-party system.

The effects of this were evident in Johannesburg. Weakened ties between the city government and civil society (embeddedness) led to the municipal bureaucracy becoming increasingly detached from housing movements. As a result, it was poorly positioned to challenge the dominance of private real-estate interests.

In São Paulo, the municipal bureaucracy maintained close ties with housing movements. It used this embeddedness to build cohesion within its own ranks. This enabled the city to make use of national mandates to challenge the power of real-estate interests and introduce innovations that expanded social housing.

Central to this effort was the 2001 City Statute. This piece of legislation enshrined the “social function of property,” a constitutional right, at the city level. The legal framework unlocked tools such as the Special Zones of Social Interest (ZEIS), which reserved well-located land for social housing.

Crucially, São Paulo became one of the first major Brazilian cities to adopt a master plan that explicitly advanced the redistributive goals of housing movements.

São Paulo’s housing story is far from perfect. And the city still struggles to meet the demand for affordable housing. Nevertheless, it has made important strides.

Transport: institutions or technology first?

Bradlow illustrates how São Paulo pursued an “institutions first” approach towards transport. For years, social movements had pressed for lower fares and better services to the city’s peripheries. Responding to these demands, the Erundina administration (1989-1992) restructured the relationship between private bus operators and the municipal concessioning authority. Fare revenue was collected by the authority itself. It then paid operators based on the quality and quantity of service provided.

This shift allowed the city to introduce reforms like the bilhete único, a single ticket valid across the entire network. It meant that shorter trips subsidised longer ones. This made access more equitable regardless of where one lived. In addition, large and small operators were integrated into a single system, revenue became more predictable, and planning could prioritise network-wide benefits.

Johannesburg, by contrast, led with a “technology first” approach. The Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, Rea Vaya, emerged in the early 2000s. However, the minibus taxi operators, who were the backbone of existing transport, were largely excluded from the planning process.

The BRT’s economics were challenging from the outset, given Johannesburg’s spatial fragmentation. Operators were offered shares in newly created bus companies if they withdrew their taxis. But this arrangement relied on an untested profit model.

Institutional complexity (lack of cohesison) compounded the problem. Operational licences and recapitalisation were controlled at the provincial rather than the municipal level. Most importantly, the lack of embeddedness meant that resistance from the local operators was almost inevitable.

The comparison of the transport sector highlights a recurring theme. São Paulo’s slower, messier process fostered embeddedness. It treated redistribution through collective transport as a political project rather than a technocratic exercise. Johannesburg pursued a faster, technology-driven route that bypassed the negotiations which might have made the system more sustainable.

Sanitation: building accountability

If housing is a residential public good and transport a networked one, sanitation sits in between. It’s delivered to individual homes, but reliant on city-wide infrastructure.

Bradlow highlights how in São Paulo, the municipal government succeeded in creating downward accountability from the state-level sanitation company (cohesion). By doing so, it shifted decision-making power closer to the local level. This ensured that service priorities better reflected the city’s everyday realities rather than distant state-level agendas.

The new alignment made it possible to extend services into informal settlements without requiring formal tenure, a critical flexibility that had long been a barrier to inclusion. At the same time, it strengthened municipal planning and coordination capacity. Service delivery became more firmly embedded within the city’s own governance structures.

In Johannesburg, by contrast, weak cohesion, reflected in the lack of planning integration, meant housing projects were often implemented without corresponding sanitation infrastructure. Reforms had separated sanitation from broader spatial planning, fostering fragmented governance.

The city also adopted a model shaped by private-sector principles. Examples include self-financing, performance-based contracting, and competition. In practice, these led to service cuts in poorer areas where cost recovery was impossible.

The comparison illustrates how the same broad national reform agenda can play out very differently depending on municipal capacity and institutional alignment (cohesion).

Why the comparison matters

Cross-context comparisons reveal patterns and possibilities that single-city studies might miss. Bradlow’s book illuminates how rapid urbanisation, entrenched inequality and fiscal constraints intersect. These insights have significance far beyond these cases.

His book is a call for urban theory to start from the global south not as an afterthought, but as a foundation. As urban studies specialist Jane Jacobs observed:

Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.

Bradlow’s book shows, with precision, what it takes, politically and institutionally, to make that vision real.

For anyone interested in the politics of making cities fairer, it is essential reading.

The Conversation

Astrid R.N. Haas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Africa’s city planners must look to the global south for solutions: Johannesburg and São Paulo offer useful insights – https://theconversation.com/africas-city-planners-must-look-to-the-global-south-for-solutions-johannesburg-and-sao-paulo-offer-useful-insights-263285

African debt and climate change: how the ICJ’s Vanuatu ruling could be used for broader justice

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Danny Bradlow, Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria

African sovereign debtors in distress face terrible choices. They are often forced to choose between fully paying their creditors and financing the needs of their populations – health, education, renewable energy, water. Discussions with their creditors focus on financial, economic and contractual issues. The environmental and social impacts of their situation are largely excluded from negotiations.

Thanks to the initiative of some Vanuatan law students, this may be about to change.

Vanuatu is a country consisting of small islands in the south Pacific. It has been ranked as one of the countries most affected by climate change, facing threats of rising sea levels and storm surges.

In 2019, a law professor in Vanuatu, Justin Rose, asked his students to propose ways to deal with the climate threat confronting their country.

They suggested that Vanuatu ask the United Nations general assembly to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the international legal obligations of states regarding climate change. They convinced their government to adopt their proposal. They also mobilised international support, saying they wanted to take the world’s biggest problem to the world’s highest court.

In 2023, the UN general assembly agreed to seek the International Court of Justice’s advice on the following two issues:

  • the obligations of states under international law to protect the environment from the impact of human-caused greenhouse gas emissions

  • the legal consequences for states if they fail to meet these obligations and thereby cause significant environmental harm for present and future generations.

The case attracted unprecedented attention. The court received over 150 written submissions. Over 100 states and international organisations made oral presentations in nine days of public hearings. On 23 July 2025, the International Court of Justice issued a unanimous advisory opinion. It was only the fifth time in its nearly 80-year history to do so.

The court’s opinion was that the obligations of states extend beyond the treaties they have signed and ratified. They also include obligations arising from customary international law. This is the law that states practise out of a sense of legal obligation. It is binding on all states and international organisations, regardless of whether they have signed any applicable treaty.

The rules that matter

The court declared that there are two relevant customary international legal obligations.

The first is a duty to prevent significant harm to the environment. This requires states to exercise due diligence before acting in ways that could cause environmental damage. They must assess both the probability of causing serious harm and the likely extent of any expected impacts.

In making these assessments, states must take into account current binding and non-binding international standards. It also requires states to ensure that companies and individuals subject to their jurisdiction comply with these duties.

The second is a duty to cooperate with other states to protect the environment and to help solve international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian nature. Here, the court opined that a healthy environment is a pre-condition for the enjoyment of human rights. It affects the rights to life, health and livelihoods, and the rights of children, women and indigenous people.

The court, in discussing the second issue, advised that states can be held legally responsible if they do not take all measures within their power to prevent significant environmental harm. It noted that while all states have this duty, its precise contents will vary depending on their capabilities. The critical factor is the effort the states make and not the results they produce.

The debt angle

Although the court’s opinion is only advisory, it is likely to be highly influential. It was informed by a wide range of submissions. It was a unanimous decision of 15 judges who come from 15 countries.

The fact that the court grounded its decision, in part, on customary international environmental and human rights grounds means that it has implications for any state actions that can have significant adverse impacts on climate, the environment and customary human rights.

My work as an international lawyer working on sovereign debt and development finance convinces me that this includes the renegotiation or restructuring of African debt.

Whatever action African sovereign debtors take to deal with their debt crisis will affect their ability to manage their greenhouse gas emissions. It will also affect their ability to deliver on their obligations to their citizens’ rights. These include the rights to life, health and livelihoods.

This suggests that African sovereign debtors and their creditors need to understand the environmental and climate impacts of their transactions.

They must also work together to resolve their transactions’ negative environmental, social, economic and cultural impacts. Their respective responsibilities will differ depending on their capabilities.

The International Court of Justice opinion may therefore offer new opportunities to make debtor and creditor states, and creditor institutions, accept responsibility for the environmental and social impacts of their actions.

Three possible avenues for relief

There could be at least three ways to relate the climate opinion to debt.

First, the debtor and its stakeholders can use the decision to bolster their arguments for including the environmental and social impacts of debt in their negotiations. They can point out that the debtor state cannot avoid international legal responsibility for the effects of the transaction on its greenhouse gas emissions and on the human rights of its citizens.

They can also point out that its creditors and their home states also have a legal obligation to assess these impacts and cooperate in managing them.

Second, the stakeholders can remind both the sovereign debtor and its creditors about the content of their international legal responsibilities. There are international norms and standards that can help establish that content.

Some of them are:

In addition, there are many private financial institutions that have human rights and environmental and social policies that often specifically refer to these international standards.

Third, drawing inspiration from the Vanuatu law students, activists around the world can use the judgment to strengthen their arguments. They can say that creditor and debtor states have an international legal duty to prevent significant harm to the environment and to cooperate to protect the environment. This duty extends to ensuring that companies and individuals subject to their jurisdiction act in conformity with these duties. They can be held legally responsible for failing to comply with these duties.

Finally, there are international mechanisms that non-state actors can use to hold debtors and creditors accountable for failing to perform their duties. These include the National Contact Points. These exist in each state that has signed on to the OECD Principles of Responsible Conduct for Multinational Enterprises. Another possibility is the independent accountability mechanisms in the multilateral development banks.

There are also the courts in the growing number of states in which governments, central banks and private actors have been sued for violating their obligations to climate change.

States and financial institutions, of course, can avoid these consequences by respecting the court’s opinion and developing ways of managing African sovereign debt that comply with its international legal advice.

The Conversation

Danny Bradlow, in addition to his position at the University of Pretoria is Senior G20 Advisor to the South African Institute of International Affairs, a Compliance Officer in the Social and Environmental Compliance Unit of UNDP and a Senior Non-Resident Fellow in the Global Development Policy Center, Boston University.

ref. African debt and climate change: how the ICJ’s Vanuatu ruling could be used for broader justice – https://theconversation.com/african-debt-and-climate-change-how-the-icjs-vanuatu-ruling-could-be-used-for-broader-justice-263859

What was Jane Austen’s best novel? These experts think they know

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucy Thompson, Lecturer in Nineteenth-Century Literature and Creative Writing, Aberystwyth University

To mark the 250th anniversary of her birth, we’re pitting Jane Austen’s much-loved novels against each other in a battle of wit, charm and romance. Six leading Austen experts have made their case for her ultimate novel, but the winner is down to you. Cast your vote in the poll at the end of the article, and let us know the reason for your choice in the comments. This is Jane Austen Fight Club – it’s bonnets at dawn…

Sense and Sensibility (1811)

Championed by Lucy Thompson, lecturer in 19th-century literature and creative writing, Aberystwyth University

Sense and Sensibility is Austen’s most quietly radical novel. As her first published work, it may be less polished than her later fiction, but it is no less incisive.

It lays bare the emotional cost of living in a world governed by reputation, family obligation and gendered expectation. Excluded from inheritance and displaced from their home, the Dashwood sisters must navigate constant scrutiny. Through Elinor and Marianne, Austen dramatises two strategies for survival in a society obsessed with appearances.

Born from an earlier epistolary draft, the novel retains a sharp interest in how information circulates and misleads. Gossip doesn’t just constrain; it distorts. Letters are spied upon, conversations overheard. Assumptions take on the weight of fact.

In this world, everyone watches – but not everyone truly sees. Sense and Sensibility may wear a quieter face than Emma or Pride and Prejudice, but it is Austen’s sharpest early critique of how appearances govern lives.


This article is part of a series commemorating the 250th anniversary of Jane Austen’s birth. Despite having published only six books, she is one of the best-known authors in history. These articles explore the legacy and life of this incredible writer.


Pride and Prejudice (1813)

Championed by Andrew McInnes, reader in English literature, Edge Hill University

Everyone already knows the best Austen novel: Pride and Prejudice. Why? Elizabeth Bennet. Lizzy is so charismatic that you might mistake the novel’s title for an abstract problem, and not Darcy’s pride versus her prejudice.

We share her prejudices because Austen makes them so delicious. We roll our eyes at Mrs Bennet because Lizzy finds her exasperating. Wickham is seductive because he satisfies our inner bitch. And we fall in love with Darcy alongside Lizzy.

Pride and Prejudice is the funniest and sexiest of Austen’s novels. In it, she allows herself a swoon-worthy romance without a hitch. Unlike Northanger Abbey’s Henry Tilney, Darcy doesn’t fall in love because Lizzy adores him, but falls first. Darcy is a complex man – shy, domineering, funny – and not a drip like Eds Ferrars (Sense and Sensibility) or Bertram (Mansfield Park). And unlike Emma, Lizzy builds healthy relationships with other women.

Austen called Pride and Prejudice “too light and bright and sparkling” and joked that it could do with an essay on Walter Scott or Napoleon. But we know that would be a crime. It is just light and bright and sparkling enough to outshine the others.

Mansfield Park (1814)

Championed by Amanda Vickery, professor in early modern history, Queen Mary University of London

Pride and Prejudice is often the first grown-up novel young girls read, but Mansfield Park is the only Austen novel about a little girl growing up.

All Austen’s fictions are versions of the female-centred courtship novel, usually covering a single year, with the heroine safely married to a deserving gentleman by the last page. Yet her heroines are mostly formed young women. Only in Mansfield Park do we meet our heroine as a little girl – and a puny and cowering little girl at that.

Mansfield Park is Austen’s bildungsroman (the novel of becoming) on a par with that other girls’ classic, Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre (1847). Like poor, plain Jane, Fanny Price is a girl of no consequence – a Cinderella figure in a mansion of the rich and selfish.

Fanny is shy, frail and physically timid, but she is not a moral coward. She learns to bear her lot with dignity, and to hold fast to what she believes. By volume three, Fanny is at last the centre of her own story. Mansfield Park is not just a love story, it is a life story.

Emma (1815)

Championed by Ruvani Ranasinha, professor of global literature, King’s College London

Emma Woodhouse is Jane Austen’s most vividly realised, proto-feminist heroine. Witty, clever and attractive, Emma is supremely self-confident and flawed. She challenges every expectation of female propriety and is full of contradictions: self-centred yet deeply attached to her hypochondriac, indulgent father; snobbish but kind.

Emma revels in meddling in the romantic lives of others, especially her protégée, Harriet Smith. When her carefully laid plans unravel, the busybody makes mortifying mistakes and learns self-knowledge: “It darted through her with the speed of an arrow, that Mr Knightley must marry no-one but herself!”

All Austen’s novels are shot through with the awareness of the role of wealth and class in marriage. But Emma – “an heiress of thirty thousand pounds” – is free from the intense competition among the women for young men with positions and prospects. At the same time, she attracts men like Mr Elton seeking women with landed connections and dowries. This is why the novel both responds to Austen’s historical moment and speaks to our own.

Northanger Abbey (1817)

Championed by Octavia Cox, departmental lecturer in English literature, University of Oxford

Northanger Abbey is a riot of jokes. Nobody and nothing is spared: not the heroine, convention, society – even readers. There’s everything marvellous you’d expect from an Austen novel (sharp satire of patriarchy and socioeconomic weaponisation, laughter at human absurdity and pompousness, beautifully wrought witty expression, a rollicking good yarn, irony), but with extra sass.

Its bombastic intrusive authorial narrative voice (perhaps the closest we get to Austen’s own), constantly makes in-jokes with readers about the action. It’s Austen’s most meta-fictional text, playing with readers’ expectations about novels (for example, joking that her novel, ironically, “is a new circumstance in romance” despite depicting nothing “new in common life”).

Its “defence of the novel” passage is a proto-feminist rallying call-to-arms for female authors to celebrate each other’s work. Northanger Abbey’s meta-fictionality reveals much about Austen’s aim and style as an author, making it a must-read for all Austen-lovers. Oh, and it’s funny. Damned funny.

Persuasion (1817)

Championed by Richard de Ritter, lecturer in English literature, University of Leeds

Persuasion contains the greatest love letter in all English literature. It is the culmination of a slow-burning romance between the heroine, Anne Elliot, and Captain Frederick Wentworth, the man she has loved for eight long years. “You pierce my soul,” Wentworth writes to Anne with striking vulnerability: “I am half agony, half hope. Tell me not that I am too late.” (Spoiler: he is not too late.)

The brilliance of Persuasion lies in the depiction of its complex heroine. At 27, Anne Elliot is older and wiser than Austen’s earlier protagonists. Disregarded by her comically narcissistic family, the depth of Anne’s personality is revealed by Austen’s prose style, which is at its most luminous and expressive. Readers are plunged into the mind of the novel’s heroine. We witness her innermost thoughts and feelings as she negotiates the awkwardness, excitement and, finally, the sheer joy of embracing a future with Wentworth.

Persuasion is the final novel that Austen completed before her death in 1817: she was at the peak of her powers. It is her most moving and her greatest work.

Now the experts have made their case, it’s your turn to decide which of Austen’s six completed novels is her best work. Vote in the poll below to and see if our other readers agree with you.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What was Jane Austen’s best novel? These experts think they know – https://theconversation.com/what-was-jane-austens-best-novel-these-experts-think-they-know-252669

Le projet de budget 2026 sous la menace d’un vote de défiance… et du FMI

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Éric Pichet, Professeur et directeur du Mastère Spécialisé Patrimoine et Immobilier, Kedge Business School

C’est à une clarification qu’appelle François Bayrou. Le premier ministre a indiqué lors d’une conférence de presse lundi 25 août qu’il prononcera un discours de politique générale qui sera soumis au vote des députés, comme l’autorise l’article 49.1 de la Constitution. Son objet sera de faire approuver la nécessité d’un plan sur quatre ans pour réduire les dépenses et la dette. Une fois la confiance des députés obtenue, le premier ministre a indiqué que les différentes mesures jusqu’à présent évoquées pourront être discutées, amendées ou votées. Décryptage du plan général et des mesures prévues.


Lors de sa conférence de presse de rentrée du 25 août, le premier ministre a confirmé la philosophie du plan qu’il avait présenté le 15 juillet dernier, mais a revu la procédure. Évoquant la nécessité d’une « clarification », alors que « notre pays est en danger car nous sommes au bord du surendettement », le premier ministre a indiqué qu’il procédera à un vote de confiance le lundi 8 septembre prochain. L’objet ? Vérifier qu’une majorité de députés partage la trajectoire de réduction des dépenses et enclencher une spirale favorable au désendettement. « Ne débattre que des mesures, c’est ne pas débattre de la nécessité du plan d’ensemble » estime le premier ministre.

Les grandes lignes des efforts budgétaires visent à réduire le déficit public de 5,4 % attendu en 2025 à 4,6 % en 2026, soit toujours le plus élevé de la zone euro. Pour ce faire, il prévoit un effort de 43,8 milliards d’euros. Diagnostiquant à juste titre l’endettement actuellement hors de contrôle du secteur public comme une malédiction, il appelle « tout le monde à participer à l’effort ».




À lire aussi :
L’endettement de l’État sous Chirac, Sarkozy, Hollande, Macron… ce que nous apprend l’histoire récente


Le curieux calcul des 44 milliards

François Bayrou a repris le raisonnement – quelque peu spécieux – initié à l’automne 2024 par son prédécesseur Michel Barnier, qui avait alors mis en scène le projet de budget pour 2025 en le rapportant non pas au budget 2024, mais à une estimation contrefactuelle 2025 à cadre législatif et réglementaire inchangé. Détaillées par la ministre chargée des comptes publics, Amélie de Montchalin, lors d’une audition au Sénat, le 17 juin 2025 les dépenses publiques prévisibles en 2026 sont estimées par Bercy à 1 750 milliards d’euros.

Sénat 2025.

Pour que l’écart entre dépenses et recettes ne dépasse pas les 4,6 % du PIB visé, « les dépenses devraient donc s’établir à environ 1 710 milliards d’euros » et la différence entre les deux donne le fameux montant d’environ 44 milliards d’euros. Ce mode de calcul revient à comparer l’objectif d’un déficit de 4,6 % du PIB non pas aux 5,4 % prévus en 2025, mais aux 5,9 % attendus en 2026 ceteris paribus c’est-à-dire si rien n’était fait. La diminution mise en avant représente ainsi 1,3 % du PIB, au lieu de 0,8 % ou 24 milliards en comparant plus simplement 2026 avec 2025.

Gel des dépenses

La stratégie budgétaire et fiscale du premier ministre s’inscrit toujours dans le prolongement de la politique de l’offre définie par le président de la République, Emmanuel Macron, dès son arrivée à l’Élysée en 2017. En 2026, les fameux 44 milliards d’effort budgétaire proviendraient donc pour environ 14 milliards de recettes supplémentaires et pour 30 milliards d’économies sur l’évolution tendancielle des dépenses (il ne s’agit donc pas de réelles coupes dans les dépenses). Ces économies se répartiraient comme suit :

Les dépenses de l’État seraient gelées en valeur en 2026 au niveau de 2025, hors défense qui gonflerait de 6,7 milliards et hors charge de la dette étatique (incompressible et qui augmentera de 8 milliards de 59 milliards d’euros à 67 milliards).

Pour ralentir les dépenses de sécurité sociale, celles qui dérivent le plus avec un déficit attendu de 22 milliards cette année, le gouvernement veut instaurer une année blanche en gelant les prestations sociales et les retraites en 2026 (qui touchera surtout les plus pauvres), soit une économie attendue 7 milliards d’euros. Diverses mesures sur l’assurance maladie sont également prévues dans le cadre d’un plan de réduction de 5 milliards en 2026 comme le doublement à 100 euros de la franchise annuelle, un durcissement de l’accès et des avantages des affections de longue durée ou encore des économies sur les transports sanitaires déjà en partie appliquées par voie réglementaire.

Les collectivités territoriales seraient mises à contribution pour un montant de plus de 5 milliards mais sans plus de détail.

Des hausses d’impôts déguisés

Les ménages ne seraient pas épargnés car le gel du barème de l’impôt sur le revenu traditionnellement augmenté de l’inflation (pour éviter de taxer une hausse des revenus purement nominale) se traduirait par une hausse supplémentaire du rendement de l’IR de 1,8 milliard et surtout, mesure encore plus difficile à faire accepter, par l’entrée dans l’impôt de quelque 400 000 nouveaux foyers fiscaux.

Enfin la suppression de deux jours fériés constituerait une double peine : pour les salariés (les indépendants… et les parlementaires… n’étant pas concernés) puisque ces deux jours de travail ne seraient pas payés ce qui fait dire aux syndicats qu’il s’agit du rétablissement de la corvée d’Ancien Régime mais aussi pour les entreprises qui seraient taxées sur le gain théorique (et très hypothétique) qu’elles tireraient des deux jours d’activité supplémentaires soit 4,3 milliards d’euros. Pour les plus fortunés, une contribution de solidarité est envisagée sans plus de précision à ce jour.

L’analyse des mesures annoncées oblige à douter de leur efficacité : ainsi l’année blanche ne rapporterait que 5,7 milliards au lieu de 7 milliards et plusieurs effets d’annonce n’auront pas d’impact en 2026. Ainsi la règle de non-remplacement d’un fonctionnaire sur trois partant à la retraite pour les années qui viennent ou le dépôt d’un projet de loi « contre la fraude sociale et fiscale » n’auront aucun effet en 2026. Quant aux sanctions contre les entreprises qui tardent à régler leurs partenaires commerciaux ou celles qui imposent des retards de paiement trop longs à leurs partenaires commerciaux pouvant aller « jusqu’à 1 % du chiffre d’affaires », elles resteront très marginales.

La coalition des mécontents

Au vu des réactions des principaux groupes parlementaires, on peut aisément identifier un large front du refus de toute la gauche et du RN soit une majorité favorable à la censure sans même prendre en compte les réticences des Républicains et d’une partie du camp présidentiel qui refusent toute ponction sur les entreprises au nom de la sauvegarde de l’emploi.

Nous nous retrouvons une fois de plus face au cocktail explosif d’une Assemblée nationale fragmentée, réceptacle de colères sociales qui comme le souligne Giulano Da Empoli, quoique de nature différente voir opposées ne se combattent pas mais s’additionnent.

Un effet boule de neige des intérêts à payer

Face à la paralysie parlementaire, le principal risque est donc de revivre le scénario de blocage budgétaire de la fin 2024 avec la chute annoncée du gouvernement Bayrou et une absence de budget au début 2026. Dans ces conditions, le déficit public resterait figé au delà de 5 % en 2026, tout comme le déficit structurel qui est du même niveau, lui aussi le plus élevé de la zone euro malgré les rustines mise en place sous forme de gel des dépenses par décret.




À lire aussi :
Peut-on à la fois réduire la dette, ne pas entraver la croissance et lutter contre les inégalités ?


Or la remontée des taux longs depuis 2022 au-delà de 3 % (ce qui est plutôt bas comparé à la moyenne historique) se traduira mécaniquement par une envolée des intérêts de l’ensemble de la dette publique (au sens de la Commission européenne, c’est-à-dire en intégrant notamment les intérêts des 60 milliards de dettes de l’assurance-chômage et des 140 milliards de la dette sociale cantonnée dans la CADES). La charge de la dette publique qui représente déjà aujourd’hui 5,6 % des recettes fiscales en France contre 2 % aux Pays-Bas et 2,7 % en Allemagne passera de 74 milliards d’euros en 2025 à 90 milliards d’euros en 2026 puis s’envolera inexorablement dans les prochaines années,

Qui disciplinera les comptes publics ?

Pour y faire face, il faudra dans les toutes prochaines années faire totalement disparaître le déficit public primaire (hors intérêts de 3 % en 2025) soit un effort de près de 100 milliards d’euros, puis dégager un excédent primaire pour réduire la dette. Dans ces conditions, rien d’étonnant à ce que les taux des emprunts d’État français à 10 ans rejoignent aujourd’hui ceux des emprunts de l’État italien autour de 3,4 %, hypothèse inimaginable il y a peu ni que la dégradation du rating du pays actuellement de AA – (soit l’équivalent de 17/20) soit inévitable à court terme. Le chemin de l’austérité est bien balisé depuis 15 ans par les pays du sud de l’Europe, Grèce, Italie, Espagne et Portugal qui en sortent actuellement.

La France va y entrer très vite mais il est peu probable que la classe politique, responsable de la dérive des comptes publics depuis 1981 accepte de s’autodiscipliner ni que la Commission européenne pourtant gardienne du Pacte de stabilité et de croissance n’abandonne sa coupable indulgence envers la France. De manière très symptomatique, aujourd’hui le principal contempteur de la dérive des comptes publics n’est autre que le président de la Cour des comptes qui fut… ministre des finances puis commissaire européen aux affaires économiques et monétaires. La potion amère nécessitera alors un gendarme extérieur : bienvenue au FMI.

The Conversation

Éric Pichet ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Le projet de budget 2026 sous la menace d’un vote de défiance… et du FMI – https://theconversation.com/le-projet-de-budget-2026-sous-la-menace-dun-vote-de-defiance-et-du-fmi-263819