Can brain training really shave ten years off brain ageing, as a recent study suggests?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yolanda Lok Yiu Lau, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Dementia and Neurodegenerative Diseases, Queen Mary University of London

A ten-week online brain training programme helped older adults’ brains act as though they were a decade younger, a recent study has found.

Much like exercise for the body, regular mental workouts can help keep the brain in shape. As we age, brain processes that support memory, attention and decision-making can become less efficient. Keeping the mind active is thought to build a reserve that helps people cope better with these age-related changes.

Studies suggest that people who stay mentally, physically and socially active have a lower risk of developing dementia. For example, in a study involving 120 older adults, those who engaged in regular aerobic exercise had larger brain volumes and better cognitive performance than those who were less active, reversing age-related loss in brain volume over a couple of years.

Studies have also found that brain training can improve older adults’ cognitive performance.

The latest study adds to what we know by testing whether brain training programmes – BrainHQ, in this instance – can change the brain’s chemistry, offering biological clues about how brain training might work.

BrainHQ is a brain training app that offers short, game-like exercises that train cognitive skills such as attention, memory and brain speed. As users improve, the challenges get harder, pushing the brain to adapt – much like increasing the weights during a workout.

Ninety-two healthy adults from Canada, 65 and older, took part. Half of them completed brain training exercises using BrainHQ for 30 minutes a day, five days a week, over ten weeks. The other half, a comparison group, spent the same amount of time playing games designed just for entertainment, such as solitaire.

To see whether the programme made a difference to the brain, all participants had specialised scans before and after the ten weeks of training. These scans can detect tiny chemical changes in brain activity.

The researchers focused on a region called the anterior cingulate cortex, which plays an important role in attention, learning and memory. Those who completed the speed-based exercises showed stronger activity in this area compared to those in the comparison group. The change in brain chemicals seen is described by the researchers as equivalent to shaving ten years off their biological age.

Ageing and cognitive decline (including Alzheimer’s disease) are often linked to reduced activity in this part of the brain. Strengthening it may therefore help delay or reduce cognitive decline and lower the risk of developing dementia later in life.

Although the results look promising, we should be careful about how we interpret them. The study measured many different outcomes. Although the brain training group showed increased activity compared with their own baseline, the difference between the two groups was not statistically significant.

Because the study looked at so many outcomes and involved only a small number of people, some of these changes may simply be due to chance rather than real effects of the training.

An older man and a woman. The man looks confused and troubled.
With ageing, there is often a decline in part of the brain called the anterior cingulate cortex.
LightField Studios/Shutterstock.com

The bigger picture

This was a small study involving healthy, mostly white older adults, and it looked at one specific brain training app. The findings may not apply to people with memory problems or to other types of brain-training programmes, or to longer-term outcomes.

This intervention is relatively short. Research found that most interventions aiming to improve cognitive performance that are successful typically last at least four to six months. Longer-term participation is almost certainly key to achieving lasting improvement in brain health.

Studies like this rely on brain scans as early indicators of benefit, but it remains to be seen whether these biological changes translate into lasting improvements in functioning. Researchers are testing whether similar brain-training programmes can help people who show early signs of dementia. These studies will reveal whether boosting brain activity this way can slow cognitive decline in those already showing symptoms.

High-intensity interventions – such as the one tested that required two and a half hours of training per week – may not suit everyone.

For example, people with existing cognitive concerns who want to improve their cognitive wellbeing may struggle to access digital programmes. They may need more community-based, supportive and lower-intensity interventions. To be an effective dementia programme, recruitment needs to be inclusive, especially reaching people from underserved groups who are at the highest risk.

Cognitive ageing is shaped by many factors – including physical activity, social connection, healthy diet and mental wellbeing – so brain training is likely to be just one part of a broader approach to supporting brain health and dementia prevention. Keeping the mind active may not stop ageing, but it could help the brain stay younger for longer.

The Conversation

Yolanda Lok Yiu Lau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can brain training really shave ten years off brain ageing, as a recent study suggests? – https://theconversation.com/can-brain-training-really-shave-ten-years-off-brain-ageing-as-a-recent-study-suggests-268904

Medieval women’s legacies live on in Britain’s towns and cities

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Delman, Heritage Partnerships Coordinator, University of Oxford

A new statue of Dervorguilla of Galloway was installed in the Master’s Court of the University of Oxford’s Balliol College in September. She was the 13th-century cofounder of Balliol and its first benefactor.

Carved from a single block of limestone by artist Alex Wenham, it was described by the college as “a valuable contribution to Oxford’s public art, where statues of women – particularly those outside royal or religious contexts – remain sadly rare”.

Wenham’s Dervorguilla has the feeling of a time traveller, at once both medieval and modern. The smooth contours of her recognisably 13th-century form emerge, polished, crisp and authoritative, from the unworked stone around her.

The statue’s commission speaks to a strong drive to populate urban spaces with more monuments to women. Since the Lloyd’s Register Foundation reported in 2018 that fewer than 3% of statues in the UK were of real, non-royal women, several campaigns aimed at documenting and achieving greater gender representation in public art have gained a foothold.

But medieval women themselves shaped the built heritage of our towns and cities. Too often, their efforts have been hidden or ignored, and their legacies neglected.

The women who shaped our cities

A painting of a medieval woman holidng a book
Painting of Dervorguilla of Galloway by Wilhelm Sonmans (1670).
Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford

My research considers how women used architectural patronage to fashion their identities and curate their legacies in the public realm. In Dervorguilla’s case, her statue complements a living, breathing foundation she brought into being. Even if the buildings of the college today are not ones her 13th-century eye would recognise.

Dervorguilla’s significance as Balliol’s co-founder, however, has been minimised throughout much of the establishment’s history. The college was named after her husband, John Balliol, but Dame Helen Ghosh, master of the college, recently commented it might just as appropriately have been called “Dervorguilla College”.

Ghosh explained that it was Dervorguilla who “did the practical work to set us up, writing our foundational Statutes and financing our first buildings on Broad Street”.

Balliol was not Dervorguilla’s only foundation – she also founded the Cistercian abbey of Dulce Cor in Scotland. It’s known as Sweetheart Abbey, because Dervorguilla was laid to rest there, clutching her husband’s heart – which she had kept in an ivory casket – to her bosom.

Nor was Dervorguilla the only medieval woman to leave a lasting mark on the built environment through her patronage. Many others commissioned foundations during their lifetimes and many of them continue to exist in tangible form, right under our noses. Like Dervorguilla, their actions have often been hidden behind those of male relatives, or overlooked entirely.

Magdalen Chapel
Magdalen Chapel, Cowgate, Edinburgh.
Wiki Commons, CC BY-SA

As creators and benefactors of educational, religious and charitable institutions – from university colleges and schools to churches, hospitals and almshouses – women of means found ways to circumvent the patriarchal power structures of medieval society.

They made themselves visible through acts of charity, piety and self-memorialisation. These women created more than just monuments. They left behind significant cultural and artistic legacies as dynamic testaments to their identities and ambitions.

Today, however, many of those foundations are little-known or awkward outliers in fast-paced and ever-evolving urban environments.

Trinity Apse in Edinburgh is a case in point. Once part of a grand collegiate foundation commissioned by Mary of Guelders, Queen of Scots in 1460, the church was dismantled in the 19th century to make room for platform two of Waverley train station.

After several years, numerous stones were salvaged and a partial rendering of the original church was reconstructed. It’s just behind the Royal Mile in a high-end IKEA flatpack-style reconfiguration now known as Trinity Apse. Though Grade A listed (the highest category of listing in Scotland), the Apse’s future as a publicly accessible heritage site hangs in the balance.

Painting of a queen on horseback
Isabella Queen of France by Froissart (1475).
Gallica

Just round the corner from the Apse on Cowgate – an area of Edinburgh famed for its lively nightlife – stands a pre-Reformation chapel. It contains the tomb of Jonet Rhynd. Rhynd was a local businesswoman responsible for overseeing the construction of the chapel and its associated almshouse, following the death of her husband in 1537.

Take a trip south to the Midlands and in Coventry you’ll find St John the Baptist Church. It was originally founded in 1344 by Queen Isabella of France as a chapel in memory of her family, but is now on the Heritage at Risk register.

Closer to Balliol, in Oxford, are the picturesque ruins of Godstow Abbey, founded by Edith of Winchester in 1115. Overlooked for many years, only in the last decade has the addition of an interpretation board put the abbey, and the story of its female founder, back on the map.

Many of these buildings and structures face a complex web of challenges. Not only are they expensive and complicated to maintain, their origins as religious foundations also adds to their precarity in a climate where the relevance of church buildings is hotly debated.

For the women who founded them, however, patronage was the language through which they made their voices heard. If we are seeking to reassert women’s presence in our public spaces, where better to look than to the very legacies they themselves constructed.


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The Conversation

Rachel Delman received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (2013-2016) and the Leverhulme Trust (2019-2022)

ref. Medieval women’s legacies live on in Britain’s towns and cities – https://theconversation.com/medieval-womens-legacies-live-on-in-britains-towns-and-cities-267906

Trust in the BBC is heavily tied to political identity

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Steven David Pickering, Honorary Professor, International Relations, Brunel University of London

Tim Davie, the BBC’s director general, and Deborah Turness, its news CEO, have resigned over accusations of political bias in the corporation. Most notably, these relate to the editing of an episode of Panorama about the January 6 insurrection, which US president Donald Trump says misrepresented him.

Their departure is the latest – and most dramatic – chapter in story that dates back years. At first glance, the move may look like accountability at the top.

“There have been some mistakes made and as director general I have to take ultimate responsibility,” said Davie in his resignation message. But Davie’s departure also speaks to the problems that have beset the BBC for years as it has tried to deal with a decline in trust.

The data tells a clear and worrying story: the problem is not only what the BBC does, but how it is seen across divided audiences.

Trust in the BBC is heavily conditioned by political identity. A survey I conducted with colleagues of 11,170 people in the UK, carried out between December 2022 and June 2024, showed striking differences between how people with left and right-wing party affiliations felt about the broadcaster.

Liberal Democrat voters averaged 4.54 on a one-to-seven trust scale. Those who vote Labour averaged 3.88. Trust among Conservative voters was lower at an average of 3.17. And notably, the average was just 2.16 for Brexit party voters. The findings date back to a time before the Brexit party became Reform UK – and before that party came to dominate in the polls.

In other words, those segments of the electorate that already felt most alienated from the BBC are now among the most politically ascendant.

That creates a profound legitimacy challenge. The broadcaster is losing the trust of the very audiences who, through the ballot box, are increasingly shaping the political environment in which it operates.

This helps explain why the crisis has erupted now. The political currents that distrusted the BBC for years are no longer fringe, but central to national politics.

A bar chart showing that trust in the BBC declines as you move from Liberal Democrats to Labour to Conservative to Brexit party voters.
How trust averages out across party affiliation.
S Pickering, CC BY-ND

When we asked respondents to place themselves on a political spectrum of left to right, we saw a similar patterns. Trust peaked around the centre-left, dropped at the centre, and stayed low on the right. The pattern clearly indicates that trust in the BBC is not uniform, nor does it develop in a vacuum.

We found in our research that these partisan fault lines were not in evidence for Japan’s public broadcaster – suggesting something specific is happening in the UK. In Japan, attitudes toward NHK (the equivalent of the BBC) cut across political lines, with conservatives and progressives reporting broadly similar levels of trust.

That contrast points to distinct political cultures. In Japan, public broadcasting still carries an aura of neutrality tied to institutional continuity, whereas in Britain, the BBC has become a symbolic battlefield in wider culture wars. The British media landscape is more openly adversarial, and perceptions of bias are now interpreted through partisan identity rather than journalistic performance.

Conservative-voting or Brexit-aligned respondents appear to see the BBC as metropolitan and institutionally liberal. On the left and centre-left, the BBC still retains a credibility cushion, but those holdouts will shrink. This is not simply about “bias” or “impartiality” in a narrow sense – it is about legitimacy in different political worldviews.

The fact that two senior figures have resigned should not lull us into thinking the problem has been fixed. On the contrary, what this moment reveals is that the BBC’s challenge is not only managerial – it is political and cultural.

The data from the TrustTracker project shows that trust in the BBC is already deeply polarised. Leadership change alone is unlikely to rebuild it. Instead, the BBC must engage with how it is perceived, by whom, and why. Otherwise, it risks losing the one thing that has set it apart: its role as a genuinely shared public broadcaster in a deeply divided society.

The Conversation

Steven David Pickering received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC, reference ES/W011913/1) and the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS, reference JPJSJRP 20211704).

ref. Trust in the BBC is heavily tied to political identity – https://theconversation.com/trust-in-the-bbc-is-heavily-tied-to-political-identity-269434

Will China win the AI race?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Greg Slabaugh, Professor of Computer Vision and AI, Director of the Digital Environment Research Unit, Queen Mary University of London

“China is going to win the AI race,” Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang has told an AI summit in London. The Taiwanese-born boss of the chipmaker, the world’s most valuable public company, believes the Chinese are already just “nanoseconds” behind the Americans and well placed to overtake them.

He pointed to China’s energy superiority and AI research talent, as well as the risk that the Trump administration’s ban on selling China the most advanced chips will just galvanise Beijing to close that technological gap.

Huang did soften his stance later to say American could still win the race, but he has raised potentially existential questions about the road ahead. We asked two experts whether China is likely to prevail.

Yes

Greg Slabaugh, Professor of Computer Vision and AI, Queen Mary University of London

Artificial intelligence has always been an international enterprise: papers, open-source models and datasets often move freely, and breakthroughs emerge from collaborations across borders. Yet in several domains, China’s research dominance is already clear.

Take computer vision, the field that enables machines to interpret and reason about visual data. It underpins everything from autonomous vehicles and robotics to medical imaging and surveillance.

Held in October in Hawaii, the 2025 International Conference on Computer Vision (ICCV) is one of the world’s most prestigious and competitive computer vision venues. Of the research papers presented, half of all authors were affiliated with Chinese institutions, far ahead of the second-placed US, which had 17% of papers. If Chinese nationals working abroad were included, the gap would be even wider.

Based on this admittedly simplistic metric, China has already won. It led the world in the volume and visibility of cutting-edge computer vision research at the conference, shaping the agenda in one of AI’s most dynamic areas.

This strength stems from long-term strategic planning. In 2017, Beijing launched its new generation artificial intelligence development plan, a national strategy to make China the world leader in AI by 2030. That ambition has been backed by enormous state-guided investment.

China’s recently launched National Venture Capital Guidance Fund, worth around US$138 billion (£105 billion), now channels capital into strategic “hard tech” sectors such as AI, semiconductors and quantum computing.

Provincial governments and state-owned enterprises operate numerous additional funds that co-invest with private firms. Together, they create a coordinated financial ecosystem that can scale technologies from lab to market at speed.

The United States still leads in key areas: private-sector investment (by about 12 times), foundational models and advanced semiconductor design, led by companies like Nvidia. But China is moving quickly to close the gap. Its approach, guided more by state-led industrial policy than purely by market competition, aligns research, infrastructure and industry in a way that the more fragmented western system can struggle to match.

Cities such as Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen now host vast AI computing hubs, also known as “AI factories”, which supply the computational power for both research and industry. Technology giants like Huawei, Alibaba, Baidu and more recently DeepSeek are building competitive large-scale models and high-performance hardware alternatives.

Even with export controls limiting access to the most advanced chips, Chinese researchers are optimising algorithms to perform efficiently on domestic hardware – a hallmark of innovation under constraint.

China’s advantage also lies in scale. With 1.4 billion people and massive digital platforms, it generates data at a volume unmatched in other locations. This fuels rapid progress in model training and deployment.

Meanwhile, China now produces more PhDs in the sciences than anywhere else, ensuring a deep pool of AI expertise to sustain momentum. More data, more talent and more coordinated investment create a self-accelerating loop that drives both research and industrial adoption.

If current trends continue, Huang’s words could prove prophetic. China’s combination of scale, strategy and coordination gives it a real prospect of emerging as the world’s leading force in AI development and deployment.

For the west, that could mean adapting to a landscape where standards, platforms and priorities are increasingly shaped by Chinese institutions and industrial ecosystems.

But the future of AI should not be viewed as a zero-sum contest. The most meaningful progress will come from open, responsible collaboration, balanced with sensible export controls and safeguards for dual-use technologies.

Seeing AI as a shared race for human progress might just help us advance further together.

No

Sean Kenji Starrs, Lecturer in International Development, King’s College London

We should first make clear how far ahead the US is. As of early November 2025, it boasts all of the world’s top ten AI firms by market value as well as 37 of the top 50. Nvidia is at number one, having become the first company to be valued at US$5 trillion a few days before Huang’s speech.

China has just four AI firms in the top 50 – the same as Israel. This list excludes major unlisted Chinese AI firms like DeepSeek (valuation US$15 billion), but also much bigger private US players: OpenAI (US$500 billion), Anthropic (US$183 billion) and Databricks (US$100 billion).

Where the US really blows China out of the water is in AI compute power, driven by its access to the world’s most advanced chips. The US has total AI compute of 39.7 million petaflops – half of the world’s total (by summer 2025 numbers).

China’s compute is the world’s seventh largest with 400,000 petaflops, far below even India’s 1.2 million petaflops. This is the result of the US export ban on Nvidia and AMD’s most advanced chips, and is despite the fact that China has 46% (230) of the world’s AI data clusters.




Read more:
DeepSeek: how China’s embrace of open-source AI caused a geopolitical earthquake


With the launch of its low-cost high-performance large language model in January 2025, DeepSeek showed that Chinese firms can innovate around US export constraints and develop comparable AI models using far less resources. But DeepSeek could draw upon Nvidia chips stockpiled before the ban in 2023-24.

An insider has also claimed that DeepSeek secretly had access to 50,000 Nvidia H100s, very advanced chips which were never cleared for export to China (though a review by Nvidia claimed this wasn’t accurate). Meanwhile in September 2025, DeepSeek admitted that its model “unintentionally” distilled OpenAI’s ChatGPT (along with Anthropic’s Claude), underlining its reliance on US technology.

The massive headstart that US rivals have will likely only grow as they continually having unrestricted access to the world’s most advanced chips, as well as capital spending of hundreds of billions of dollars. This is a marathon for the long-term, not a dash, and China is running with much weaker legs.

Huang made his prediction about the AI race despite surely knowing better. It’s true that China has cheaper electricity, but they need a lot more of it because their AI chips are not only much slower but require more energy than Nvidia’s most advanced chips.

Daily energy costs for US AI firms are a rounding error compared to their hundreds of billions of dollars of investment in infrastructure. US firms also have access to data centres in allied countries, including in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. These two nations have a combined 30.3 million petaflops of AI compute, which was built by US firms on condition they both severed ties with Chinese competitors.

What Huang really wants is for the Trump administration to ditch US export controls of his topline AI chips to China. But this isn’t going to happen. We live in a new era of “techno-nationalist globalisation” where major powers see national ownership of advanced technology as core to their security and geopolitical rivalry. The era of “free trade” is over.

Huang should take solace in the fact that he helms the most valuable company in history, and not peddle in self-interested alarmism.

The Conversation

Greg Slabaugh’s work was supported by the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (grant number EP/Y009800/1), through Keystone project funding from Responsible Ai UK (KP0016). He is also a former employee of Huawei Technologies.

Sean Kenji Starrs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Will China win the AI race? – https://theconversation.com/will-china-win-the-ai-race-269415

Why threats to academic freedom are growing – and how universities can respond to intimidation

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kirsten Roberts Lyer, Chair, Human Rights Program, Associate Professor, Central European University

Mongkolly/Shutterstock

Recent accusations that China pressured a UK university into pausing research on alleged human rights violations have raised questions about the state of academic freedom.

In early November 2025, it was reported that Sheffield Hallam University had paused Professor Laura Murphy’s research on Uyghur forced labour in China, later apologised, and restarted the work. Media outlets linked the pause to pressure from Chinese authorities. South Yorkshire Police have referred the allegations on to counter-terrorism police as they are thought to fall under the National Security Act.

A spokesperson for Sheffield Hallam said the pause arose from insurance and other procedural issues and denied any China-related commercial motive.

“We have apologised to Professor Murphy and wish to make clear our commitment to supporting her research and to securing and promoting freedom of speech and academic freedom within the law,” the spokesperson said.

Academic freedom is “the human right to acquire, develop, transmit, apply, and engage with a diversity of knowledge and ideas through research, teaching, learning, and discourse.” When scholarship is restricted or politically steered, the public loses access to evidence and the means to hold power to account.

Academic freedom is a measure of democratic health, and tracks closely with the quality of democratic institutions. Declines often appear before other signs of democratic erosion. Global datasets such as the Academic Freedom Index and V-Dem show a decade of decline across much of the world.

Scholars at Risk, a non-governmental organisation supporting threatened academics, reports similar patterns. Their findings of 395 attacks on scholars, students, and institutions in 49 countries and territories between July 2024 and June 2025 are “indicative of deteriorating global conditions for academic freedom”.

How pressure on academic freedom happens

Pressure on academic freedom is rarely dramatic. In domestic cases, where a government puts pressure on academics in its own country, it often accumulates through policies and decisions that narrow intellectual space and encourage self-censorship.

A familiar playbook targets institutions, academics and students. It includes politicised appointments, selective funding or budget cuts, legal intimidation through strategic lawsuits and travel and conference bans.

Alongside domestic pressures, transnational repression is a rising threat. This is intimidation, surveillance or coercion directed from outside a country’s borders. This is what is alleged in the Sheffield Hallam case.

Photo of modern office style building under blue sky
Sheffield Hallam University buildings.
Steve Travelguide/Shutterstock

Transnational repression increasingly targets civil society organisations, journalists, and academia. It undermines democratic life, and reminds us that universities are part of the infrastructure of scrutiny and accountability.

Human rights organisations Freedom House and Amnesty International have documented the experiences of scholars and students from China, Hong Kong, Iran, Russia and elsewhere working abroad. These scholars have reported monitoring, online harassment and even contact by domestic authorities with family members back home after campus events.

Pressure on academic freedom is a democratic problem first. Wherever it originates, the effect is the same: less evidence in the public sphere.

A societal right

Academic freedom is increasingly recognised as a human right, grounded in article 15 (the right to science) of the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. This is an important connection. It underscores the societal importance of freedoms in research, teaching and academic debate.

Its connection to international human rights standards also means that states and institutions have duties to respect, protect and fulfil the right. They must refrain from unlawful interference and prevent third-party pressure. They should take positive measures so teaching and research can proceed without fear.

In England, the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act 2023 places duties on universities to protect lawful speech. The Office for Students confirms the main duties took effect on 1 August 2025.

Where intimidation on UK soil is state linked, the National Security Act 2023 includes offences of assisting a foreign intelligence service and foreign interference. The Foreign Influence Registration Scheme adds further levers.

For example, it requires the disclosure of political influence directed by foreign powers. It is important that these frameworks are used to enable, not chill, teaching, research, campus debate and external engagement.

What universities can do

The following three steps reflect emerging international standards. Universities need clear policy, structured protection, and transparent escalation, creating workable defences they can implement.

1. Adopt a clear policy on academic freedom and transnational repression

Universities should commit to non-interference in research and teaching. They should have a single confidential reporting channel for intimidation, and protection for diaspora and exiled communities. Make these rules visible in staff and student guidance.

2. Build a protection pipeline

Universities should assess risks for sensitive research or fieldwork, including digital and family exposure. They should assign a case lead, provide legal and security advice, and, where needed, relocate or host threatened scholars. They should embed funding rules that are neutral towards different viewpoints and insert academic freedom clauses in all partnerships.

3. Document and escalate threats

Universities should keep an anonymised log of interference attempts. They should publish funding and partnership registers, and report credible threats to the appropriate authorities.

They should train staff to spot red flags such as pressure through consulates, funders or foreign institutions. University staff responding to threats should act in line with their country’s human rights obligations to protect human rights defenders, including exiled academics.

Academic freedom keeps evidence and ideas in public view. When institutions or authorities yield to pressure, whether foreign or domestic, the loss extends beyond academia. Protecting scholars’ freedom to inquire protects the public’s freedom to know.

The Conversation

Kirsten Roberts Lyer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why threats to academic freedom are growing – and how universities can respond to intimidation – https://theconversation.com/why-threats-to-academic-freedom-are-growing-and-how-universities-can-respond-to-intimidation-269121

Why has the BBC’s director general resigned and what could happen next?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Colleen Murrell, Full Professor in Journalism, Dublin City University

Just when the BBC should have been basking in its success at the record 12 million viewers who watched the Celebrity Traitors finale, the corporation has been brought to its knees. Tim Davie, BBC director general, and Deborah Turness, the CEO of news, resigned following a leaked memo concerning alleged bias in BBC programming.

The memo, written last May by Michael Prescott, then independent advisor to the BBC’s editorial standards committee, raised a number of concerns about alleged bias in the BBC’s coverage of transgender issues, and alleged anti-Israel bias in the BBC Arabic service.

But the key issue appears to have been in the editing of a 2024 Panorama documentary titled Trump: A Second Chance? In the documentary, two different sections from President Donald Trump’s speech on the day of the January 6 2021 riots had been spliced together into one clip, which could have led viewers to conclude that Trump was calling on protesters to carry out the riot. Trump is now threatening to sue the corporation.

In the past week, the Telegraph has repeatedly accused the BBC of institutional bias. The broadcasters’s lack of public response, other than to declare that it did not comment on leaked information, was totally inadequate in the face of such an onslaught.

But while BBC supporters looked on aghast, internally, BBC news staff were attempting to respond. According to Today presenter Nick Robinson, BBC news executives had “agreed the wording of a press release” explaining that the programme should have made clear an edit had been made, but that at no point was there any “intention to mislead the audience”.

The BBC board refused to sign off on this statement, and the BBC was left looking like it was keeping schtum for possibly nefarious purposes.

The BBC’s chairman, Samir Shah, has now finally delivered a statement apologising for an “error of judgement”. He said that the BBC had discussed the corporation’s US election coverage and: “We accept that the way the speech was edited did give the impression of a direct call for violent action.”

Meanwhile, BBC journalists in Washington had to front up at the White House where Trump has declared that BBC journalists “are very dishonest people”.

Trump has now threatened to sue the BBC for $1 billion if they do not retract the documentary. As Shah has noted, Trump is “a litigious fellow”.

In July, Paramount settled a prospective lawsuit for US$16 million (£12.1 million) after Trump made a “false editing” accusation against 60 Minutes over an edit on a Kamala Harris interview headline during the last election campaign. Last year he also secured a US$15 million payment from ABC News as part-settlement in a defamation case against that network.

It is hard to imagine a scenario where the BBC would settle a dispute with the US government for cash. But with Trump, one never knows if his posturing might lead a media company to fold. For the BBC, this is a decisive own goal.

Internal politics

Arriving at the BBC this morning, Turness acknowledged the mistake in the Trump edit, but was clear that the BBC was not institutionally biased.

Some critics, however, have pointed the finger at the BBC’s own internal political challenges. Among them is David Yelland, a former editor of the Sun who now presents a BBC podcast. He called Turness and Davie’s resignations a “coup”, attributing it to alleged political bias on the BBC board.

Alongside this drama, BBC journalists such as Nick Robinson, David Sillito and Katie Razzall are carrying out a thorough job of examining the chaos. But a less-reported fact is that it is yet again an outsourced independent production programme that has led to the BBC’s current problems.

October Films Ltd made the film for BBC Panorama, just as it was HOYO Films that made the documentary Gaza: How to Survive a Warzone. That film was narrated by the 13-year-old son of a Hamas deputy minister of agriculture, something that wasn’t explained to viewers, leading to an Ofcom sanction last October.

However, outsourcing production to an independent company doesn’t outsource the editorial checking, which should have been exhaustive in the case of this Panorama programme.




Read more:
BBC Gaza documentary: how an editorial blame game overshadowed an important film and destroyed trust


What’s next?

The BBC must now recruit two high-level executives, just as it should be readying for its 2027 royal charter renewal (major talks over the broadcaster’s future and funding). According to the Today programme, the top contenders are three women: Apple’s Jay Hunt, former Channel 4 CEO Alex Mahon and former BBC chief content officer Charlotte Moore. But these are early days.

Some commentators will no doubt call for a “BBC cleanskin” so as to not be tainted by present controversies. But is this wise when the person will be called on to lead such a vastly complex and sprawling media organisation? Tim Davie had no background in journalism before becoming director general, and Deborah Turness had never worked for the BBC before.

The new broom may have to handle similar disputes to those over Gary Lineker’s social media posts or Bob Vylan’s anti-Israel Defense Forces chants at Glastonbury. Perhaps this should be the role of a deputy director, a post that used to exist at the BBC until recently.

It is worth remembering that the most important commodity in journalism is trust. To that end, the BBC continues to top the charts in the UK, according to the annual Reuters Digital News Report. The BBC houses some of the best journalists and news programming available today. The poor handling of this crisis puts all of their reputations at stake.

The Conversation

Colleen Murrell receives has received funding in the past from Irish regulator Coimisiún na Meán for the Reuters Digital News Report Ireland. She is chair of The Conversation’s UK editorial board.

ref. Why has the BBC’s director general resigned and what could happen next? – https://theconversation.com/why-has-the-bbcs-director-general-resigned-and-what-could-happen-next-269408

A Roman emperor grovelling to a Persian king: the message behind a new statue in Tehran

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

A new statue unveiled in recent days in Iran depicts a Roman emperor in subjection to a Persian king.

Erected in Tehran’s Enghelab Square, the statue titled Kneeling Before Iran shows the emperor grovelling before Shapur I (who ruled around 242–270 CE).

But where did this imagery come from? And why has this statue gone up now?

The rise of Shapur

In the third century CE, a new dynasty known as the Sasanians came to power in ancient Iran.

Within a few years, the first Sasanian king, Ardashir I, threatened Roman territory in Mesopotamia (in modern-day Turkey, Iraq and Syria). The Romans had captured this territory from the Parthians, the predecessors of the Sasanians.

Now Ardashir wanted to recover some of the territory previously lost to the Romans. He met with some successes in the 230s. But his son and successor, Shapur I, took this to another level.

Shapur defeated an invading Roman army in 244 CE, leading to the death of the teen Roman emperor Gordian III.

In the 250s CE, Shapur invaded Roman territory across Iraq, Syria and Turkey. Two large Roman armies were defeated and dozens of cities were captured.

In 253 CE, Shapur captured the city of Antioch, one of the most important cities in the Roman empire. Some of its citizens were at the theatre and fled in terror as arrows rained down from above.

Capture of an emperor

While the Persian capture of Antioch was a major loss for the Romans, the events of 260 CE were earth-shattering.

After a battle between the Romans and Persians at Edessa (modern-day southern Turkey), the emperor Valerian was captured. This was the first and only time a Roman emperor was taken alive by the enemy.

Valerian was taken back to Persia, along with thousands of other captives.

Legendary stories about his fate as a captive later emerged. In one, Valerian and captive soldiers were forced to build a bridge over the river Karun at Shushtar. The remains, known as the Band-e Qayṣar (emperor’s bridge) can still be seen today.

Roman-built Band-e Kaisar in Shushtar, Iran, said to have been built by Roman prisoners during the reign of Shapur I.
The remains of the bridge, known as the Band-e Qayṣar (emperor’s bridge) can still be seen today.
Ali Afghah/Wikimedia

In another tale, Shapur demanded Valerian stoop on all fours to be used as a footstool so the Persian king could mount his horse.

Shapur supposedly ordered Valerian’s body preserved, stuffed and placed in a cabinet after his death.

With this, Valerian’s humiliation was complete.

Depictions of Shapur’s victories over Rome were put up all over the Persian empire. A number of carved rock reliefs celebrating these victories survive.

Perhaps the most famous is at Bishapur in southern Iran, where Shapur built a magnificent palace.

In this image, Shapur is spendidly dressed and sits on a horse. Underneath the horse is the dead Gordian III. Behind is the captive Valerian clasped by Shapur’s right hand. The figure in front is the emperor Philip I (ruled 244–249 CE) who replaced Gordian. He is begging for the release of the defeated Roman army.

Bishapur, Relief 2, Central scene: Shapur, Gordian, Philip, Valerian, courtiers
In this image, Shapur sits on a horse, under which is dead Gordian III. Behind is the captive Valerian.
Marco Prins via Livius, CC BY

Shapur also carved an enormous inscription in three languages, which partly celebrated his great victories over the Romans. Known today as the SKZ Inscription, it can still be seen at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern Iran.

The great Roman empire had been thoroughly humiliated. The Persians took huge resources (including skilled people such as builders, architects and craftsmen) from the captured cities. Some cities in the Persian empire were populated with these captives.

A new statue celebrating an old victory

The new statue recently unveiled in Tehran appears to be a partial copy of a celebratory Sasanian rock relief at Naqsh-i Rustam.

The kneeling figure is reported to be Valerian. If it is indeed modelled on the Naqsh-i Rustam relief, then the kneeling figure is usually identified as Philip I (as in the original relief Valerian is standing before Shapur). Nevertheless, official statements identify the kneeling figure as Valerian.

Mehdi Mazhabi, head of Tehran’s Municipal Beautification Organization, is quoted in one report as saying:

The Valerian statue reflects a historical truth that Iran has been a land of resistance throughout history […] By implementing this plan in Enghelab Square, we aim to forge a bond between this land’s glorious past and its hopeful present.

Shapur’s great victories over the Romans are still a source of national Iranian pride.

The statue has been described as a symbol of national defiance following the American bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities in June.

While Shapur’s victories occurred more than 1,700 years ago, Iran still celebrates them. The statue is clearly aimed at an internal audience following the American attacks. Only time will tell if it is also a warning to the west.

The Conversation

Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. A Roman emperor grovelling to a Persian king: the message behind a new statue in Tehran – https://theconversation.com/a-roman-emperor-grovelling-to-a-persian-king-the-message-behind-a-new-statue-in-tehran-269367

Kneecap is revitalising Irish. These 5 artists are doing the same for Indigenous languages

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jill Vaughan, Senior Lecturer, Monash University

Emily Wurramara/Instagram

Northern Irish hip hop trio Kneecap have been making waves, not just as musicians, but as language activists who rap in both English and their native Irish. In Belfast’s Gaeltacht Quarter, Irish is a living language. It is also a political statement – a form of resistance against British cultural dominance.

Kneecap’s music is having a big impact, particularly on young Irish people. While language study in Northern Ireland is declining overall, the number of students taking Irish at the GCSE level has increased in recent years.

This isn’t an isolated trend. Indigenous communities the world over are working to save and strengthen their own languages. Languages don’t die on their own. They are driven to endangerment by colonialism and assimilation – actively minoritised.

In the modern nation of Australia, all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages are now under threat. Australia suffers from a bad case of “monolingual mindset” which can blind us to the cultural and social benefits of multilingualism.

About 120 First Nations languages are spoken here today. A dozen traditional and several new languages are still learned by Aboriginal children.

Many other “sleeping” First Nations languages are being revitalised through inspiring work around the country.

Resistance through language and music

Kneecap’s impact shows music can be a powerful force for language revival. Songs are the crown jewels of cultural heritage, and a common way to connect with a treasured heritage language.

They belong to the family and community domains, which are crucial for passing on language. Songs can make language more visible, memorable, and even help it go viral.

From punta-rock in Belize to pop-folk in Chulym (Siberia), communities are using old and new songs to revitalise their languages.

In Australia, song has always been central to language keeping and storytelling. This is felt powerfully among the Yorta Yorta people, including co-author Josef Tye.

Take the song Ngarra Burra Ferra, a Yorta Yorta translation of the African-American spiritual Turn Back Pharoah’s Army. It was introduced in 1887, at the Maloga mission in New South Wales, by the African-American travelling Fisk Jubilee Singers. The song’s theme of escaping enslavement resonated with the Yorta Yorta’s own experiences of colonisation.

Translated by Yorta Yorta Elder Theresa Clements, and transposed by Tye’s great-great Grampa Thomas Shadrach James, Ngarra Burra Ferra became a powerful act of defiance and language preservation. It would go on to feature in the 2012 film The Sapphires.

In the Victorian context, language revitalisation is a key component of resistance to colonial oppression. It also plays a crucial role in implementing our Peoples’ ambitions around Truth Telling and Treaty.

Many Victorians are unaware they’re speaking terms from Indigenous languages every day. The linguistic landscapes of Victoria and Naarm are rich with Indigenous names and words, and should serve as a reminder of the First Peoples of this continent.

Activating languages through song

Many contemporary Australian artists are centring First Nations languages in their music. Earlier acts such Yothu Yindi, Warumpi Band and Saltwater Band paved the way for newer artists including Baker Boy, King Stingray and Electric Fields.

The public’s enthusiastic response suggests a bright future for musicians who look beyond English in their work. Here are five artists leading the way:

Emily Wurramara

A Warnindhilyagwa woman, Wurramara sings blues and roots in Anindilyakwa – the language of Groote Eylandt – and English. Her 2024 album Nara won the ARIA Award for Best Adult Contemporary Album, making Wurramara the first Indigenous woman to win the award. She was also named Artist of the Year at the National Indigenous Music Awards.

Ripple Effect

This all-female rock band from Maningrida (north-central Arnhem Land) sings about country, bush food, local animals and mythological beings in five languages: Ndjébbana, Burarra, Na-kara, Kune and English. Ripple Effect broke new ground in bringing female voices into Maningrida’s already prolific music scene. Their song Ngúddja (“language”) explicitly celebrates Maningrida’s linguistic diversity.

Neil Morris (also known as DRMNGNOW)

A Yorta Yorta, Dja Dja Wurrung and Wiradjuri yiyirr (“man”), Morris weaves together hip-hop, experimental electronic elements and sound design to explore Indigenous rights and culture in his work as DRMNGNOW. A passionate language advocate, he entwines Yorta Yorta language revitalisation with muluna (“spirit”), Yenbena (“ancestors”) and Woka (“Country”). His latest release Pray is out now.

Aaron Wyatt

Noongar man Wyatt is a violist, composer, conductor and academic, as well as the first Indigenous Australian to conduct a major Australian orchestra. He has conducted works that have been trailblazers of language revitalisation, such as Gina Williams and Guy Ghouse’s opera Wundig Wer Wilura in Noongar and Deborah Cheetham Fraillon’s children’s opera Parrwang Lifts the Sky, sung partly in Wadawurrung.

Jessie Lloyd

A musician, historian and song-keeper, Lloyd founded the Mission Songs Project to collect songs from the Aboriginal mission era. She recently launched the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Songbook to support schools in bringing Indigenous music into the classroom.

For First Nations languages to thrive in the music scene and beyond, they need support through grassroots initiatives in communities, schools and public life. One such example is an award-winning song project run by Bulman School in the Northern Territory.

This project is revitalising the local Dalabon and Rembarrnga languages, showing music can be a powerful and fun way to keep languages strong.

Where communities are supported to strengthen, use and teach their languages, the benefits for cultural and emotional wellbeing are clear.

The Conversation

Jill Vaughan receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Endangered Languages Documentation Programme.

Josef Noel Tye serves on the Yorta Yorta Traditional Owner Land Management Board and is a member of the Yorta Yorta Nation Aboriginal Corporation.

ref. Kneecap is revitalising Irish. These 5 artists are doing the same for Indigenous languages – https://theconversation.com/kneecap-is-revitalising-irish-these-5-artists-are-doing-the-same-for-indigenous-languages-261754

Sex work on trial: What the recently dismissed constitutional challenge means

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Treena Orchard, Associate Professor, School of Health Studies, Western University

Most Canadians have access to workplaces that are safe, promote health and autonomy and, most importantly, are protected by the law. But for people in criminalized professions, including sex work, it’s a different story.

In Canada, sex work itself is legal. But most aspects associated with doing sex work — purchasing sexual services and communicating for that purpose — are illegal.

R. v. Kloubakov, a recent Supreme Court of Canada case, demonstrates how basic elements of the workplace for sex workers are not only contested under the law, but they’re also being decided upon without the input of people in the profession.

This ruling upholds the constitutionality of Canada’s sex work legislation, which many sex workers advocated against in 2014 when the laws were changed to include the criminalization of clients. This legislative shift negatively impacts sex workers because it creates a climate of anxiety among clients, who can become more aggressive with workers because they fear being “outed” or arrested by police.

For more than two decades, I have had the privilege of learning about these issues directly from women, men and transgender people in India and several Canadian cities, including Vancouver, London and Kitchener-Waterloo, who do this work.

Alongside their intelligence, wit and deep insights into human nature, the sex workers I’ve known cultivate profoundly meaningful communities and care for one another in exemplary ways.

The ‘legal-but-illegal’ paradox

When it comes to sex work, there are three primary approaches to legislation, beginning with the abolitionist framework, sometimes called the Sex Buyer Law or the Swedish or Nordic model. This system decriminalizes people who sell sex, provides supports to help workers exit sex work and makes the purchase of sex a criminal offence.

Canada adopted this framework in 2014 as part of Bill C-36, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act.

Next is legalization, a legislative model in which governments introduce specific laws and regulations allowing certain forms of sex work to take place under controlled conditions. Authorities can impose a very controlled framework governing numerous aspects of the sex industry, including forced HIV/STI testing, restrictions on advertising and strict workplace-licensing rules.

Examples of this legislative approach are seen in countries like the Netherlands, Germany and Greece.

The third approach is decriminalization, which removes all laws and regulations that criminalize or penalize sex work, including its sale, purchase, advertisement and involvement of third parties such as managers and brothel keepers. This framework allows sex workers to retain agency and control over their work.

New Zealand and Belgium are examples of countries that have decriminalized sex work.

Over the past decade, Canada’s sex work laws, however, have grown increasingly punitive, even though the number of arrests has decreased. Canadian sociologist Chris Smith found sex work–related arrests peaked at nearly 2,800 in 1992 and fell to just 11 by 2020.

And, as Smith argues, there is a mismatch between legislation and the actual crime, which significantly affects sex workers’ conditions and safety.

Inside the R. v. Kloubakov decision

In a unanimous decision on July 24, 2025, the Supreme Court of Canada dismissed the constitutional challenge by Mikhail Kloubakov and Hicham Moustaine against Canada’s sex work laws. At issue were two parts of Canada’s sex-work criminalization legislation: receiving material benefits from sex workers and the procuring of sexual services.

The men, who were drivers for an escort agency in Calgary and were also responsible for transferring money earned by sex workers to the agency operators, pleaded guilty of separate charges related to human trafficking.

The trial judge had found them guilty of violating the Criminal Code by profiting from sex workers. She stayed proceedings on whether current sex work laws impacted the safety of sex workers.

The case challenged the constitutionality of the sex work laws, but ignored the difficulties of working in a criminalized profession subject to intense police surveillance stemming from receiving material benefits and procuring offences.

These offences make sex workers vulnerable to a range of harms, including institutional abuse, targeted violence, xenophobic raids leading to deportations and closures of safe indoor workspaces, constant threats of surveillance, and unwanted contact with law enforcement.

Research shows that in some Canadian cities, fears associated with police surveillance (such as being outed as a sex worker and racially profiled) are so prevalent that sex workers hesitate to contact police after facing violent armed robberies.

The court overlooks dignity

In R. v. Kloubakov, the Supreme Court of Canada did not prioritize the safety and security objective in its analysis. Instead, it treated it as just another issue among others. The court also failed to engage meaningfully with evidence relating to the lived experiences of sex workers. Decisions about sex workers’ rights under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms should not be made without sex workers at the table.

Criminalizing sex work is not a benign act with abstract consequences.

It isolates sex workers from society and resources, and positions them as targets for violence, discrimination and labour exploitation. It also contravenes regulatory approaches from the United Nations Human Rights Council, which views the criminalization of sex workers as a form of gender-based discrimination and advocates for a human-rights framework that aligns with decriminalization.

In a country that claims to care about all of its citizens, it’s imperative that we stand with those among us who are forced to struggle for basic human rights in their chosen profession — whether taking up that profession is dictated by pleasure, empowerment or survival.

What to expect going forward

This debate is far from over. Some of the issues the court declined to rule on will be raised in the Canadian Alliance for Sex Work Law Reform v. Canada case that is currently pending before the Ontario Court of Appeal after being struck down in 2021 by the Ontario Supreme Court.

This case challenges several sex work prohibitions on the grounds that they violate sex workers’ rights to freedom of expression, life, liberty, security of the person and equality, all of which are protected by the Canadian Charter.

While the case is on hold, Canadians can enhance what they know about sex work from organizations who advocate for sex worker rights, sex workers who write about their experiences and a host of other cultural spaces.

The Conversation

Treena Orchard has received funding from CIHR, SSHRC, and Western University, but no research funds were used in the creation of this article.

ref. Sex work on trial: What the recently dismissed constitutional challenge means – https://theconversation.com/sex-work-on-trial-what-the-recently-dismissed-constitutional-challenge-means-267163

Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rashid Sumaila, Director & Professor, Fisheries Economics Research Unit, University of British Columbia

The world’s oceans are vital for life on Earth. Drifting phytoplankton provide almost half the oxygen released into the atmosphere. Marine and coastal ecosystems provide food and protect communities from storms.

Nearly 30 per cent of the world’s population lives in coastal areas. However, rapidly changing climate and massive biodiversity losses represent an unprecedented threat to these ecosystems and to life on Earth as we know it. Research shows that coastal regions bear the brunt of climate change and extractive impacts.

Industrial fishing can extract in a day what a small boat might take in a year. Since 1950, carbon dioxide emissions from global marine fisheries have quadrupled. Bottom trawling — where a ship tows a large net along the seafloor — adds further damage by disturbing carbon-rich seafloor sediments.

Scientists estimate that between 1996 and 2020, 9.2 billion tons of carbon dioxide were released into the atmosphere due to bottom trawling — about 370 million tons annually, double the emissions from fuel combustion of the entire global fishing fleet of four million vessels.

By the middle of this century, 12 per cent of nearshore ocean areas could be transformed beyond recognition. In the tropics — Earth’s life ring — human-driven impacts are expected to triple by 2041-60. Our planet’s oceans are facing a critical risk, and we must act urgently to protect them in ways that also benefit the people who rely on them.

As COP30 gets underway in Belem, Brazil, developing measures to protect the world’s oceans and fisheries must be on the agenda.

The key lies in empowering those who have long stewarded these ecosystems: Indigenous and coastal communities. Their traditional fishing practices, passed down through generations, offer a model for balancing ecological recovery with human well-being. Governments must listen to and learn from them.

The industrial threat

To include climate-regulating habitats in global conservation goals, governments must develop policy solutions that prioritize small-scale fishers and Indigenous and coastal communities and mitigate the destructive impacts of industrial fishing fleets.

One in every 12 people globally — nearly half of them women — depend at least partly on small-scale fishing for their livelihood. In contrast to destructive industrial fleets, small-scale fisheries are among the most energy-efficient, animal-sourced food production systems, with low environmental impacts in terms of greenhouse gas and other stressors and outsized economic and social value.

An important measure that could both support small-scale fisheries and contribute to countries’ contributions under global frameworks such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals is the formal exclusion of destructive industrial fishing from nearshore waters.

Inshore exclusion zones (IEZs) — also called preferential access areas — are coastal areas that prohibit certain methods of industrial fishing and grant preferential access to small-scale fishers.

When paired with co-management between governments and communities, IEZs can help restore fish populations and strengthen food security and livelihoods.

A promising example is in Ghana, where a bill has just been signed by the president to extend IEZs from six to 12 nautical miles, protecting more coastal waters for small-scale fishers.

An inclusive solution

To support these essential producers while meeting climate and biodiversity goals, governments must apply existing policies in ways that centre people.

The UN’s Global Biodiversity Framework, adopted in 2022, recognizes Indigenous Peoples and local communities as custodians of biodiversity. It also commits governments to protect at least 30 per cent of land and sea by 2030.

But governments must avoid the trap of “paper protection” — designating areas as protected without real enforcement or community involvement. Instead, we need practical, inclusive approaches that uphold both conservation and equity.

Locally led protection

I’m an adviser to Blue Ventures, a non-governmental organization working with coastal communities to restore their seas and build lasting prosperity. The organization helped pioneer the Locally Managed Marine Area (LMMA) model, which blends traditional knowledge and spiritual belief with modern conservation science.

LMMAs protect coral, mangrove and seagrass habitats, increase participation in biodiversity stewardship, enhance food security and build climate resilience.

Supporting coastal communities to establish functional and legal LMMAs — while excluding carbon-intensive industrial fishing from these areas — and recognizing and embedding the approach into global biodiversity frameworks and targets would mark an important shift in valuing conservation outcomes in areas where humans and marine life coexist.

If inclusive marine protection methods, like LMMAs and similar areas under traditional governance, were recognized as key tools to protect biodiversity, we could see a welcome alliance of formally protected areas and those under local governance, all contributing to global conservation targets.

Ultimately, governments should aim to protect more than just 30 per cent of the ocean. To do so, they must pursue equitable, inclusive solutions that align with global goals. We need a future where community-led management of nearshore waters supports both people and nature. We owe it to each other, and to the ocean that gives us life.

The Conversation

Rashid Sumaila receives funding from SSHRC, NSERC and the World Bank. He is affiliated with Blue Ventures, Oceana, Pew Charitable Trusts, and the Tyler Prize Foundation as a board member.

ref. Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing – https://theconversation.com/governments-can-protect-marine-environments-by-supporting-small-scale-fishing-265651