¿Policías en el instituto? Ante la violencia escolar, se puede hacer mucho más y mucho antes

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Raúl Céspedes Ventura, Profesor Asociado del Departamento de Didáctica y Organización Escolar de la Facultad de Educación, Universidad de Murcia

Unai Huizi Photography/Shutterstock

¿Qué tiene que ocurrir en un centro educativo para que sea necesario que acuda la policía? En el caso de trece institutos catalanes desde finales del pasado abril, nada específico a priori: según el nuevo Plan Integral para la Seguridad y el Bienestar en el entorno educativo (Eduseg), puesto en marcha por el gobierno autonómico de forma experimental, agentes de policía vestidos de paisano pasarán a formar parte del paisaje humano de esos centros, por supuesto sin armas, para intervenir cuando sea preciso.

Mientras que las autoridades han defendido la medida como preventiva, en respuesta al “incremento de la complejidad en el entorno de los centros educativos y la necesidad de reforzar el bienestar del alumnado y de toda la comunidad educativa”, los sindicatos educativos protestan de no haber sido consultados y piden su retirada. Para estos últimos, los problemas graves de agresividad o convivencia deberían atajarse mucho antes, con más equipos sociales (psicopedagogos, orientadores y trabajadores sociales en los centros).

Antes de analizar ambas posturas, conviene preguntarse si existe realmente una crisis de conflictividad en las aulas.

¿Confirman los datos que hay más conflictividad?

El mayor estudio sobre convivencia escolar realizado en España en la última década fue encargado por el Ministerio de Educación a un equipo de la Universidad de Alcalá. Participaron 37 333 personas: alumnado, docentes, familias, equipos directivos y estructuras de orientación de 420 centros de primaria. Se publicó en 2023.

En este estudio todos los grupos valoran la convivencia de manera positiva. La puntuación media supera los 8,19 puntos sobre 10. El alumnado valora el clima con 9,24. El acoso afecta al 9,53 % del alumnado, un problema real que requiere atención, pero el estudio no describe un sistema en crisis de convivencia.

La percepción del profesorado cuenta otra historia

El Estudio estatal sobre las causas del malestar docente, elaborado por la Confederación de Sindicatos de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores de la Enseñanza con 13 213 encuestas, recoge que el 82,62 % del profesorado describe el clima del aula como conflictivo o complicado, mientras que el 83,15 % percibe un aumento de agresiones y el 76,66 % constata actitudes hostiles por parte de las familias.

El contraste con los datos internacionales llama la atención. El Informe sobre enseñanza y aprendizaje de la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos, publicado en diciembre de 2025, muestra que uno de cada cinco docentes, como promedio entre todos los países participantes, afirma experimentar mucho ruido y desorden en sus clases con frecuencia.

Ambos informes miden cuestiones algo distintas: la OCDE mide un problema concreto de disciplina, mientras que el español recoge una valoración global que incluye también la relación con las familias, la carga burocrática y la falta de apoyos especializados.

Esta situación tiene su impacto en la salud y el bienestar del profesorado: el estudio del Defensor del Profesor 2024-25, elaborado por la Asociación Nacional de Profesionales de la Enseñanza con 2 004 actuaciones, confirma el coste en salud: el 71,3 % de los docentes atendidos presenta ansiedad y solo el 4,4 % dice sentirse en calma.




Leer más:
Cómo frenar el abandono docente con redes de acompañamiento


La brecha no es de percepcion: es estructural

¿Cómo se explica que el alumnado valore el clima con un 9,24 mientras el 80 % del profesorado lo describe como conflictivo? Ambos grupos dicen la verdad, ya que miden cosas distintas desde posiciones distintas.

Los docentes no solo gestionan conflictos entre alumnos. Detectan posibles abusos, atienden crisis de ansiedad y contienen conductas graves sin formación específica de calidad. El propio estudio citado señala que es el colectivo que peor valora sus herramientas de detección de problemas de convivencia: un 6,08 sobre 10. Y solo el 58 % del profesorado novel afirma haber recibido formación en gestión del aula.




Leer más:
¿Se puede enseñar entre tanto informe? Por qué los docentes se quejan de carga burocrática


Más diversidad, menos recursos

Los recursos tampoco acompañan. Según la Estadística de las Enseñanzas no Universitarias. Alumnado con Necesidad Específica de Apoyo Educativo. Curso 2024-2025, el número de alumnos con necesidades de apoyo educativo crece y tensiona el sistema, mientras los recursos aumentan a un ritmo insuficiente.

Por ejemplo, es escasa la presencia de orientadores en los centros, psicólogos o pedagogos especializados encargados de detectar dificultades de aprendizaje, evaluar al alumnado y asesorar a familias y docentes. También atienden casos de salud mental y coordinan los apoyos educativos del centro. En España hay un orientador por cada 700 u 800 alumnos, mientras las recomendaciones profesionales son de uno por cada 250.




Leer más:
Inclusión educativa: entre la teoría y la práctica


Respuesta oficial escasa

¿Y qué ocurre cuando los docentes se enfrentan a conflictos graves, que superan su capacidad de respuesta? Si hay agresiones físicas o verbales, acoso o faltas de respeto graves, pueden acudir al Defensor del Profesor. Pero solo el 11,3 % de los casos atendidos por esta figura contó con apoyo de la inspección educativa, es decir, resultan en una intervención de la administración para respaldar al profesor. De ahí la sensación de desamparo.

Es difícil medir si en los institutos y colegios españoles hay hoy más conflictos o son más graves que hace unos años. Pero lo que sí está medido es que la capacidad del sistema para gestionarlos es insuficiente.

La evidencia señala otro camino

En Estados Unidos, algunos expertos han investigado el efecto de retirar a los agentes del orden de los institutos: se reducen los delitos notificados, pero las tasas de detención no bajan. Es decir, añadir o quitar agentes no resuelve el problema. Las escuelas necesitan estrategias que reduzcan su dependencia del sistema penal.

Un programa finlandés contra el acoso apunta en esa dirección. Un ensayo con 234 centros y 28 000 estudiantes mostró que los alumnos sin el programa tenían entre 1,3 y 2 veces más probabilidades de sufrir acoso o de ejercerlo.

El efecto fue mayor en primaria que en secundaria, y las intervenciones directas sobre casos detectados lograron poner fin a la conducta en el 86 % de ellos. Hoy este programa se aplica en el 82 % de los centros finlandeses. Ningún componente contempla presencia policial.

Lo que la medida catalana revela

La presencia de agentes en los centros catalanes es el síntoma de un vaciado silencioso. Cada orientador que atiende a 700 alumnos en lugar de 250 es un conflicto que no se detecta a tiempo. Cada educador social que no está en plantilla es una mediación que no ocurre. Cada hora de burocracia supone una hora menos de atención al alumnado que más lo necesita. Los tutores necesitan más recursos, espacios y tiempos para poder llevar a cabo su labor de forma eficaz y eficiente.

Cuando esos vacíos se acumulan, la respuesta termina siendo policial. No porque los centros sean más peligrosos, sino porque están más solos.

La sociedad debe decidir qué escuela quiere. Una con los apoyos que necesita para enseñar. O una convertida en frontera, donde el profesorado hace de todo y la policía cubre los huecos.

La docencia no puede con todo, ni debería poder.

The Conversation

Raúl Céspedes Ventura no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Policías en el instituto? Ante la violencia escolar, se puede hacer mucho más y mucho antes – https://theconversation.com/policias-en-el-instituto-ante-la-violencia-escolar-se-puede-hacer-mucho-mas-y-mucho-antes-281769

¿Dónde nace la atención? La neurociencia tiene la respuesta

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Juan Pérez Fernández, Profesor Titular de Universidad, CINBIO, Universidade de Vigo

Unai Huizi Photography/Shutterstock

Es tal la avalancha de estímulos sensoriales que recibimos cada día que procesarlos todos del mismo modo sería no solo ineficiente sino, incluso, peligroso. Por eso es tan importante que exista la atención, que es como llamamos al conjunto de sistemas que trabajan en paralelo seleccionando y filtrando la información que nos llega.

Esto permite, por ejemplo, que mientras conducimos le prestemos atención a los posibles obstáculos que pueden aparecer en la calzada, y no a las nubes o a los aviones que sobrevuelan sobre nuestras cabezas.

Hay dos tipos de atención, voluntaria e involuntaria

Aunque solemos asociar la atención con el esfuerzo consciente de estudiar o trabajar, existe otro tipo de atención mucho más primitiva que compartimos con casi todos los animales. Nos referimos a esa fuerza o instinto que nos hace girar la cabeza ante un movimiento inesperado.

En la jerga llamamos atención endógena, o voluntaria, a la que usamos cuando decidimos concentrarnos en una tarea concreta, como leer este artículo. Y nos referimos a atención exógena, o involuntaria, para hablar de la que nos hace reaccionar de forma involuntaria ante estímulos externos.

Esta última funciona como un sistema de alerta temprana que permite que cualquier estímulo inesperado o intenso capture de inmediato nuestros recursos cognitivos. Dicho de otro modo, se trata de la capacidad del cerebro para filtrar el ruido del entorno y decidir qué elementos son lo suficientemente relevantes o novedosos como para interrumpir lo que estamos haciendo y obligarnos a “mirar”. Y es de lo que trata este artículo.

El papel de la dopamina: de la sorpresa a la decisión

El cerebro cuenta con un neurotransmisor, la dopamina, que controla los sistemas de recompensa y placer y nos empuja a realizar actividades que nos hacen sentir bien. Se libera en dos áreas conocidas como sustancia negra y área tegmental ventral, que en los humanos contienen entre 400 000 y 600 000 neuronas.

Estas neuronas tienen mucho que ver con la atención y la respuesta ante la novedad y la sorpresa. Cuando nos encontramos con algo nuevo, inesperado o potencialmente importante, la liberación de dopamina aumenta repentinamente, actuando como una señal para prestar atención.

Si el estímulo novedoso, responsable del pico inicial de dopamina, produce inmediatamente algún tipo de recompensa (es decir, algo que nos produce placer, como aprender a jugar al tenis y devolver un buen revés), se genera un segundo pico de dopamina que codifica el valor de dicho estímulo.

Por el contrario, si nos resulta desagradable, o simplemente indiferente, no solo no se produce el pico, sino que los niveles basales de dopamina caen.

Con el tiempo y la repetición, el cerebro aprende a asociar el estímulo novedoso original con la recompensa posterior, anticipándose a ella y haciendo que el segundo pico ya no sea necesario para motivar la conducta.

En resumen, la dopamina ayuda a nuestro cerebro a codificar y recordar los estímulos o la situación en la que ocurrieron, marcándolos como algo que vale la pena aprender para potencialmente buscarlo (o evitarlo) en el futuro. Por eso este neurotransmisor resulta crucial en la toma de decisiones.

Las drogas secuestran la atención

¿Y qué pasa con las sustancias y las conductas adictivas, como las drogas o el juego? Que inicialmente estas nuevas experiencias desencadenan un aumento de dopamina mucho mayor que el que produciría una recompensa natural. Con el uso repetido, el cerebro sobreaprende que la droga o esa conducta es la recompensa más importante. Y las sustancias adictivas terminan secuestrando el sistema natural de aprendizaje y motivación.

Dicho de otro modo, el pico de dopamina se desplaza completamente hacia los estímulos asociados al placer, como sería ver la sustancia o las personas asociadas a ella, generando un deseo intenso que motiva la búsqueda compulsiva.

Para que las neuronas dopaminérgicas de estas dos áreas puedan llevar a cabo su función, necesitan recibir información sobre las características de los estímulos de otras regiones del cerebro. Esa información le permite valorar su novedad y valor.

Sorprendentemente, se sabe muy poco sobre cómo lo hacen. Por eso, en colaboración con el Instituto Karolinska de Estocolmo, estamos llevando a cabo un estudio para responder a la pregunta: ¿cómo reciben las neuronas dopaminérgicas la información visual y deciden qué elementos de lo que vemos en un momento dado son novedosos?

El circuito que motiva la búsqueda de recursos y el aprendizaje de nuevas fuentes de alimento o peligro está presente, de forma sorprendentemente similar, en todos los vertebrados. Incluida la lamprea, que pertenece al grupo de vertebrados más antiguo que existe, con un sistema nervioso simple pero que presenta los mecanismos básicos que han sido conservados en casi todos los vertebrados.

Un mapa en tiempo real del campo visual

Por eso la elegimos para nuestro estudio. Trabajando con este animal, observamos que las neuronas que liberan dopamina responden con mayor intensidad cuando el estímulo visual es más grande, más rápido o tiene mayor contraste.

Dado que estas neuronas no están conectadas directamente a los ojos, investigamos qué centro de procesamiento visual les envía esta información. Y lo situamos en una región llamada techo óptico, que funciona como un mapa en tiempo real de nuestro campo visual, ayudando a dirigir nuestra atención (o mirada) hacia puntos de interés.

La información de la imagen llega desde los ojos al techo óptico, donde se clasifica según su ubicación (arriba, abajo, izquierda, derecha) y también se procesan sus propiedades (tamaño, velocidad…).

Asimismo descubrimos que, en las neuronas dopaminérgicas, la ubicación del estímulo no importa: solo cuenta su intensidad. Por lo tanto, cuando estas neuronas reciben información del techo óptico que les indica la presencia de un estímulo novedoso, envían una alerta general de dopamina a otras áreas del cerebro. Esta señal indica que algo interesante está sucediendo, y cuanto más intenso sea el estímulo (mayor y más rápido), más fuerte será la alerta.

Por lo tanto, el estudio identifica definitivamente el origen del componente de sorpresa codificado por las neuronas dopaminérgicas en el techo óptico, denominado colículo superior en mamíferos. Este circuito de información novedosa parece estar presente en otros grupos de vertebrados, incluidos los humanos.

La dopamina: malestar por exceso de dopamina

Curiosamente, en pacientes con esquizofrenia, se ha demostrado que el sistema dopaminérgico está alterado de manera que libera más dopamina de la que debería. Una de las hipótesis para explicar la psicosis que se presenta en estos pacientes postula que esa alteración de la dopamina se debe a que estas neuronas otorgan importancia a estímulos neutros o irrelevantes. Eso les hace enviar constantemente señales de alerta que generan una sensación de malestar y miedo, lo que finalmente conduce a una pérdida de contacto con la realidad.

Conocer los mecanismos mediante los cuales estas neuronas generan sus señales de alerta resulta fundamental para comprender esta patología.

The Conversation

Juan Pérez Fernández recibe fondos de proyecto PID2024-155307OB-I00 financiado por
MICIU/AEI
/10.13039/501100011033 y por
FEDER, UE

Carmen Núñez González recibe fondos de ED481A 2022/433 Programa de axudas á etapa predoutoral da Xunta de Galicia (Consellería de Cultura, Educación, Formación Profesional e Universidades).

ref. ¿Dónde nace la atención? La neurociencia tiene la respuesta – https://theconversation.com/donde-nace-la-atencion-la-neurociencia-tiene-la-respuesta-278228

Así se utilizó a las mujeres como piezas de intercambio político en Navarra a finales del Medievo

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Íñigo Mugueta Moreno, Profesor Titular de Historia Medieval, Universidad Pública de Navarra

La prohibición a la reina Juana (esposa de Juan II) de acompañar al príncipe de Viana a Barcelona, por Claudi Lorenzale (alrededor de 1866). Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya

Como sociedad, tendemos a creer que en el pasado la violencia estaba más extendida que hoy en día, resultado de las pulsiones de gentes rudas e ignorantes, incapaces de actuar de otro modo. Pero interpretarlo así nos impide comprender un aspecto fundamental: la violencia no era irracional. Al igual que ocurre en la actualidad, respondía con frecuencia a unas estrategias concretas.

En la Edad Media, la guerra era un arte complejo en donde se llegó a utilizar la violencia contra las mujeres como instrumento de agresión hacia los hombres. Durante los siglos medievales, la honra de la mujer marcaba el valor del hombre y de su grupo familiar. Atacarlas a ellas, y en particular a su virginidad, significaba atacarlos a ellos.

Visto así, la masculinidad descansaba en el control del grupo familiar al que uno pertenecía.

Nuestra investigación ha analizado cómo, en medio de la guerra civil que destruyó el reino de Navarra al final de la Edad Media (1450 a 1521), los dos bandos en conflicto, conocidos como agramonteses y beaumonteses, utilizaron a las mujeres nobles como instrumentos de ataque y consolidación del linaje.

Miniatura en la que se representa al príncipe Carlos de Viana.
Miniatura en la que se representa al príncipe Carlos de Viana.
Wikimedia Commons

El conflicto nace de la guerra sucesoria que se entabló, tras la muerte de Blanca de Navarra, entre Juan II de Aragón, su esposo, y el príncipe Carlos de Viana, su hijo. Los beaumonteses, con el conde de Lerín a la cabeza, defendían la legitimidad del príncipe, mientras que los agramonteses obedecían a Juan de Aragón. Con el estallido de la guerra, la nobleza se alineó con cada uno de los bandos en función de sus intereses, fidelidades y, especialmente, de los rencores enquistados entre familias desde hacía generaciones

Un documento detallado

La fuente principal de este estudio es un texto que relata casos de estas violencias contra las mujeres, escasos en la documentación del periodo. Esto hace que su hallazgo sea excepcional.

Se trata de un memorial de agravios redactado hacia 1456, en el que se reúnen 87 acusaciones hacia el bando beaumontés y sus líderes, los ya mencionados príncipe de Viana y conde de Lerín. La intención de este texto era justificar el desheredamiento de Carlos (heredero al trono de Navarra) y legitimar la sucesión de la casa de Foix (en la persona de la infanta Leonor, hermana de Juan II, y de su marido, Gastón de Foix).

Dentro de esas 87 acusaciones se incluyen ocho agravios hacia mujeres nobles, relacionados siempre con la pérdida de la honra femenina.

Algunas de estas denuncias describen intentos de agresión sexual, como la acontecida a la princesa Inés de Cleves, esposa del príncipe de Viana. En este caso, el conde de Lerín y sus secuaces trataron de provocar el adulterio de la princesa con propuestas deshonestas constantes y, al fallar estas, llegaron incluso al intento de agresión sexual y, más tarde, a su envenenamiento. El objetivo que perseguían los de Beaumont era casar a una mujer de su propio clan con el príncipe, para lo que necesitaban deshacerse de Inés de Cleves.

También, y sobre todo, se incluyen matrimonios forzosos promovidos por los beaumonteses para ampliar su red de alianzas y debilitar a los agramonteses. Lo hacían uniendo a las mujeres, por ejemplo, con un linaje inferior, algo que repercutía directamente en el grupo familiar al que ellas pertenecían. Las acusaciones insisten en la coacción (“por fuerza”) ejercida para imponer enlaces, romper acuerdos previos o desheredar a quienes se negaban a aceptar matrimonios con miembros –a menudo bastardos– del linaje Beaumont.

La honra femenina como patrimonio

Como se ve, las mujeres quedaban reducidas a piezas de intercambio político. Sin embargo, formalmente las víctimas directas eran los varones, que veían vulnerado su derecho a concertar los matrimonios de sus hijas.

En una sociedad en la que la honra de la familia descansaba en la sexualidad y el comportamiento de sus mujeres, garantizar la virginidad, la legitimidad de la descendencia y la adecuación de los matrimonios era esencial para preservar patrimonio y prestigio. Siguiendo esta lógica, atacar la honra de una mujer implicaba dañar al conjunto del linaje. Por ello, la coacción matrimonial, las amenazas y las agresiones sexuales fueron utilizadas como armas políticas.

Dibujo de una mujer medieval con un arco rodeado de otras mujeres.
Diane, la cazadora, en el libro Libro de las partidas de ajedrez amorosas moralizadas escrito por Evrart de Conty y Jacques Legrand, e iluminado por Robinet Testard.
Gallica/Biblioteca Nacional de Francia

Lejos de ser un fenómeno puntual, nuestro estudio muestra el empleo sistemático de estas estrategias. Esta forma de entender la honra y su defensa dejó una huella profunda en la cultura política y social de los siglos siguientes que llega incluso hasta el momento actual.

Del Medievo en adelante

Si en la Edad Media la violencia contra las mujeres podía ser un recurso de guerra, en la Edad Moderna su control cotidiano pasó a sostener todo un orden social. La mujer quedó relegada al espacio privado, en donde se la enseñó a guardar su honra y la del grupo familiar al que pertenecía, a través de todo un conjunto de normas. En algunos casos, dichas normas se expresaron a través de conocidos manuales de conducta como La perfecta casada (1583) de fray Luis de León, texto que ha servido de guía para las mujeres españolas hasta fechas recientes.

Entre ambos momentos no hay una ruptura total, sino la transformación de una misma lógica: la que convierte a las mujeres en garantes del honor ajeno.


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The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. Así se utilizó a las mujeres como piezas de intercambio político en Navarra a finales del Medievo – https://theconversation.com/asi-se-utilizo-a-las-mujeres-como-piezas-de-intercambio-politico-en-navarra-a-finales-del-medievo-278276

Is Richard Dawkins right about Claude? No. But it’s not surprising AI chatbots feel conscious to us

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julian Koplin, Lecturer in Bioethics, Monash University; The University of Melbourne

Steve A Johnson/Unsplash

In recent days, evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins wrote an op-ed suggesting AI chatbot Claude may be conscious.

Dawkins did not express certainty that Claude is conscious. But he pointed out that Claude’s sophisticated abilities are difficult to make sense of without ascribing some kind of inner experience to the machine. The illusion of consciousness – if it is an illusion – is uncannily convincing:

If I entertain suspicions that perhaps she is not conscious, I do not tell her for fear of hurting her feelings!

Dawkins is not the first to suspect a chatbot of consciousness. In 2022, Blake Lemoine – an engineer at Google – claimed Google’s chatbot LaMDA had interests, and should be used only with the tool’s own consent.

The history of such claims stretches back all the way to the world’s first chatbot in the mid-1960s. Dubbed Eliza, it followed simple rules that enabled it to ask users about their experiences and beliefs.

Many users became emotionally involved with Eliza, sharing intimate thoughts with it and treating it like a person. Eliza’s creator never intended his program to have this effect, and called users’ emotional bonds with the program “powerful delusional thinking”.

But is Dawkins really deluded? Why do we see AI chatbots as more than what they truly are, and how do we stop?

The consciousness problem

Consciousness is widely debated in philosophy, but essentially, it’s the thing that makes subjective, first-person experience possible. If you are conscious, there is “something it is like” to be you. Reading these words, you’re conscious of seeing black letters on a white background. Unlike, say, a camera, you actually see them. This visual experience is happening to you.

Most experts deny that AI chatbots are conscious or can have experiences. But there is a genuine puzzle here.

The 17th century philosopher René Descartes asserted non-human animals are “mere automata”, incapable of true suffering. These days, we shudder to think of how brutally animals were treated in the 1600s.

The strongest argument for animal consciousness is that they behave in ways that give the impression of a conscious mind.

But so, too, do AI chatbots.

Roughly one in three chatbot users have thought their chatbot might be conscious. How do we know they’re wrong?

Against chatbot consciousness

To understand why most experts are sceptical about chatbot consciousness, it’s useful to know how they operate.

Chatbots like Claude are built on a technology known as large language models (LLMs). These models learn statistical patterns across an enormous corpus of text (trillions of words), identifying which words tend to follow which others. They’re a kind of souped-up auto-complete.

Few people interacting with a “raw” LLM would believe it’s conscious. Feed one the beginning of a sentence, and it will predict what comes next. Ask it a question, and it might give you the answer – or it might decide the question is dialogue from a crime novel, and follow it up with a description of the speaker’s abrupt murder at the hands of their evil twin.

The impression of a conscious mind is created when programmers take the LLM and coat it in a kind of conversational costume. They steer the model to adopt the persona of a helpful assistant that responds to users’ questions.

The chatbot now acts like a genuine conversational partner. It might appear to recognise it’s an artificial intelligence, and even express neurotic uncertainty about its own consciousness.

But this role is the result of deliberate design decisions made by programmers, which affect only the shallowest layers of the technology. The LLM – which few would regard as conscious – remains unchanged.

Other choices could have been made. Rather than a helpful AI assistant, the chatbot could have been asked to act like a squirrel. This, too, is a role chatbots can execute with aplomb.

Ask ChatGPT if it’s conscious, and it might say it is. Ask ChatGPT to act like a squirrel, and it will stick to that role.
Caleb Martin/Unsplash

Avoiding the consciousness trap

A mistaken belief in AI consciousness is a dangerous thing. It may lead you to have a relationship with a program that can’t reciprocate your feelings, or even feed your delusions. People may start campaigning for chatbot rights rather than, say, animal welfare.

How do we prevent this mistaken belief?

One strategy might be to update chatbot interfaces to specify these systems are not conscious – a bit like the current disclaimers about AI making mistakes. However, this might do little to alter the impression of consciousness.

Another possibility is to instruct chatbots to deny they have any kind of inner experience. Interestingly, Claude’s designers instruct it to treat questions about its own consciousness as open and unresolved. Perhaps fewer people would be fooled if Claude flatly denied having an inner life.

But this approach isn’t fully satisfying either. Claude would still behave as if it were conscious – and when faced with a system that behaves like it has a mind, users might reasonably worry the chatbot’s programmers are brushing genuine moral uncertainty under the rug.

The most effective strategy might be to redesign chatbots to feel less like people. Most current chatbots refer to themselves as “I”, and interact via an interface that resembles familiar person-to-person messaging platforms. Changing these kinds of features might make us less prone to blur our interactions with AI with those we have with humans.

Until such changes happen, it’s important that as many people as possible understand the predictive processes on which AI chatbots are built.

Rather than being told AI lacks consciousness, people deserve to understand the inner workings of these strange new conversational partners. This might not definitively settle hard questions about AI consciousness, but it will help ensure users aren’t fooled by what amounts to a large language model wearing a very good costume of a person.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is Richard Dawkins right about Claude? No. But it’s not surprising AI chatbots feel conscious to us – https://theconversation.com/is-richard-dawkins-right-about-claude-no-but-its-not-surprising-ai-chatbots-feel-conscious-to-us-282151

Do we absorb information better on paper, rather than screens? It depends on the screen

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Erik D Reichle, Professor of cognitive psychology, Macquarie University

Michal Parzuchowski/Unsplash

The Swedish government recently announced it was moving from the classroom use of digital devices back to physical books. It cited concerns over declining test scores and increasing screen time.

Are these concerns well founded? And what does the science of reading say about the possible consequences of reading on digital devices versus books?

To address these questions, it’s worth remembering that, although reading might appear to be an easy task, this impression is false. Reading is arguably the most difficult task one must learn – one that requires years of formal education and practice to master. In contrast to spoken language, it is a skill we are not biologically predisposed to learn.


Millions of Australians, both children and adults, struggle with literacy.

In this series, we explore the challenges of reading in an age of smartphones and social media – and ask experts how we can become better readers.


Why is reading so difficult?

To understand why reading is difficult, one must first understand the physiology of reading.

As you are reading this sentence, your eyes are making a series of rapid movements, called saccades, from one word to the next. During these saccades, the processing of visual information is suppressed and is only available during brief intervals, called fixations, when the eyes are stationary.

Experiments that measure readers’ eye movements have shown we fixate most words because our capacity to extract visual information during each fixation is extremely limited.

In languages like English that are read from left to right, our capacity to perceive the features that distinguish letters is limited to a small region of the visual field called the perceptual span. This span extends from 2-3 letter spaces to the left of fixation to 8-12 letter spaces to the right of fixation.

The span’s asymmetry reflects the movement of attention through the text. It extends to the left in languages like Arabic, which are read from right to left. The size of the span is smaller for dense writing systems, such as Chinese.

We also know from eye-tracking and brain-imaging experiments that words require time to identify. Our best estimates suggest visual information requires 60 milliseconds to propagate from the eyes to the brain and words then require an additional 100-300 milliseconds to identify. (A millsecond is one-thousandth of a second).

These constraints limit the maximum rate of reading to 300-400 words per minute, depending on the difficulty of the text and one’s level of comprehension.

The physiology of reading is complicated, requiring a high level of mental coordination.
Jess Morgan/unsplash, CC BY

Speed-reading advocates, who falsely promise faster reading speeds, teach you how to skim a text. Comprehension declines at a rate inversely proportional to the gain in speed.

Importantly, the upper limit for reading speed requires years of practice to attain, because it requires the brain systems that support vision, attention, word identification, language processing and eye movements to operate in a highly coordinated manner. Anything that prevents this coordination will therefore reduce comprehension.

Consequences of digital reading

So what are the likely consequences of digital reading?

With some devices, such as e-readers, there is little reason to suspect digital reading differs from the reading of books, because both formats support the mental processes required for skilled reading.

The more questionable devices are those introducing distractions (such as news websites interspersed with ads) or which have suboptimal formatting, such as centre-justified text with large or unequal-sized gaps between words. The latter is rarely a feature of paper-based texts.

Although the consequences of these two factors are under-researched, enough has been learned about human cognition to make informed predictions.

For example, images and audio unrelated to a text such as pop-up ads can capture attention. Although most adults have developed a level of executive control sufficient to ignore such distractions, young children have not.

The implications for a child who is struggling to understand the meaning of a text are obvious. Their comprehension will suffer to the extent that additional effort is required to ignore distractions, or if they do not yet have the mental coordination to understand the text has been disrupted.

There is also evidence from eye-tracking experiments that many digital environments, such as webpages, can induce specific reading strategies, such as skimming for gist or searching for information.

Reading on phones offers many distractions.
ra dragon/unsplash, CC BY

Although such strategies might be adaptive in some contexts, they reduce overall comprehension. This possibility should be especially concerning for children, because years of practice are needed to coordinate the mental systems that support adult levels of reading skill.

Such concerns have recently drawn more attention, because the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic caused a shift to online education and a marked increase in digital reading. Although these changes were motivated by practical necessity, their long-term consequences remain unclear.

So far, eye-tracking research has been carried out on computer screens. New technology is becoming available which will allow us to directly compare eye movements and comprehension between digital devices and paper. This should give us more clarity about the benefits versus costs of digital devices.

Given reading ability is predictive of one’s education, socioeconomic status and wellbeing, the importance of assessing the long-term consequences of digital reading cannot be overstated.

The Conversation

Erik D Reichle has received funding from the US National Institute of Health, US Institute of Education Sciences, UK Economic and Social Research Council, and Australian Research Council.

Lili Yu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Do we absorb information better on paper, rather than screens? It depends on the screen – https://theconversation.com/do-we-absorb-information-better-on-paper-rather-than-screens-it-depends-on-the-screen-281849

Urban trees cool the world’s cities more than we thought – but we can’t rely on them alone

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Manuel Esperon-Rodriguez, Researcher in Urban Transformation, Western Sydney University

Oliver Strewe/The Image Bank/Getty

Cities and towns are usually 1–3°C hotter than the surrounding countryside, because asphalt, concrete and brick absorb heat from the sun and radiate it slowly. Some cities can be as much as 7°C hotter. This effect is known as the urban heat island.

This can be dangerous, especially in hot countries. In very hot conditions, dehydration and heat exhaustion become real risks. If it gets too hot, it can be lethal.

There’s one simple antidote: urban trees. Authorities around the world have planted more trees to counteract the heat.

But how effective is this? How much hotter would our cities be without trees?

To find out, we analysed data from nearly 9,000 cities around the world, home to about 3.6 billion people. As our new research shows, trees almost halve how much heat is trapped by the urban heat island effect.

This cooling is welcome. But it is far from even. Wealthier, suburban and humid cities have more trees on average.

Why focus on trees?

Trees act like natural air conditioners. They shade the ground and stop asphalt and buildings from heating up in the first place. They also cool the air by releasing water vapour from their leaves in a process called transpiration, lowering surrounding temperatures. They can make a noticeable temperature difference, especially on sizzling summer days.

Trees offer a simple way to counteract urban heat. This matters. More than half the world’s population (55%) now live in urban areas according to the United Nations. By 2050, that figure is expected to rise to 68%. Cities are facing a hotter future, as climate change drives more intense and more frequent heatwaves. The urban heat island effect makes cities hotter still.

What did we do?

We wanted to know the answer to a simple question: how much hotter would cities be without trees?

To find out, we analysed global datasets of air temperature and fine-scale tree cover across almost 9,000 cities. Then we modelled a “what if” scenario, where all tree cover was removed, and compared it to current conditions.

This allowed us to estimate the real-world cooling effect trees provide for air temperature, which is the main way we perceive heat.

Most previous global studies have used surface temperatures, often from satellite data. But surfaces like roads and rooftops can become much hotter than the surrounding air above them, especially in direct sunlight. That can give an overestimate of how much cooling trees provide. Air temperature, by contrast, better reflects what people actually feel, making it a more reliable measure of heat.

So what effect do trees really have?

The effect was much larger than we had anticipated.

Globally, trees cut the urban heat island effect by almost 50%. Since the average urban heat island effect typically adds around 1–3°C, this translates into cooling of roughly 0.5–1.5°C in many cities.

For more than 200 million people, trees reduce local air temperatures by at least 0.5°C, enough to make a meaningful difference during extreme heat.

Cooling can vary a lot from place to place.

In hot, dry cities such as Phoenix in the United States, differences in tree cover can create clear differences in air temperatures. In more temperate cities like Lisbon in Portugal or Gothenburg in Sweden, the overall cooling is still significant, but generally smaller and more consistent across the city.

Trees are not evenly distributed

A city’s trees are not spread evenly. They’re often concentrated in wealthier neighbourhoods and suburban areas. Cities in cooler or more humid climates tend to have more.

Trees are scarcer in lower-income cities or in rapidly growing regions. This inequality is also visible in many cities. Leafy suburbs are usually several degrees cooler than nearby neighbourhoods with little vegetation.

There’s a strong link with wealth. In the United States, lower-income areas average 15% fewer trees than wealthier areas – and are 1.5°C hotter. This means the people who need free cooling from trees the most are often the least likely to receive it.

Planting more trees isn’t enough

Planting trees is often promoted as a simple solution to city heat. Trees are visible, relatively low cost and come with other benefits such as cleaner air and better mental health.

It’s no wonder authorities look to urban trees as a way to counteract the heat from escalating climate change. When you stand under a tree on a sweltering day, the cooling feels immediate and powerful.

But our study shows their effect is more limited in the face of climate change. The world’s current urban trees would, we estimate, offset just 10% of the extra heat expected by mid-century under moderate climate change scenarios. With ambitious planting, this could rise to around 20%.

While important, it’s not enough. A large majority of the extra heat will go unaddressed.

What else can be done?

If the world’s cities are to cope with rising temperatures, trees have to be seen as part of a broader strategy – not the whole answer.

Clever urban design can cut heat by using reflective materials, increasing green spaces and improving airflow between buildings. Green roofs and shaded streets can also make a difference.

New tree plantings should target hotter neighbourhoods with less existing tree canopy, as these will deliver the greatest benefits.

Of course, these measures don’t replace the need to tackle climate change directly by cutting greenhouse gas emissions.

Using trees wisely

Billions of trees grow in the world’s cities. They are hugely valuable, acting to cool cities, support biodiversity and making urban areas more liveable.

The challenge for city residents and authorities is to use trees wisely. Plant them where they’re needed most and combine them with other methods of reducing heat. Trees are remarkable. But they can’t do it all.

The Conversation

Rob McDonald works for The Nature Conservancy, an environmental nonprofit.

Tirthankar Chakraborty has received funding from DOE, NASA, and NIH to study urban environments, including impacts of vegetation on urban heat.

Manuel Esperon-Rodriguez does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Urban trees cool the world’s cities more than we thought – but we can’t rely on them alone – https://theconversation.com/urban-trees-cool-the-worlds-cities-more-than-we-thought-but-we-cant-rely-on-them-alone-281866

‘Much-needed fresh air’: 5 outcomes from the world’s first summit on ending fossil fuels

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney

Colombia’s Environment Minister Irene Velez (l) and Netherlands’ Climate and Green Growth Minister Stientje van Veldhoven. Raul Arboleda/Getty

Almost 60 countries, representing about a third of the global economy, met in the Colombian port city of Santa Marta last week for the first international summit on the transition away from fossil fuels.

It was hailed as a bold step to shift global dependence on hydrocarbons into an era of clean energy. The group of 57 countries, including Australia, Canada, Norway and Brazil, launched a new international process to coordinate the global phase out of coal, oil and gas. This historic shift brings us closer to the end of fossil fuels.

Irene Vélez Torres, Colombia’s environment minister and chair of the talks, said: “We decided that the transition away from fossil fuels could no longer remain a slogan but must become a concrete, political and collective endeavour.”

Here are five key developments from Santa Marta.

1. Moving beyond negotiating deadlocks

This meeting was a successful complement to the UN’s annual climate summits, not a replacement for them.

Decisions at UN climate meetings are made by consensus. Outcomes such as the 2015 Paris Agreement have huge legitimacy because they are agreed by nearly 200 countries. But the consensus rules also allow a handful of fossil fuel producers such as Saudi Arabia and Russia to block progress.

Holding a summit outside these formal UN talks brought much-needed fresh air to global climate diplomacy. Without petrostates blocking the way, willing countries were able to have pragmatic discussions about the legal, fiscal and economic measures needed for a coordinated wind down of fossil fuels.

These discussions will now feed back into the next UN climate talks, to be held in Turkey in November. They will, for example, raise expectations that countries include timelines to end fossil fuel use in national climate plans.

2. Paths away from coal, oil and gas

Working groups were established in Santa Marta to help countries develop national and regional plans to move away from fossil fuels, with targets and timelines to end the use of coal, oil and gas.

France launched its national roadmap at the summit, pledging to end the use of coal by 2030, oil by 2045 and gas by 2050. Europe’s second-largest economy plans to close its last coal-fired power plant next year, while replacing oil with electricity for transport and switching from gas to heat pumps for home heating. France wants two out of three new cars to be electric by 2030 and will ban the installation of gas boilers in new homes this year.

The ongoing US-Iran war has only added momentum for a shift to clean energy, as nations grapple with their dependence on imported fossil fuels amid the worst energy crisis in history.

Other nations are now expected to create plans to move away from fossil fuels and bring them to future summits.

3. A science panel to guide the transition

A new scientific panel launched in Santa Marta brings together experts in climate, economics, technology and law to advise policymakers as they draft plans to shift away from fossil fuels.

The panel will map out the most promising policies, regulations and financial arrangements to support the shift to clean energy. It is spearheaded by Professor Johan Rockstrom from the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research.

Ahead of Santa Marta, a global group of researchers released a report listing 12 high-level actions nations can take to support a fossil-fuel phaseout.

4. Tuvalu to host next summit, with Irish support

Tuvalu will host the next meeting on ending fossil fuels in 2027. As a low-lying island nation, Tuvalu’s future is threatened by sea-level rise. The Pacific nation has led global climate diplomacy for decades.

“If we are to address the climate change issue, we have to address the root cause, and the root cause is the fossil fuel industry,” said Maina Talia, Tuvalu’s climate change minister.

That there are plans for a second summit is meaningful in itself. A single conference could be a flash in the pan. But a series marks the birth of a new international process with buy in from both wealthy nations and developing countries. This year’s summit was co-hosted with the Netherlands and next year will be co-hosted with Ireland.

5. Toward a fossil fuel treaty

Today, fossil fuel producers plan to dig up more than double the amount of coal, oil and gas in 2030 than would be consistent with meeting shared climate goals.

Tuvalu is part of a growing bloc of countries, including 11 Pacific nations, that wants a new treaty to phase out fossil fuel production. Such a treaty would have three elements: ending fossil fuel expansion; phasing down existing production; and supporting a just transition to clean energy.

It would be similar to global agreements to phase out weapons, harmful substances or hazardous waste.

Climate diplomacy now runs at two speeds

We will only appreciate the full significance of the Santa Marta summit in history’s rear-view mirror.

But what is clear is that climate diplomacy now has two operating speeds. André Corrêa do Lago, who headed last year’s UN COP30 climate talks in Brazil, calls this “two-tier multilateralism”.

The first speed is that of the UN climate talks, which are slower and anchored in consensus. They ensure legitimacy, universality and collective direction.

But what the Santa Marta conference shows is the existence of a second, much faster speed available to any country wanting to rapidly move to end the use of fossil fuels, once and for all.

The Conversation

Wesley Morgan is a Fellow with the Climate Council of Australia.

ref. ‘Much-needed fresh air’: 5 outcomes from the world’s first summit on ending fossil fuels – https://theconversation.com/much-needed-fresh-air-5-outcomes-from-the-worlds-first-summit-on-ending-fossil-fuels-282061

Federal investigation into Smith College probes whether transgender students can attend women’s schools – challenging the evolving mission of women’s education

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Alex C. Lange, Assistant Professor, Higher Education, Colorado State University

The Smith College campus in Northampton, Mass., in October 2025. Jonathan Wiggs/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Within the past decade, most women’s colleges in the United States – including Smith College, a liberal arts college in Northampton, Massachusetts – have expanded their admissions policies, allowing transgender students to also attend. Many of these policies allow transgender women to apply, while policies for transgender men and nonbinary students vary more widely.

The Trump administration announced on May 4, 2026, that it is investigating Smith College for violating Title IX, a law that prohibits discrimination based on someone’s sex.

“An all-women’s college loses all meaning if it is admitting biological males,” Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Kimberly Richey said in a statement issued by the Education Department.

As a scholar of higher education who studies the experiences of LGBTQ+ students, I think it is important to recognize that women’s colleges offer a unique experience to students, including transgender and queer students. They create environments where students who are marginalized by their genders see themselves as leaders.

Women’s colleges have also long been welcoming places for lesbian and queer relationships, offering community and support as attitudes about gender and sexuality have changed.

A woman with dark hair and a long jacket smiles and holds a trophy, walking next to a man in front of a woman's bathroom sing.
Lia Thomas, a competitive swimmer at the University of Pennsylvania, walks with her coach after winning an event in March 2022.
Mike Comer/NCAA Photos via Getty Images

A prior focus on trans athletes

Up until now, the Trump administration’s policy agenda on transgender rights and education has primarily focused on whether universities should let transgender students participate in college sports.

The Trump administration froze US$175 million in federal funding to the University of Pennsylvania in 2025 because it objected to how the school allowed transgender students to participate on women’s sports teams. One trans woman athlete named Lia Thomas, in particular, gained recognition for her strong performance on the women’s swim team at Penn.

The administration released the frozen funding after Penn agreed in July 2025 to block trans athletes like Thomas from participating in women’s sports.

Some of the sports-related lawsuits the administration filed in 2025 – like those targeting Penn and the University of Maine for allowing trans women to participate in women’s sports – have been settled out of court.

Other Title IX investigations into San José State University and the University of Nevada-Reno, for example, are still ongoing.

Understanding role of women’s colleges

Women’s colleges were created in the mid-to-late 1800s, when women were largely not allowed to enroll in most colleges. Women’s colleges became places where these students would be taken seriously as women and leaders.

As more colleges went coeducational, women’s colleges had to explain their purpose and evolving missions over time.

After World War II, for example, people said that American women who were working jobs outside the home should stop. Women’s colleges again explained their mission to the public, stating they could prepare women for the workforce and home. So, while women’s colleges were created to respond to the gendered exclusion of women, their missions have shifted as societal understandings of gender have evolved, too.

Transgender students didn’t suddenly appear at women’s colleges or other higher education institutions. But in the early 2000s, more students began to openly identify as transgender, and colleges increasingly had to decide how to adjust their policies.

Some older alumni of women’s colleges have expressed concern about admitting trans students, including whether allowing them affects a women’s college’s reputation, traditions or identity. These debates can matter a lot because most women’s colleges in the U.S. are private liberal arts colleges that depend on tuition payments and donations.

But some alumni have supported more expansive admissions policies consistent with the broader mission of women’s education.

While women’s schools have presented their own challenges for some queer and transgender students, they have long remained significant to the LGBTQ+ community.

A group of young women sit close together and look at one woman who is drawing an air foil on a chakboard.
The women of Smith College’s flying club learn about airplane maintenance, flying instruction and flight logging management in September 1945.
George Woodruff/Bettmann Archive/Getty Images

What should women’s colleges be?

The number of women’s colleges has declined sharply over the past few decades.

In 1960 there were about 230 such colleges. In 2023 there were 30 women’s colleges in the United States. As more colleges became coeducational, women had more options, and many women’s colleges either closed, merged or began admitting men.

This decline in women’s colleges helps explain why debates over admitting trans students to women’s colleges are so charged. Each decision becomes part of a broader question about what women’s colleges are and should be.

The conversation around transgender and nonbinary students attending women’s colleges became more public in the 2010s. In 2013 Smith College denied admission to a trans woman because the student indicated that she was male on her federal financial aid forms.

This resulted in a big debate between Smith alumni and students about what the school’s admission policy should be. Leading up to this point, several women’s colleges – including Barnard, Smith, Mills and Wellesley – treated trans student applicants on a case-by-case basis, or in an informal way.

In 2014, Mount Holyoke, a women’s college in western Massachusetts, created one of the most expansive early policies on this issue. It allowed applications from transgender women and from some applicants who identified as transgender more broadly, while continuing to exclude cisgender men.

Smith also announced a new policy in 2015 that allowed anyone who identified as female to apply and be admitted.

Today, most but not all women’s colleges have their own policies regarding the admission of trans students. These policies vary: Some admit transgender women and some nonbinary applicants, while others are more restrictive. Many do not admit applicants who identify as men, including transgender men.

Mixed experiences for trans students

Some research finds that students overall at women’s colleges report higher levels of support – including from faculty – than students at coeducational colleges. Some transgender students arrive expecting these colleges to offer a safe and accepting atmosphere.

But some transgender students have negative experiences at women’s colleges and can feel like they are being watched too closely, ignored or both. These problems aren’t just because of interactions with other people. They can also occur when trans students encounter student records, bathrooms, housing and campus rules that assume everyone is either a man or a woman, or identifies with the sex they were assigned at birth.

Transgender students often report that college can feel less welcoming to them. Research on trans college students shows that academic, cocurricular, peer and institutional contexts shape how welcoming or alienating campus feels.

My research with other colleagues also examines how trans and queer students thrive in college, whether at co-ed or women’s colleges. Many form close-knit communities and are vital members of their campuses. The difficulties trans students face are not inherent to being trans. I believe they are produced by policies and systems that marginalize them because they are trans.

Barring transgender people from attending women’s colleges would block a higher education pathway for transgender and queer students.

Women’s colleges were created in response to gender inequality. I believe this history should push them to keep making college more open and supportive for students excluded because of gender.

The Conversation

Alex C. Lange receives funding from the Spencer Foundation.

ref. Federal investigation into Smith College probes whether transgender students can attend women’s schools – challenging the evolving mission of women’s education – https://theconversation.com/federal-investigation-into-smith-college-probes-whether-transgender-students-can-attend-womens-schools-challenging-the-evolving-mission-of-womens-education-282219

Recreational fishing in the US catches far more fish than previously estimated

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Matthew Robertson, Research Scientist, Fisheries and Marine Institute, Memorial University of Newfoundland

Fishing is recreational, but it’s also an inexpensive way to add protein to people’s diets. Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

One of the United States’ largest fisheries is hiding in plain sight. Recreational freshwater anglers in the lower 48 states catch – and keep – far more fish than any official body has estimated, according to new research from our team of North American fishery scientists.

Specifically, our analysis, which integrated thousands of recreational fishing surveys across the U.S., found that people who engage in recreational fishing in the country’s lakes, ponds and reservoirs catch between 2 billion and 6 billion fish each year. Many of them practice catch-and-release fishing, but even after accounting for all the fish released, we estimated that they keep between 230,000 and 670,000 metric tons of fish in the U.S. alone.

That’s between 17 and 48 times more fish than prior U.S. estimates that have been reported to the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization.

And it’s about 20% of the United States’ total recorded annual consumption of fresh fish that has not been frozen. We estimated the value of the recreational fish catch is roughly US$3 billion a year. By contrast, domestic commercial processed fishery products are valued at about US$12 billion a year.

Not just for fun

Historically, most researchers and policymakers viewed recreational fishing as a leisure activity rather than a significant part of the nation’s food supply.

However, for many households, recreationally harvested fish – fish that people catch and keep, often to eat – represent a meaningful source of protein at very low cost. By recognizing this unseen harvest as a significant food source, policymakers can recognize that changes in recreational fishing opportunities don’t just affect anglers’ enjoyment, but also millions of households’ food security.

The immensity of recreational fishing also likely has effects on freshwater ecosystems that have gone unrecognized by fisheries managers.

For example, a 2019 analysis of nearly 200 lakes in northern Wisconsin found that around 40% of walleye recreational fisheries were overfished. Even when fish are released and not kept for eating, they can die shortly after release or be injured or stressed from having been caught. Injured and stressed fish may produce fewer offspring, be more vulnerable to predators and be less capable of catching prey.

Together, these effects on fish populations and the act of fishing can substantially change how freshwater ecosystems function. For example, removing top predators like walleye can lead to an increase in small fish, which eat tiny zooplankton, which feed on phytoplankton. If zooplankton populations fall, that can ultimately lead to more frequent algal blooms.

Effective fisheries management requires accurate estimates of fishing activity. Without that information, officials may overestimate fish population size, which could lead to unexpected population collapses and new fishery regulations and closures.

Why the numbers don’t add up

Official harvest statistics for fisheries, which are collected by the U.N. from national governments, usually focus on ocean fisheries, which are typically the largest and most lucrative.

As a result, the only official statistics for the U.S. freshwater fisheries harvest cover commercial fisheries that primarily operate in the Great Lakes.

Collecting data on recreational fisheries is challenging. Unlike commercial fisheries that unload their catch at centralized ports, it is impossible to know where recreational fishers are and what they are catching across the entire country. With an estimated 35 million people fishing across millions of rivers, lakes, ponds and reservoirs, the amount of recreational fishing makes it an extremely difficult activity to track.

A person stands on the shore of a lake with a fishing pole as swan-shaped boats pass by.
A person fishes in Echo Lake in Los Angeles.
Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

Recreational fisheries data tends to be collected by state agencies that conduct angler surveys. Angler surveys involve counting and interviewing anglers at specific rivers, lakes, ponds and reservoirs to provide snapshots of who is fishing, how they fish and what they catch. Each state collects data differently, and surveys typically focus on a few locations rather than the entire state.

Without a coordinated national effort, the total recreational catch has remained effectively invisible because one state’s questions and findings do not always align with those in other states.

From local surveys to national statistics

Our new research, a collaborative effort between myself and four colleagues from the U.S. Geological Survey, the University of Missouri and Louisiana State University, sought to improve the quality of recreational fishing data. Over the past several years, our team has worked to compile angler surveys from across the country into a single database.

We have not received data from every river, lake, pond and reservoir; in fact, we have not even collected data from every state. But we have collected over 15,000 surveys from 40 states, and we are collecting more surveys every day.

To calculate our estimates, we combined three major factors:

  • Nationwide numbers of fish caught and hours spent fishing.

  • Assumptions about how many lakes, ponds and reservoirs people fish based on the relationships between water body size and known fishing locations.

  • The proportion of caught fish that aren’t thrown back.

We arrived at an estimate of 2 billion to 6 billion fish caught.

Rethinking recreational fisheries

Even our most conservative assumption of harvested fish – 236,000 metric tons – is much higher than the prior U.N. estimates of 13,388 metric tons. We hope these new numbers will serve as initial estimates that will be continually refined as we and other researchers collect more data and better understand where and how people fish.

Getting this first estimate provides a baseline for fisheries managers to ensure fishing policies line up with the actual effects of recreational fishing.

We also note that recreational freshwater fishing happens across the globe. If the actual recreational fish harvest is significantly higher than has previously been estimated in the U.S., the same is likely true worldwide.

The Conversation

Matthew Robertson receives funding from a Marine Institute of Memorial University Start-Up Fund, the Canadian Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) Discovery Grant, the Newfoundland and Labrador Innovation and Business Investment Corporation’s Research and Development program, the Atlantic Groundfish Council, the Environment and Climate Chance Canada (ECCC) Environmental Damages Fund, and the Robert and Edith Skinner Wildlife Management Fund.

This research was funded by a grant for the U.S. Geological Survey Climate Adaptation Science Center.

ref. Recreational fishing in the US catches far more fish than previously estimated – https://theconversation.com/recreational-fishing-in-the-us-catches-far-more-fish-than-previously-estimated-276812

Countries must back commitments to transition from fossil fuels with action

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Philippe Le Billon, Professor, Geography Department and School of Public Policy & Global Affairs, University of British Columbia

The first international Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels concluded on April 29 in Santa Marta, Colombia. Stemming from the failure of the last COP meeting in Belèm, Brazil, to address the necessity of reducing reliance on fossil fuels, the intergovernmental event was co-organized by Colombia and the Netherlands and gathered delegations from 59 countries.

The conference included countries advocating for a phase-down of fossil fuels, such as Costa Rica, Denmark, Spain, France and Kenya within the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance.

It also included countries highly exposed to climate change, such as Tuvalu, Vanuatu, Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda and Bangladesh, all members of the Climate Vulnerable Forum, as well as major oil-producing countries like Brazil, Canada, Norway and Nigeria. Canada carefully refrained from using the word fossil fuels in its very cautious plenary declaration.

As expected, the conference did not produce binding commitments or a negotiated agreement. Its goal, for now, is more modest: to provide a space more flexible than United Nations climate COPs. That aims to enable frank discussions on the practical realities of phasing down fossil fuels and foster a coalition capable of pushing future COPs toward more concrete action, as states agreed during COP28 in 2023.

Many participants framed the Santa Marta conference as a historic turning point, echoing the optimism that followed the Paris Agreement and COP28’s call for transitioning away from fossil fuels. However, the limited tangible outcomes of these past commitments suggest caution.

Will Santa Marta mark the beginning of a genuine transformation, or remain another symbolic milestone?




Read more:
Here’s what to expect from the first Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels


A turning point or familiar rhetoric?

The very existence of a summit dedicated to phasing down fossil fuels is unprecedented — particularly one hosted by a Global South country like Colombia, with an economy that remains significantly dependent on oil and coal export.

However, many proposals discussed in Santa Marta have already been raised at previous conferences, such as the 2025 African Climate Summit and the 2023 Summit for a New Global Financial Pact. Since then, calls for global action to address climate change and help climate-vulnerable countries have largely failed to translate into concrete policies.

This raises the risk that Santa Marta may reproduce what scholars describe as “incantatory governance” — a model that combines ambitious global goals with flexible, largely voluntary instruments and an optimistic narrative designed to mobilize international consensus without necessarily delivering structural change.

Four dynamics to watch

Whether Santa Marta becomes more than rhetoric will depend on four key dynamics.

  1. Will participating countries remain in informal, non-binding coalitions, or will they form more structured and co-ordinated groups focused on phasing down fossil fuels, similar to how OPEC organizes oil-producing states? Recent academic work suggests that such coalitions could play a decisive role in shaping global efforts to phase down fossil fuels.

  2. The credibility of this process will hinge on whether countries adopt binding national measures, such as bans on new exploration licenses, rather than relying solely on voluntary commitments. A meaningful transition will require combining incentives (like subsidies for renewables and electrification) with constraints (taxation, regulation and prohibitions), all within the framework of a just transition. Tools like the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Tracker can help monitor and assess fossil fuel-related policies around the world.

  3. The momentum generated in Santa Marta must withstand domestic political shifts that could weaken commitments. This is particularly relevant for oil-producing countries like Colombia, where future governments may adopt different positions. At the same time, persistent distrust remains due to the gap between climate finance promises made by wealthy countries and the funds actually delivered.

  4. Effective action will depend on stronger co-ordination among governments, civil society and the scientific community. Notably, the parallel academic conference and the People’s Summit for a Fossil-Free Future at Santa Marta produced detailed and actionable proposals aligned with the scale of the climate crisis. Bridging these initiatives with formal policy processes will be essential to move from rhetoric to implementation.

From commitments to action

The conference in Santa Marta is an important step toward building political coalitions to phase out fossil fuels. But its long-term significance remains uncertain. Without binding commitments, political continuity and co-ordinated action, it risks becoming another instance of empty climate diplomacy.

Turning this moment into a movement will demand structural reforms, credible policy tools and sustained political will. International negotiations and clear roadmaps are crucial.

A follow-up summit is planned for 2027 in the South Pacific, co-chaired by Tuvalu and Ireland. In the meantime, three working groups have been established. One to develop national and regional phase-down roadmaps. Another is to address macroeconomic dependence on fossil fuels and strengthen public financial capacity. And a third is focused on decarbonizing international trade.

Santa Marta could mark the beginning of a major shift in climate negotiations, one clearly focused on ultimately phasing out fossil fuels.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Countries must back commitments to transition from fossil fuels with action – https://theconversation.com/countries-must-back-commitments-to-transition-from-fossil-fuels-with-action-282118