Silent but not serene: what science says about nitrogen death

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Damian Bailey, Professor of Physiology and Biochemistry, University of South Wales

Erman Gunes/Shutterstock.com

With each breath, four out of every five molecules we inhale are nitrogen. This colourless, odourless gas makes up nearly 80% of the air that sustains us – yet it plays no direct role in keeping us alive. This same inert gas is now being used to take life.

In the past year, several US states have adopted nitrogen gas as a method for inmate execution, and a nitrogen‑filled “Sarco pod” (short for sarcophagus) euthanasia device has made headlines in Switzerland. While both claim to offer a calm, painless death, the science tells a different story.

Nitrogen asphyxiation kills by replacing breathable air with pure nitrogen, starving the brain and body of oxygen. It is described by some commentators as humane – a supposedly peaceful fading into unconsciousness without pain or panic. But the physiological reality is far more disturbing.

As oxygen levels plummet, the body’s survival systems erupt into panic. People gasp, choke, thrash and experience terrifying air hunger as their cells suffocate. These are not the signs of a gentle passing but of a body desperately fighting for life.

What began as a speculative idea has now become practice. Alabama, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Arkansas and Mississippi have approved nitrogen executions, with several already carried out and more planned. Others, including Ohio and Nebraska, are considering legislation.

The shift has been driven by shortages of lethal-injection drugs and a search for seemingly “cleaner” methods. Yet eyewitness accounts from a recent execution reveal visible suffering lasting minutes before death: violent convulsions, heaving, gasping and desperate attempts to breathe.

Advocates claim that removing oxygen while keeping carbon dioxide levels low prevents panic – a claim rooted in misunderstanding. The body is exquisitely sensitive to oxygen deprivation. Tiny sensors in our neck, called carotid bodies, constantly monitor oxygen levels. When levels fall, they trigger powerful signals to breathe harder.

Air hunger

This response, known as air hunger, is one of the most distressing sensations humans can experience. Unlike drifting into unconsciousness under anaesthesia, oxygen starvation brings an overwhelming feeling of suffocation, panic and terror.

Even trained pilots, exposed to sudden oxygen loss at high altitude, describe severe breathlessness and confusion within seconds – that interval before incapacitating confusion constitutes a state known in aviation medicine as the “time of useful consciousness”.

At 50,000 feet, pilots have less than 12 seconds before confusion sets in – and those moments are anything but peaceful, equivalent to breathing almost pure nitrogen at ground level. The experience is so traumatic that military and commercial pilots undergo hypoxia recognition training precisely to avoid confusion and loss of control when oxygen fails.

In nitrogen executions, the situation is far worse. Prisoners are restrained, unable to expand their chest fully against straps that restrict breathing, amplifying the sense of suffocation. Witnesses have reported prolonged movements and vocalisations, consistent with the body’s involuntary struggle to breathe – unmistakable signs of physiological distress, not serene unconsciousness.

A similar claim of a “gentle” death has entered debates over assisted suicide. In Switzerland, the Sarco pod – a 3D‑printed capsule filled with nitrogen – has been marketed as an elegant, pain‑free way to die. Its inventor, Dr Philip Nitschke, has said users “drift off peacefully”. However, there is no substantial evidence to support this.

The first reported use in 2024 triggered a criminal investigation, and the lack of reported eyewitness accounts makes it impossible to know what the person experienced.

The notion that breathing pure nitrogen induces calm probably stems from confusion with nitrogen narcosis – the intoxicating effect deep‑sea divers feel under high pressure. Yet this “martini effect” occurs only when nitrogen is breathed at several times normal atmospheric pressure.

At sea level, nitrogen simply displaces oxygen, causing hypoxia and anoxia without any sedative properties. The result is not a blissful drift into unconsciousness, but a terrifying physiological fight for air.

Breathing pure nitrogen can cause loss of consciousness within about 20 seconds as blood oxygen falls below critical levels. But even in that brief window, there are several agonising seconds of confusion and suffocation. Death soon follows as the brain and heart are starved of oxygen. Far from being humane, this process resembles drowning without water – silent, invisible, yet equally violent.

The ethical implications are profound. In response to concerns, three major suppliers of medical‑grade nitrogen in the US have banned sales for executions. Yet some policymakers present the method as clean and clinical, even though medical evidence suggests the physical experience is far from peaceful. That is both scientifically and morally misleading.

Death by nitrogen is indeed invisible and silent in itself – no blood, no smoke, no residue. But that silence masks a violent physiological response from gasping and retching to brutal respiratory distress and convulsions.

To call this humane is to fundamentally misunderstand how the body works. As policymakers and the public confront these developments, decisions must be guided not by euphemisms or convenience but by evidence.

Science makes one fact clear: nitrogen itself may be quiet, but it most certainly is not kind.

If you’re struggling with suicidal thoughts, call Samaritans UK at 116 123.

The Conversation

Damian Bailey is supported by a Royal Society Wolfson Research Fellowship (Grant No. WM170007).

Damian Bailey is Editor-in-Chief of Experimental Physiology, Chair of the Life Sciences Working Group, member of the Human Spaceflight and Exploration Science Advisory Committee to the European Space Agency and member of the Space Exploration Advisory Committee to the UK and Swedish National Space Agencies. Damian Bailey is also affiliated to Bexorg, Inc. (USA) focused on the technological development of novel biomarkers of cerebral bioenergetic function and structural damage in humans.

David Poole receives funding from the National Institutes of Health and Is the Elizabeth Chapin Burke Chair for the College of Health and Human Sciences.

Vaughan Macefield receives funding fromThe National Health and Medical Research Council (Australia) and the National Institutes of Health (USA)

ref. Silent but not serene: what science says about nitrogen death – https://theconversation.com/silent-but-not-serene-what-science-says-about-nitrogen-death-267692

Huge amounts of plastic waste goes unnoticed – here’s what to do about it

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate Whitman, Research Fellow, Ethical Consumption, Revolution Plastics Institute, University of Portsmouth

JasminkaM/Shutterstock

Every week, the average UK household throws away dozens of pieces of plastic packaging. When people actually start counting them, they’re often shocked to discover just how much there is. And unfortunately, most of this plastic cannot be reused, refilled or recycled.

That’s one of the main findings from our new research on the Big Plastic Count, a nationwide citizen science campaign organised by social enterprise Everyday Plastic in collaboration with environmental campaign charity Greenpeace. Involving more than 160,000 UK households, it’s one of the largest efforts ever to track household plastic waste in the world.

Our analysis combined the Big Plastic Count data with an attitude survey of more than 8,000 plastic count respondents and an experiment on public engagement. It showed that taking part in “citizen science”, research carried out with the public rather than on the public, can do much more than generate data. It can bring a sense of urgency to an environmental problem, change behaviour, and even mobilise political action.

People tend to overestimate the positive environmental impact of recycling. Many participants began the project confident they were already making environmentally friendly choices, for example buying recyclable packaging. But when they actually counted their weekly plastic waste, the results told a different story.

The typical household generated 20-30 items of plastic in just one week, mostly soft plastics such as film lids, crisp packets and food wrappers. These items, despite often carrying positive environmental messages, are impossible to reuse or refill, and are rarely recycled in practice.

This gap between perception and reality, what we call “plastic blindness”, reveals a crucial barrier to tackling plastic pollution. People simply don’t see how much plastic they use or misunderstand, or perhaps are misled as to what happens to it after disposal.

This blindness was especially pronounced among online shoppers, who tended to underestimate their plastic consumption the most. Having packaging arrive neatly at the door seems to obscure the sheer volume of waste produced in the process. This suggests the need for more visible waste information – and better ways to help consumers choose lower waste options.

When we see it, we care more

The act of counting plastic waste had a powerful psychological effect. Participants who tracked their own waste reported feeling more aware and more concerned about the plastic waste they were generating – and more open to alternatives such as refill and reuse systems.

pile of green black and clear plastic packaging
It can be hard to visualise how much plastic waste households throw away every day.
JasminkaM/Shutterstock

These models, where customers use their own containers or borrow returnable ones, are widely seen as essential to a circular economy. Yet their success depends, along with supportive policies, on public understanding of why recycling and other waste management strategies are not enough to tackle plastic pollution.

By making the invisible visible, citizen science can help close that understanding gap. Participants who saw their plastic waste laid out in front of them were far more likely to express concern about pollution and to support stronger policies on plastic reduction.

Citizen science can spark action

We found that awareness translated into political engagement. Participation in the Big Plastic Count coincided with a significant increase in signatures on a Greenpeace petition launched at the same time, calling for stronger action in the ongoing global plastics treaty negotiations.

This suggests that citizen science isn’t just a way to collect data. It can also mobilise public support for policy change. When people see clear evidence of a problem that they have limited control over, they’re more motivated to demand systemic solutions.

Our findings add to growing evidence that recycling alone cannot solve the plastic problem. In the UK, the Everyday Plastic study showed that only around 17% of household plastic waste is actually recycled, while most ends up being incinerated, exported or put into landfill.

Policies that focus solely on end-of-life solutions ignore the need to reduce plastic production at its source. That’s why policy must look upstream. The global plastics treaty, a United Nations initiative aiming to reduce plastic pollution worldwide, could commit countries to legally binding limits on virgin plastic production and enforce stronger requirements for reuse and refill systems.

The results of the Big Plastic Count show that when people are given the opportunity to see their own contribution to the plastic problem, they want to see change – and they expect policymakers to lead it.

Quite simply, we can’t fix what we can’t see. Plastic pollution is often hidden in plain sight – behind positive “eco” or “recyclable” labels, messages such as adverts normalising single-use plastic use, within supply chains and under the convenience of online shopping.

Citizen science initiatives such as the Big Plastic Count help to lift that blindfold, empowering citizens not just to count plastic, but to count in the movement for change.


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The Conversation

Cressida Bowyer receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), the Medical Research Council (MRC), the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), the Wellcome Trust, the Sustainable Manufacturing and Environmental Pollution Programme (SMEP) and the Flotilla Foundation. She is a member of the British Plastics Federation Sustainability Committee.

Steve Fletcher receives funding from the World Economic Forum, Natural Environment Research Council (NERC), Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), Aquapak Ltd, Defra, and the Flotilla Foundation. He is a member of the United Nations International Resource Panel and is the NERC Agenda Setting Fellow for Plastic Pollution.

Kate Whitman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Huge amounts of plastic waste goes unnoticed – here’s what to do about it – https://theconversation.com/huge-amounts-of-plastic-waste-goes-unnoticed-heres-what-to-do-about-it-268702

The psychology of generation Alpha

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Hughes, Professor of Psychology, Deputy Director of the Centre For Family Research, University of Cambridge

rawpixel.com

Generation Alpha is the largest generation ever. Totalling two billion children, it encompasses anybody currently aged 0-15 years old – those born between 2010 and 2025.

This is the first fully digitally native generation, with many children already achieving unprecedented levels of digital literacy. It is predicted they will become the most educated generation in history: 90% are expected to complete secondary school worldwide, compared with 80% of gen Z.

However, gen Alpha children also inherit an increasingly precarious world, characterised by global uncertainties, housing shortages and climate change. It’s such a radical departure from what came before that this generation takes its name from the first letter of the Greek alphabet – unlike the gen Xs, Ys and Zs, whose letters come from our own (Latin) alphabet.

As developmental psychologists, we might ask what this new world means for gen Alpha’s psychological development. How might it influence their experiences, interests and values?

A good starting point is to look at their parents: the millennials (gen Y). From these 30- and 40-somethings, the gen Alphas are inheriting support for values such as inclusivity, adaptability and digital confidence, but also the tendency in some areas to boycott people whose words or actions are deemed offensive.

Millennials also report poorer mental health than previous generations, and at least in many western countries they are facing in some ways a more challenging financial situation.

Facing this adversity may mean that millennial parents are uniquely well placed to build their children’s resilience. Encouragingly, millennial fathers show unprecedented levels of commitment to being involved in parenting, challenging gender stereotypes.

On the other hand, stressed parents often struggle to cope with everyday tasks, while their children can exhibit behavioural problems such as aggression, and emotional difficulties like social withdrawal and anxiety.

Technology has also introduced challenges as millennials have widely adopted personal devices. Roughly half of parents in the UK say they are addicted to their phones, for example.

The distractions of digital devices can make parenting more difficult. This “technoference” is again associated with child behaviour problems, which could have knock-on effects later in life.

Kid trying to get his mum's attention when she's on her phone
Does this look familiar?
DimaBerlin

One additional technological challenge that gen Alphas experience is “sharenting”, where parents share photos and videos of them online, sometimes in [excessive or inappropriate ways]. We lack good data on the scale and impact of this trend, so researchers urgently need to map the risks.

Millennials’ own challenges with technology may at least put them in a better position to help their children navigate things like screentime and social media. Today’s digital world also means that gen Alpha’s parents have a huge amount of parenting information at their fingertips, as well as access to parenting forums and digital communities, which may reduce feelings of stress and isolation. Today’s psychologists and health professionals can also provide parents with rigorous evidence-based guidance.

Gen Alpha digital immersion

The digital world has amplified gen Alpha’s exposure to ideas and cultural practices from peers and other adults. So while some are likely to spend longer living at home than previous generations, they may actually be less susceptible to parental influence. This could be liberating, but also introduces new risks.

We’ve seen how social media can exacerbate peer pressure and has introduced cyber-bullying. Influencer trends risk inculcating unrealistic body image ideals, which can contribute to body dysmorphia.

Excessive use of video games can result in sleep deprivation, reduced physical activity and impaired school performance. It may be that the increasing availability of VR games makes these risks more pronounced for gen Alpha.

Gen Alpha also risk being more exposed to potentially harmful content such as pornography or sites promoting self-harm or eating disorders. While they may not be as gullible as is often assumed, young children often lack effective strategies for identifying trustworthy information, putting them at more risk than adults.

In 2010, the cognitive anthropologist Dan Sperber coined the phrase “epistemic trust” to describe the idea that we view others as trustworthy sources of information. Growing up surrounded by misinformation may instead lead gen Alpha to adopt the opposite stance – epistemic mistrust – with potential negative consequences like depression and anxiety, for instance

Two kids playing a computer game
Games are designed to be addictive.
Pixel-Shot

The digital space isn’t entirely negative for children’s psychological development. It’s much easier for gen Alpha to access information online about mental health, as well as professional psychological support, while also participating in virtual communities.

Technology also offers far greater access to educational resources and tools, something which AI may increase. There’s even emerging evidence that AI may enhance learning outcomes and increase student motivation, for instance. The big challenge will be to democratise learning without succumbing to adverse effects on human cognitive abilities from over-relying on AI for writing and thinking.

A diversity of experiences

Amid all this, it’s important to remember that gen Alpha’s psychological development is not following one monolithic trajectory.

The pandemic both highlighted and exacerbated inequality in many areas of childrens’s lives from education to home stability. For some older gen Alphas, school closures and online teaching left long-term scars – as evidenced by surging school absenteeism in many countries that appears difficult to reverse.

School closures during the pandemic meant the loss of a safe space for children who might be at risk of neglect or maltreatment at home. One consequence was a global rise in violence against children. Even younger Alphas who were not born at the time may be affected indirectly by their older brothers and sisters’ experiences.

More generally, experience will differ greatly depending on where members of gen Alpha live. For example, in east Asia ultra-low fertility has led to emptying classrooms, while children in smaller families endure more academic pressure from parents. Understanding the experiences of children in the global south is particularly important, not least because they represent the majority of gen Alpha.

Gender will also affect in new ways how this generation experience the world. For instance, boys appear more prone to gaming addiction while girls are more likely to become addicted to social media. Girls also report seeing more online content that creates appearance pressure, while boys are more likely to see misinformation – no doubt sometimes promoting potentially harmful views about masculinity and women.

What are gen Alpha’s own views of this new world? Despite adult fears about their exposure to misogyny, xenophobia and polarisation, today’s children are concerned about a wide range of progressive issues. These include resource inequality, sexuality, climate justice and animal rights.

This might be youthful idealism that will be shed in adulthood. Yet we know, for instance, that millennials commonly express values that differ from preceding generations.

Gen Alpha have also already been found to instil pro-environmental attitudes in their parents. So at least some of these progressive values are likely to endure and potentially ripple through to wider society.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The psychology of generation Alpha – https://theconversation.com/the-psychology-of-generation-alpha-268500

The groping of Mexican president Claudia Sheinbaum was more than just a personal assault

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adriana Marin, Lecturer in International Relations, Coventry University

When Claudia Sheinbaum — Mexico’s first woman president — was publicly groped during a walkabout recently, her response was striking in its restraint: “If this happens to the president, where does that leave all the young women in our country?”

The phrase ricocheted across Mexico and beyond. It captured both the routine nature of gendered harassment and the profound political implications of a society in which even the country’s most powerful woman can be violated in full public view.

The incident was trivialised by some as a momentary lapse of security. But it was emblematic of the deeper structures of machismo and misogyny that continue to shape political life across Latin America.

Viewed through a narrow lens, Latin America appears increasingly progressive on gender equality. Over the past two decades, the region has implemented some of the world’s most ambitious gender-parity laws. Countries including Mexico, Costa Rica, and Argentina have introduced sweeping legislative reforms requiring equal representation in party lists and public office.

As a result, Latin America consistently ranks among the regions with the highest proportions of women in national legislatures. The region has also produced several high-profile female heads of state.

In addition to Sheinbaum, there’s been Michelle Bachelet in Chile, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil. And were it not for some distinctly questionable electoral practices, we might be talking about this year’s Nobel peace laureate, Maria Corina Machado, as president of Venezuela.

Yet these advances in representation coexist with and often provoke virulent misogynistic backlash. The presence of women in power has not dismantled the patriarchal norms underpinning political life. Instead it has exposed how resilient they are.

Feminist scholars describe this phenomenon as “gendered political violence”. It’s a spectrum of practices aimed at punishing women who assume roles historically reserved for men.

Such violence is not confined to physical assault. It also manifests in smear campaigns, sexualised caricature, digital harassment and threats targeting both female politicians and their families. Misogyny here operates not simply as a cultural residue but as a political technology. It’s a way of disciplining women who disrupt established hierarchies.

Sheinbaum’s encounter illustrates this dynamic with unusual clarity. The groping was not merely an act of individual misconduct but a symbolic assertion of power over a woman whose very position challenges longstanding gendered expectations.

How the incident was reported.

Public space across Latin America has long been shaped by the logic of machismo. Research conducted in Quito (Ecuador), Buenos Aires (Argentina) and Santiago (Chile) suggests that street harassment is a pervasive facet of everyday life for women in the region’s cities.

But when the president herself is subjected to unwanted touching, the incident becomes more than a breach of protocol. It becomes a fleeting but potent reminder of the gendered vulnerability deeply embedded in public life.

Sheinbaum’s remark distils a troubling truth: if the nation’s most protected woman can be violated in plain sight, what protections exist for those without status, visibility, or security personnel? In Mexico, this question is particularly acute. The country continues to record some of the world’s highest rates of femicide (the killing of women or girls because of their gender), and gender-based violence is frequently met with institutional inertia.

Against this backdrop, the symbolic violation of a female president cannot be dismissed as trivial. It speaks to a continuum of violence in which women’s bodies remain contested terrain, regardless of their political authority.

Systemic machismo

Machismo, far from being a casual label for male bravado, is a wider ideological system that normalises male dominance in public and private life. It seeks to shape who is seen as credible, rational and fit to lead. It sets expectations that political authority should look and sound masculine.

This means that traits praised in men – decisiveness, assertiveness, toughness – are often judged as inappropriate in women. Within this logic, women entering politics do not simply take up official positions, but rather challenge a symbolic order built on the assumption that power belongs to men.

This helps explain why female leaders attract forms of scrutiny fundamentally different in tone and tenor from those directed at their male counterparts. This includes the policing of their appearance, voice, emotional expression and personal morality, reinforcing the ideological boundaries that machismo seeks to maintain.

Dilma Rousseff, for instance, experienced sustained misogynistic vitriol during and after her presidency. She had to put up with sexualised imagery, accusations of emotional instability and incessant commentary on her appearance — all documented by journalists and human rights organisations.

In Bolivia, women politicians have faced psychological, economic and symbolic aggressions, culminating in extreme cases such as the unsolved 2012 murder of councillor Juana Quispe .

The list is long and unedifying. And it reveals the limitations of formal gender parity. Legal frameworks have succeeded in bringing more women into public institutions, but they have not transformed the cultural logic that determines whose authority is respected and whose is contested.

In many cases, increased representation has heightened hostility, as women’s visibility exposes the fragility of entrenched patriarchal structures. Misogyny, in this sense, becomes a reaction to perceived disruption. It acts as a reassertion of dominance where male authority no longer appears guaranteed.

Ultimately, the episode underscores the gap between representation and transformation. Latin America has made significant strides in bringing women into positions of formal power, but the cultural and political structures that underpin misogyny remain deeply entrenched.

The groping of a sitting president encapsulates this contradiction. A woman can symbolise national authority and still be reduced, in an instant, to an object of public violation.

The future of gender equality in the region will depend not merely on increasing the number of women in political office but on confronting the cultural and political systems that enable misogyny to flourish.

Until machismo is challenged in legislation, public discourse, political culture and everyday life, women in power will continue to face the paradox embodied in Sheinbaum’s remark. Even at the highest level, authority does not guarantee respect, and visibility does not guarantee safety.

The Conversation

Adriana Marin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The groping of Mexican president Claudia Sheinbaum was more than just a personal assault – https://theconversation.com/the-groping-of-mexican-president-claudia-sheinbaum-was-more-than-just-a-personal-assault-269298

Daylight robbery? How London’s skyscrapers deprive marginalised people of light

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Casper Laing Ebbensgaard, Lecturer in Human Geography, University of East Anglia

When you look at the promotional materials advertising luxury high-rise developments in London, it is obvious that the fantasy of living in the sky is fused by a desire for sunlight and “unobstructed” views of the city. Phrases such as “the brightest addition to London’s skyline” or apartments being “flooded with natural light” and offering “expansive sky views” are common.

It is a dream with a dark side, however, which plays out below in the shadows of London’s mushrooming cityscape. In a recent paper, I show how daylight and shadow are unevenly distributed across the urban population. Vulnerable and marginalised residents are disproportionately affected by overshadowing, a lack of privacy and the overbearing nature of new high-rise developments.

Dubbing such socially skewed access to daylight “light violence”, as I do, may sound dramatic. But it captures something insidious.

When you build tall buildings, it is no surprise that they cast shadows in the surrounding environment. In northern climates, where sunlight is scarce, especially during long, overcast winter days, the compounding effect of living in shadows can be potentially harmful. Scientific studies show that depriving people of daylight can lead to increased stress, sleep disruption and early onset of myopia or short-sightedness. Sudden changes in daylight are also linked to an increased risk of cardiovascular diseases.

To protect the health and wellbeing of residents, the UK’s Building Research Establishment (BRE) issue national planning guidance that sets out minimum daylight levels. Yet, in practice, the guidance is advisory. And in cases where a proposed development breaches the BRE guidelines, they are easily dismissed and breaches often deemed legally acceptable.

Take the example of Buckle Street Studio, a 13-storey apartment hotel that caused daylight to drop to levels in breach of BRE guidance for 201 windows across 166 rooms in 58 individual flats in neighbouring buildings. As I show in my paper, for each of these 58 homes, the drop in daylight levels amount to material harm. It is a deterioration of the living environment that will compromise the health and wellbeing of its residents.

Standing a mere nine meters from the newly built tower, Goldpence Apartments, a seven-storey housing block comprised of social and affordable homes, was the worst affected block. Of the 58 households in Goldpence apartments, 35 would be directly affected by the development. In fact, 33 residents submitted written objections that expressed both a concern for their individual homes and the lack of light for communal spaces in the neighbourhood.

The proposal was called in for a public inquiry, with a planning inspector assessing the reasons for the council’s refusal. In the final report, he sided with the developer and said that the existing levels of amenity and low levels of daylight in neighbouring buildings constituted a local norm, which the residents in Goldpence Apartments should expect

The research draws attention to the legal process through which the harm resulting from a drop in daylight is both neutralised in the planning inquiry and normalised through the planning process. Levels breaching the BRE regulations would be expected, because neighbouring flats already had poor living conditions.

I argue that this kind of race to the bottom amounts to a form of soft or light violence. It is a legally accepted and politically encouraged erosion of living conditions that disproportionately affects vulnerable and marginalised residents.

A dark future?

When Buckle Street Studios completed, the residents in Goldpence Apartments were not only exhausted from the lengthy planning process but had lost faith in the planning system’s ability to protect them. As I show in a related paper,
they had to come to terms with no longer being able to see the sky from inside their homes.

Many left their curtains drawn all day or rearranged furniture in their children’s bedrooms to prevent neighbours overlooking them. Instead of letting their defeat define them, the residents developed coping strategies that have allowed them to process and deal with the imposing presence of Buckle Street Studios.

This demonstrates how people deal with light violence in everyday life by developing innovative solutions to the challenges they face. And, if they can, so too can city builders.

The architects who design the towers of tomorrow should be able to uphold standards and produce healthy living environments rather than detract from them. More sensitive daylight design would include considering the orientation of buildings, the size and placement of windows and in some cases using reflective materials or diffusers.

Yet, to ensure healthy living environments for all the residents in the city – both those living on upper floors flooded in natural light, and those living below – city-builders must acknowledge the deeper challenge of addressing the socioeconomic divisions that are created as part of new developments. And, they should take the role of design more seriously in challenging residential segregation rather than smoothing over it.

The Conversation

Casper Laing Ebbensgaard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Daylight robbery? How London’s skyscrapers deprive marginalised people of light – https://theconversation.com/daylight-robbery-how-londons-skyscrapers-deprive-marginalised-people-of-light-267332

Moving abroad in your 20s can leave you with two identities – here’s how to cope

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Abisola Olawale, PhD candidate, Centre for Migration, Diaspora, Citizenship and Identity, University of the West of Scotland

PeopleImages/Shutterstock

Moving and living abroad is one of the most exhilarating experiences you can have as a young adult. For the tens of thousands of people on youth mobility schemes or simply working abroad, it is a leap that can bring new adventures, career opportunities and friendships.

But underneath the excitement lies something much more complex: the challenge of figuring out your identity when your “home self” and your “new self” begin to evolve side by side.

I experienced this “dual identity” myself when I moved from Nigeria to Scotland at age 33. It’s what pushed me to my current academic path, researching Nigerian migration to Scotland. My ongoing work analyses how adults and young adults navigate cultures, form identities and settle into a new society, and how changing policies affect their experience of integration.

Cultural identity formation starts at a young age and continues throughout your development. For those who move abroad or are children of immigrants, this process is more complex, involving a negotiation between personal goals, cultural heritage and the social environment of the host country.

Your twenties and thirties are a time for self-discovery, marked by building a career, forming new friendships and romantic relationships, and shaping the adult you want to become. All of this while integrating into a new society adds an extra layer of complexity.

Navigating two identities

In the very first stage of migration, you may be excited by the new foods, people and ways of life you are exposed to. But as time goes by, the difficulty of adapting may become clearer. You may experience challenges like discrimination, an unwelcome political climate, visa restrictions, professional barriers, or simply feel homesick for the people and things back home.


No one’s twenties and thirties look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

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This is when the intrapersonal battle of cultural adaptation typically starts. You realise that migration is not merely about moving, but about living two lives. Half of you stays behind where you originally came from, and half of you moves to the host country. This duality is what many migrants experience as they struggle to belong to two worlds. Research shows that people or groups adopt the cultural norms of the host culture over, or at the expense of, their home country culture.

This negotiation of your dual migrant identity emerges in seemingly insignificant moments. At work, you might worry about what your colleagues think of the food you’ve brought from home. You may struggle to understand your colleagues and their patterns of speaking.

When you meet new people, you may pause or think in your head before introducing yourself. Do you say your name the authentic and cultural way, or say it the easier way so it is not mispronounced or laughed at? You laugh at jokes, but feel gutted when no one understands the humour you grew up with.

Some people accept their dual identity and integrate smoothly. Dual identity can give you flexibility and resilience as you learn and shift between languages, accents and cultural cues. This allows you to express a fuller version of yourself rather than hiding some part of your identity.

For others, the process is more difficult and prolonged, shaped by factors such as discrimination, isolation or limited social support. Some days, you may feel like you don’t fully belong in your new country of residence. To locals, you might seem “too foreign” and to people back home, you might appear “too changed”.

A young woman sitting at an airport, looking at her mobile phone
Moving abroad is exciting and scary.
Urbanscape/Shutterstock

While there is no perfect guide to integrating, transitioning and navigating your identity after you move, there are ways to make it less overwhelming and more empowering.

First, allow yourself to grow without guilt. This new phase doesn’t erase your other self, it enriches it.

Second, keep the traditions that matter most to you. Consider joining support groups to connect with people who understand both sides of your experience. This could be fellow migrants or locals who are genuinely accepting and curious.

Third, say yes to experiences that push you. This will help you improve and build your resilience. Belonging is not about fitting into one box, it’s about finding your identity and thriving in a way that spans oceans, cultures and time zones.

The Conversation

Abisola Olawale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Moving abroad in your 20s can leave you with two identities – here’s how to cope – https://theconversation.com/moving-abroad-in-your-20s-can-leave-you-with-two-identities-heres-how-to-cope-262903

How authoritarian states sculpt a warped alternative reality in our news feeds

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aiden Hoyle, Assistant Professor in Intelligence and Security, Institute for Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University

When we talk about disinformation – the intentional spreading of misleading information – we usually picture blatant lies and “fake news” pushed by foreign governments. Sometimes the intention is to sway voters in elections, and sometimes it’s to sow confusion in a crisis.

But this is a somewhat simplified version of events. In fact, authoritarian countries, such as Russia and, increasingly, China, are engaged in continuous and more expansive projects aimed at creating a tilted political reality. They seek to subtly undermine the image of western democracies, presenting themselves, and their growing bloc of authoritarian partners, as the future.

Crafting this political reality includes the use of blatant falsities, but the narrative is typically grounded in a much more insidious manipulation of information. Positive facts are highlighted to a disproportionate degree, while inconvenient ones are ignored or taken out of context, so that they appear more in line with the narrator’s goals.

The Kremlin has, for a long time, used state-sponsored media outlets, proxy media outlets or bots to disperse a consistent stream of stories – news articles, tweets, videos or social media posts – designed to subtly steer and antagonise political discussions in democratic societies. Reports show that these stories can reach audiences far beyond their original Russian outlets. They are unknowingly (or sometimes, knowingly) repeated by local or national media, commentators or online users.

A common trope is the idea that democratic societies are chaotic and failing. Coverage might exaggerate crime, corruption, and social disorder, or highlight public protests, economic stagnation, or governmental instability as evidence that democracies are not working. The underlying message is that democracy leads to chaos.

Some stories focus on making progressive values in western societies seem weird. They ridicule progressive social change regarding, for example, LGBTQ+ rights or multiculturalism, making them seem illogical or silly.

Others use real grievances but frame them to amplify feelings of discrimination and victimhood. In the Baltic states, for example, Russian media frequently highlights the alleged persecution of Russian speakers, suggesting they are being treated as second-class citizens and giving far less space to other perspectives.

If we look at the growing online “manosphere”, this mechanism is also in evidence – messaging that reinforces a collective sense of victimhood that fuels division and distrust.

An authoritarian alternative

These types of stories, portraying western societies as dysfunctional and strange, have long been used by the Kremlin to damage the image of democracy. Increasingly, however, we are also seeing Russia and China collaborating in the global online media space to jointly present the authoritarian world as stable and principled alternative powers.

Both Russia and China are critical of the “international rules-based order”, a framework of liberal rules and political norms that emerged after the second world war. They see this order as western-centric and want to reshape the global order in their interest.

Military and economic collaboration form part of their efforts to challenge this order, but global media and online spaces are important too. Both states, for example, frequently disseminate stories that portray western countries as neo-colonial powers.

Another theme is that democracies are hypocritical actors who preach equality and fairness but do not practice it. Stories of a lack of unity in western alliances like Nato or the EU are also consistent in Russian and Chinese narration. Conversely, Russia and China are presented as logical and sane countries, seeking to protect other, more vulnerable nations from western exploitation.

Why are these stories effective?

These stories seem to resonate, especially with audiences in developing countries. That’s often because they have a kernel of truth. Storytellers might focus on real issues, like inequality, foreign policy missteps or double standards and, of course, it’s true that many western countries are indeed dealing with cost of living crises and that foreign policy is not always consistent. Memories of colonial rule make accusations of current exploitation all the more believable.

It’s often the way a story is told that misleads. Details are withheld or taken out of context. Speculative information is presented as fact. This creates a distorted version of the truth.

The stories are often told in emotive terms in a bid to trigger our anger, shock, fear or resentment. For example, in the context of the war in Ukraine, disinformation might suggest that our governments are betraying us by getting involved in foreign wars, or that ordinary citizens are the ones paying the price for the ambitions of a corrupt elite.

They are laden with scandal and sensationalism, skipping nuance in favour of emotional resonance. This ensures the stories are shared and promoted across social media.

The truth can be complex and, at times, boring. Yet by capitalising on our tendency to gravitate towards the sensational, Russia and China can drip-feed a specific worldview into our own – where democracy is ineffective and chaotic and where they offer a fairer, functional future.

In this way, disinformation today is less about outright falsehoods and more about the subtle sculpting how we see the world. Over time, this quiet reshaping can reach far beyond what a false headline might do, and make us doubt the very value of democracy itself.

The Conversation

Aiden Hoyle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How authoritarian states sculpt a warped alternative reality in our news feeds – https://theconversation.com/how-authoritarian-states-sculpt-a-warped-alternative-reality-in-our-news-feeds-266092

AI is beating doctors at empathy – because we’ve turned doctors into robots

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jeremy Howick, Professor and Director of the Stoneygate Centre for Excellence in Empathic Healthcare, University of Leicester

Iryna Pohrebna/Shutterstock.com

Artificial intelligence has mastered chess, art and medical diagnosis. Now it’s apparently beating doctors at something we thought was uniquely human: empathy.

A recent review published in the British Medical Bulletin analysed 15 studies comparing AI-written responses with those from human healthcare professionals. Blinded researchers then rated these responses for empathy using validated assessment tools. The results were startling: AI responses were rated as more empathic in 13 out of 15 studies – 87% of the time.

Before we surrender healthcare’s human touch to our new robot overlords, we need to examine what’s really happening here.

The studies compared written responses rather than face-to-face interactions, giving AI a structural advantage: no vocal tone to misread, no body language to interpret, and unlimited time to craft perfect responses.

Critically, none of these studies measured harms. They assessed whether AI responses sounded empathic, not whether they led to better outcomes or caused damage through misunderstood context, missed warning signs, or inappropriate advice.

Yet even accounting for these limitations, the signal was strong. And the technology is improving daily – “carebots” are becoming increasingly lifelike and sophisticated.

Beyond methodological concerns, there’s a simpler explanation: many doctors admit that their empathy declines over time, and patient ratings of healthcare professionals’ empathy vary greatly.

Inquiries into fatal healthcare tragedies – from Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust to various patient safety reviews – have explicitly named lack of empathy from healthcare professionals as contributing to avoidable harm. But here’s the real issue: we’ve created a system that makes empathy nearly impossible.

Doctors spend about a third of their time on paperwork and electronic health records. Doctors must also follow pre-defined protocols and procedures. While the documentation and protocols have some benefits, they have arguably had the unintended consequence of forcing the doctors to play the bot game. Therefore, we shouldn’t be surprised when the bot wins.

The burnout crisis makes this worse. Globally, at least a third of GPs report burnout – exceeding 60% in some specialties. Burned-out doctors struggle to maintain empathy. It’s not a moral failing; it’s a physiological reality. Chronic stress depletes the emotional reserves required for genuine empathy.

The wonder isn’t that AI appears more empathic; it’s that human healthcare professionals manage any empathy at all.

A GP with his patient.
Doctor’s empathy declines over time.
Stephen Barnes/Shutterstock.com

What AI will never replicate

No carebot, however sophisticated, can truly replicate certain dimensions of human care.

A bot cannot hold a frightened child’s hand during a painful procedure and make them feel safe through physical presence. It cannot read unspoken distress in a teenager’s body language when they’re too embarrassed to voice their real concern. It cannot draw on cultural experience to understand why a patient might be reluctant to accept certain treatment.

AI cannot sit in silence with a dying patient when words fail. It cannot share a moment of dark humour that breaks the tension. It cannot exercise the moral judgment required when clinical guidelines conflict with a patient’s values.

These aren’t minor additions to healthcare; they’re often what make care effective, healing possible and medicine humane.

Here’s the tragic irony: AI threatens to take over precisely those aspects of care that humans do better, while humans remain trapped doing tasks computers should handle.

We’re heading toward a world where AI provides the “empathy” while exhausted humans manage technical work – exactly backward. This requires three fundamental changes.

First, we must train doctors to be consistently excellent at empathic communication. This cannot be a brief module in medical school. It needs to be central to healthcare education. Since AI already matches humans in many technical skills, this should free doctors to focus on genuine human connection.

Second, redesign healthcare systems to protect the conditions necessary for empathy. Dramatically reduce administrative burden through better technology (ironically, AI could help here), ensure adequate consultation time, and address burnout through systemic change rather than resilience training.

Third, rigorously measure both benefits and harms of AI in healthcare interactions. We need research on actual patient outcomes, missed diagnoses, inappropriate advice, and long-term effects on the therapeutic relationship – not just whether responses sound empathic to raters.

The empathy crisis in healthcare isn’t caused by insufficient technology. It’s caused by systems that prevent humans from being human. AI appearing more empathic than doctors is a symptom, not the disease.

We can use AI to handle administrative tasks and free doctors’ time and mental space, and even provide tips to help healthcare professionals boost their empathy. Or we can use it to replace the human connection that remains healthcare’s greatest strength.

The technology will continue advancing, regardless. The question is whether we’ll use it to support human empathy or substitute for it – whether we’ll fix the system that broke our healthcare workers or simply replace them with machines that were never broken to begin with.

The choice is ours, but the window is closing fast.

The Conversation

Jeremy Howick receives funding from the Stoneygate Trust.

ref. AI is beating doctors at empathy – because we’ve turned doctors into robots – https://theconversation.com/ai-is-beating-doctors-at-empathy-because-weve-turned-doctors-into-robots-269108

De COP en COP, une géopolitique de la procrastination climatique

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Moïse Tsayem, professeur en géographie, Le Mans Université

Entre promesses ajournées et coalitions aux intérêts divergents, les COP se suivent et démultiplient les arènes de négociation sans nécessairement réussir à accélérer l’action climatique. À l’aube de la COP30, organisée au Brésil, l’enjeu est de taille : sortir de la procrastination climatique. Les organisations de la société civile jouent un rôle crucial et bousculent de plus en plus les arènes onusiennes.


La trentième conférence des parties sur le climat (COP 30), présidée par le Brésil, a lieu à Belém, en Amazonie, en novembre 2025. Depuis 1995, ce rendez-vous annuel des États qui ont ratifié la Convention-Cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC) a produit seulement deux traités majeurs : le protocole de Kyoto et l’accord de Paris. Leur mise en œuvre, dont les effets positifs en termes de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre tardent encore à pleinement se concrétiser, est révélatrice de la « procrastination » qui caractérise la gouvernance internationale de la lutte contre les changements climatiques.

Les engagements pris sont souvent recyclés d’une COP à l’autre et leur mise en œuvre est trop souvent repoussée aux calendes grecques. C’est par exemple le cas de l’engagement des pays développés, de financer à hauteur de 100 milliards de dollars par an, les pays en développement, dans le cadre du fonds vert pour le climat, créé lors de la COP 15 à Copenhague en 2009. Il a été recyclé lors des COP suivantes, sans pour autant être tenu. L’inertie s’explique par les intérêts divergents des États, regroupés au sein de coalitions hétérogènes.

Le monopole des États est toutefois bousculé par les organisations de la société civile (OSC). Que peuvent-elles pour l’action climatique ? Comment cette tension s’inscrit-elle dans le cadre de la COP30 à venir au Brésil ?

Une démultiplication des arènes officielles depuis 30 ans

Depuis la première COP en 1995, le paysage des négociations climatiques s’est complexifié : au format initial s’est ajoutée une deuxième arène avec l’entrée en vigueur du protocole de Kyoto (CMP) en 1997, puis une troisième avec l’accord de Paris (CMA) en 2015, chacune réunissant les États ayant ratifié ces accords.

Considéré comme un traité « expérimental », un « signal », ou une « impulsion » devant conduire à des engagements futurs plus ambitieux, le protocole de Kyoto n’a pas produit les résultats escomptés. Il reposait sur des engagements chiffrés de réduction des EGES des pays développés, avec des mécanismes de flexibilité, donc les échanges de quotas d’émissions. Mais en l’absence de ratification par les États-Unis, il n’a jamais pu être pleinement mis en application.




À lire aussi :
À quoi servent les COP ? Une brève histoire de la négociation climatique


En 2009, lors de la COP15, des négociations sont engagées pour un accord multilatéral de plus grande envergure pour l’après Kyoto. Celles-ci échouent du fait des tensions et des rivalités entre les États (confrontation entre l’Union européenne, les États-Unis et la Chine, marginalisation des pays en développement…).

L’accord de Paris, deuxième résultat majeur des COP, ouvre en 2015 une nouvelle approche. Les États, qu’ils soient développés ou en développement, doivent élaborer puis soumettre leurs Contributions nationales déterminées (CND). Autrement dit, des engagements et une feuille de route des actions qu’ils prévoient de mettre en œuvre pour lutter contre les changements climatiques à l’horizon 2030.

Chaque année depuis 2016, les COP, les CMP et les CMA ont lieu conjointement. Les CND ont fait l’objet d’un premier bilan en 2023. Il est prévu qu’elles soient examinées et rehaussées tous les 5 ans. Certains États en sont à la troisième version, pour des engagements à mettre en œuvre d’ici 2035.

Au fil du temps, le nombre d’arènes onusiennes relatives à la lutte contre le changement climatique s’est démultiplié, pour un succès tout relatif…
Conception : Moïse Tsayem Demaze, réalisation : Sébastien Angonnet, laboratoire ESO Le Mans, 2025, Fourni par l’auteur

Bien qu’ayant été ratifié par davantage d’États que le protocole de Kyoto, l’accord de Paris souffre du même écueil : il est non contraignant. Quant aux engagements pris par les États dans le cadre des CND, ils aboutiraient, en l’état, à une hausse de la température moyenne de l’ordre de 3,5 °C à l’horizon 2100, largement au-dessus de l’objectif de 1,5 °C.

Comme le protocole de Kyoto avant lui, l’accord n’a pas pris en compte la complexité de la gouvernance du monde, avec l’influence économique grandissante exercée notamment par les multinationales et par les pays émergents (donc la Chine et l’Inde), qui refaçonnent les relations commerciales internationales. La question environnementale a été progressivement reléguée à l’arrière-plan : l’imaginaire d’un grand régulateur central apte à définir et à distribuer des droits d’émissions semble de moins en moins en prise avec la réalité. Tout cela s’inscrit en réalité dans la reconfiguration des rapports géopolitiques internationaux, avec la montée en puissance du Sud global, et la crise latente du multilatéralisme.




À lire aussi :
Les traités environnementaux résisteront-ils à la crise du multilatéralisme ?


Dans le même temps, l’accord de Paris, tout comme le processus d’élaboration du texte des COP, tend à mettre les désaccords sous le tapis, puisque les décisions sont prises au consensus. Il en résulte des difficultés bien concrètes, notamment pour sortir des énergies fossiles.

Des coalitions d’États qui orientent les négociations

Au fil des ans, la COP s’est alourdie avec une multitude de coalitions d’États défendant des intérêts variés. Un clivage classique oppose généralement les pays développés aux pays en développement. Lors des dernières COP, l’ONU a recensé 14 coalitions d’États qui ont pris part aux négociations.

L’arène des COP : une hétérogénéité de groupes d’acteurs étatiques aux intérêts divergents.
Fourni par l’auteur

Beaucoup de ces coalitions sont constituées d’États du Sud (Afrique, Amérique du Sud, Asie) : groupe africain, Alliance bolivarienne des Amériques, Groupe des pays en développement partageant les mêmes idées, etc.). Pour faire entendre leurs positionnements ou leurs spécificités, et porter leur voix au sein des COP, les pays en développement ont multiplié les coalitions, parfois hétérogènes.

Plusieurs États sont ainsi membres de plusieurs coalitions à la fois, suivant leurs enjeux et intérêts par rapport aux changements climatiques et à leurs niveaux de développement économique et social. Par exemple, la Chine, l’Inde et le Brésil sont membres de quatre coalitions, les Comores sont membres de six coalitions, et le Soudan est membre de six coalitions.

Il existe ainsi plusieurs groupes attentifs à la question des financements climatiques en lien avec des sujets bien précis. Par exemple, les Petits États insulaires en développement, très attentifs à la problématique de la hausse du niveau de la mer, ou encore les pays de forêt tropicale humide, très attentifs à la lutte contre la déforestation.

On retrouve aussi des regroupements plus traditionnels, comme celui des pays les moins avancés

ou le G77+Chine. Le groupe parapluie (États-Unis, Australie, Canada, Nouvelle Zélande…) rassemble de son côté plusieurs États peu prompts à l’ambition climatique. Quelques États qui ont voulu se démarquer et garder une position neutre sont membres du groupe pour l’intégrité environnementale (Suisse, Corée du Sud, Mexique, etc.). L’Union européenne participe aux négociations en tant que groupe à part entière, même si chaque État membre participe parallèlement aux négociations en tant que Partie à la CNUCC.

Ces coalitions peuvent refléter les intérêts économiques des États vis-à-vis des énergies fossiles : le Groupe des États arabes, par exemple, réunit plusieurs membres de l’OPEP, qui ont davantage intérêt à maintenir le statu quo sur les énergies fossiles.

Les COP mises au défi par la société civile

Si les États sont au cœur des COP, ils ne sont pas pour autant les seuls acteurs. Les organisations de la société civile (OSC) ont pris une place considérable dans les négociations, soit aux côtés des États, soit en constituant leurs propres arènes, subsidiaires aux négociations officielles.

Ces OSC, très hétérogènes, sont organisées en groupes et réseaux d’une grande diversité. Des ONG peuvent ainsi être associées à des fondations humanitaires, à des think tanks, à des syndicats, à des églises, à des chercheurs, etc. C’est par exemple le cas de l’ONG 350.org, ou encore de l’ONG Climate Action Network.

Les OSC s’expriment non seulement à titre individuel, mais aussi à travers les réseaux qui les représentent ou les fédèrent, par exemple le Climate Action Network, ou le réseau Climate Justice Now. Certaines OSC et leurs réseaux organisent des off ou des side-events plus ou moins informels pour médiatiser et rendre visibles des sujets bien spécifiques ou des angles morts des négociations (la question des océans, celle des peuples autochtones, la compensation carbone, les énergies fossiles, etc.). Par exemple, l’ONG Climate Justice Alliance médiatise le renoncement aux énergies fossiles articulé, avec une transition énergétique juste portée par les communautés et les collectifs de citoyens, tandis que l’ONG Ocean Conservancy se positionne sur la question des océans. Quant à la Organización de los Pueblos Indígenas de la Amazonía, elle œuvre pour une meilleure prise en compte des peuples indigènes.

Hétérogénéité des organisations de la société civile constituant des arènes subsidiaires aux COP.
Fourni par l’auteur

Depuis 2015, on assiste à une évolution majeure, caractérisée par une multiplication des fronts de mobilisation, avec un foisonnement des actions par le bas, sur le terrain, ce qui décentre le regard par rapport à l’arène onusienne. Pour ces OSC, celle-ci n’est plus le point névralgique de la lutte contre les changements climatiques.

Une nouvelle vague d’OSC (Just Stop Oil, Friday for future, Extinction Rebellion…) entend mettre la pression sur des décideurs, sur des entreprises, généralement des acteurs « clés », en politisant et en radicalisant le débat, parfois sur la base des rapports du GIEC, soulignant ainsi l’importance de la prise en compte des travaux scientifiques.

Grace aux OSC, la justice climatique est devenue un sujet majeur qui reconfigure la lutte contre les changements climatiques. Parallèlement à ces actions (grèves pour le climat, blocages et sit in, etc.), d’autres OSC, plus anciennes et/ou plus structurées, judiciarisent la lutte contre les changements climatiques en portant plainte contre des États. C’est ce qui s’est passé par exemple en France, avec l’Affaire du Siècle, procédure judiciaire inédite engagée en 2018 contre l’État français, accusé d’inaction climatique, par quatre ONG (Notre Affaire à Tous, la Fondation pour la Nature et l’Homme, Greenpeace France et Oxfam France).




À lire aussi :
Justice climatique : la Cour internationale de justice pose un jalon historique


Qu’attendre de la COP30 au Brésil ?

Cette reconfiguration devrait une fois de plus être à l’œuvre durant la COP30, d’autant plus que celle-ci revêt plusieurs symboles : ce sera la première COP en Amazonie, le 20e anniversaire de l’entrée en vigueur du protocole de Kyoto et le 10e anniversaire de l’accord de Paris. Elle a lieu dans le pays hôte de l’adoption de la CCNUCC, un des traités fondateurs du développement durable, institué en 1992 lors du sommet de Rio de Janeiro sur l’environnement et le développement.

Les lettres de cadrage diffusées par le président de cette COP, nommé par le président du Brésil, donnent le ton. Comme pour les précédentes COP, le financement de l’action climatique des États en développement sera un enjeu majeur. Ces États, dans la dynamique géopolitique du Sud global, avec les pays émergents en tête desquels le Brésil, souligneront la nécessité d’alimenter et d’augmenter les fonds dédiés à leur participation à la lutte contre les changements climatiques, dans le respect des principes de la justice climatique.

Souhaitant que cette COP 30 soit la « COP amazonienne », le Brésil envisage que l’importance accordée aux forêts tropicales soit renforcée, avec une augmentation des financements et des investissements pour réduire la déforestation et la dégradation des forêts.

Déforestation par transformation de la forêt tropicale en espace agraire en Amazonie brésilienne (Benfica, Para).
M. Tsayem, 2003, Fourni par l’auteur

Le Brésil espère que cette COP soit celle du déclic – ou du tournant – pour la mise en œuvre des actions ambitieuses, innovantes et incluses. Le mutirão, c’est-à-dire l’effort collectif, dans un esprit de coopération associant toutes les parties prenantes (États, organisations internationales, collectivités locales, OSC, peuples indigènes, entreprises, citoyens, etc.), est prôné pour rehausser et réactiver l’action climatique dans une perspective globale.

The Conversation

Moïse Tsayem ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. De COP en COP, une géopolitique de la procrastination climatique – https://theconversation.com/de-cop-en-cop-une-geopolitique-de-la-procrastination-climatique-268952

Combien de temps une tique peut-elle vivre sans piquer un humain ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Claudio Lazzari, Professeur des Universités, Département de biologie animale et de génétique, Université de Tours

La tique est un acarien parasite bien connu pour se nourrir de sang (on dit qu’elle est hématophage) et pour transmettre des maladies, telles que la maladie de Lyme. Contrairement à une idée reçue, les tiques ne dépendent pas de l’être humain : elles piquent principalement des animaux sauvages et domestiques. La question devient alors : combien de temps peuvent-elles survivre sans se nourrir ?


Les scientifiques ont identifié environ 900 espèces de tiques, dont une quarantaine est présente en France. La durée d’existence d’une tique et les particularités de son cycle de vie varient beaucoup d’une espèce à l’autre.

La piqûre de la tique

Contrairement aux moustiques ou aux punaises qui mènent une vie libre et ne cherchent un hôte que lorsqu’ils ont besoin de sang, les tiques s’accrochent fermement à leur hôte pendant de longues périodes, parfois de plusieurs mois, durant lesquelles elles se nourrissent lentement et de façon continue.

L’attachement d’une tique à la peau d’un animal ou d’un humain est très ferme grâce à ses pièces buccales munies de crochets et à la sécrétion d’une substance qui la colle à la peau. De cette façon, la bouche de la tique reste en contact permanent avec une petite accumulation interne de sang produit par l’action de sa salive qui détruit des tissus et des vaisseaux capillaires de l’intérieur de la peau, ce qui lui assure un apport de nourriture permanent.

Un besoin de sang à chaque étape de sa vie

Une tique passe par quatre stades de développement :

  • œuf,
  • larve (6 pattes),
  • nymphe (8 pattes),
  • adulte.

Chaque étape, de la larve à l’adulte, nécessite du sang pour se développer et pour passer au stade suivant de même que pour survivre et se reproduire. Il s’agit d’organismes dits « hématophages obligés », car le sang des animaux constitue leur unique source de nutriments tout au long de leur vie.

Une fois qu’elle est prête à passer au stade suivant, ou lorsque la femelle a accumulé suffisamment d’œufs, la tique se détache pour muer ou pondre dans le sol. Ce cycle peut nécessiter, selon les espèces, un, deux ou trois hôtes différents que la tique parasitera au cours de sa vie.

La quantité d’œufs qu’une tique femelle peut produire avant de se détacher de l’hôte est énorme, grâce à son corps souple qui augmente de taille à mesure que les œufs s’accumulent par milliers à l’intérieur. Une petite tique à peine repérable devient ainsi une boule d’œufs et de sang de plus d’un ou deux centimètres lorsqu’elle est prête à pondre.

Certaines espèces montent à l’état de larve sur un hôte et ne le quittent qu’une fois adultes, au bout de quelques mois, au moment de la ponte des œufs et le cycle se répète de manière continue.

D’autres espèces passent leur première année de vie en tant que larve sur un rongeur, leur seconde année en tant que nymphe sur un herbivore de taille moyenne, comme un lapin, puis leur troisième année en tant qu’adulte sur une vache, pendant laquelle la femelle produit une quantité colossale d’œufs qu’elle laisse par terre avant de mourir.

Une question de santé humaine et animale

En France, la maladie de Lyme est principalement transmise par la tique dure Ixodes ricinus, qui est largement répandue sur le territoire hexagonal, à l’exception du pourtour méditerranéen et des régions en altitude. La même espèce peut transmettre d’autres maladies, comme l’encéphalite à tiques.

D’autres espèces de tiques aussi présentes en France transmettent également des maladies qui affectent l’homme, comme la fièvre boutonneuse méditerranéenne et le Tibola, qui sont causées par des bactéries du genre Rickettsia et transmises par des tiques comme Rhipicephalus sanguineus ou Dermacentor.

Les tiques impactent également la santé animale, car elles transmettent des micro-organismes pathogènes au bétail, comme les responsables de la piroplasmose et de l’anaplasmose bovine, provoquant des pertes économiques importantes dans les élevages et dans la production laitière.

La survie sans piquer

Les tiques ont la capacité remarquable de survivre longtemps sans se nourrir. Pour supporter le manque de nourriture, elles mettent en place diverses stratégies, comme ralentir leur métabolisme et ainsi leurs dépenses énergétiques, ou consommer leurs propres tissus, un processus appelé « autophagie ».

Selon plusieurs études scientifiques, à l’état de nymphe ou d’adulte, les tiques peuvent survivre plus d’un an sans se nourrir dans la litière (l’ensemble de feuilles mortes et débris végétaux en décomposition qui recouvrent le sol), si les conditions environnementales sont favorables, notamment une température basse et une humidité élevée. Comme tout organisme de taille relativement petite, les tiques sont particulièrement exposées à la perte d’eau corporelle par dessiccation. Elles possèdent néanmoins des mécanismes pour absorber de l’eau de l’air si l’humidité relative de l’environnement le permet, comme au moment de la rosée.

Le jeûne hors hôte se caractérise par un métabolisme lent avec de longs intervalles d’inactivité, ponctués par des déplacements courts afin d’augmenter l’absorption d’eau ou de rechercher une position permettant de détecter un hôte. Si la température et l’humidité relative restent adéquates, la survie dépend alors du maintien d’un équilibre délicat entre une utilisation judicieuse de l’énergie et le maintien de la teneur en eau du corps, car l’équilibre hydrique est probablement le facteur le plus critique.

Pour maximiser les possibilités de trouver un hôte, les tiques ont un comportement assez particulier, consistant à grimper sur une brindille à côté des corridors de passage d’animaux et restent longtemps accrochées avec les pattes étendues. Ce comportement, appelé « de quête », leur permet de détecter le passage d’un hôte et de monter sur lui.

Il est important de rappeler que les tiques ne préfèrent pas les humains comme hôtes. Elles s’attaquent naturellement aux mammifères sauvages (cerfs, rongeurs), aux oiseaux et aux animaux domestiques. Elles ne dépendent donc pas de l’homme pour survivre ou évoluer. Une tique peut très bien vivre toute sa vie sans jamais piquer un être humain, pourvu qu’elle trouve un autre hôte.

The Conversation

Claudio Lazzari ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Combien de temps une tique peut-elle vivre sans piquer un humain ? – https://theconversation.com/combien-de-temps-une-tique-peut-elle-vivre-sans-piquer-un-humain-268802