Seeking honor is a double-edged sword – from ancient Greece to samurai Japan, thinkers have wrestled with whether it’s the way to virtue

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Kenneth Andrew Andres Leonardo, Postdoctoral Fellow and Visiting Assistant Professor of Government, Hamilton College

Desire for validation from other people can lead people toward virtue – or in the other direction. Jacob Wackerhausen/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Pete Hegseth, the current defense secretary, has stressed what he calls the “warrior ethos,” while other Americans seem to have embraced a renewed interest in “warrior culture.”

Debate about these concepts actually traces back for thousands of years. Thinkers have long wrestled with what it means to be a true “warrior,” and the proper place of honor and virtue on the road to becoming one. I study the history of political thought, where these debates sometimes play out, but have engaged them in my own martial arts training, too. Beyond aimless brutality or victory, serious practitioners eventually look toward higher principles – even when the desire for glory is powerful.

Many times, “honor” and “virtue” are almost synonyms. If you acted righteously, you behaved “honorably.” If you’re moral, you’re “honorable.” In practice, chasing after honor can prompt not only the best behavior, but the worst. We all long for validation. At its best, that longing can motivate us toward virtue – but it can also lead in the opposite direction.

I am fascinated by the way two famous thinkers grapple with this paradox. They are teachers who lived centuries apart, on opposite sides of the world: Aristotle, the Greek philosopher; and Yamamoto Tsunetomo, a Japanese samurai and Buddhist priest.

The ‘prize of virtue’

In the age of Homer, the Greek poet who is thought to have composed “The Iliad” and “The Odyssey” around the 8th century B.C.E., being “good” meant attaining excellence in combat and military affairs, along with wealth and social standing.

According to classics scholar Arthur W.H. Adkins, the “quiet virtues” like justice, prudence and wisdom were seen as honorable, but were not needed for a person to be considered good during this time.

Several centuries later, though, those virtues became central to Socrates, Plato and Aristotle – Greek thinkers whose ideas about character continue to influence how many people, both inside and outside academia, view ethics today.

Aristotle’s understanding of virtue is reflected not only in his works, but in the deeds of his reputed student, Alexander the Great. The Macedonian king is commonly held as the best military commander in antiquity, with an empire that extended from Greece to India. The Greek author Plutarch believed that philosophy provided Alexander with the “equipment” for his campaign: virtues including courage, moderation, greatness of soul and comprehension.

In Aristotle’s view, honor and virtue seem to be “goods” that people pursue in the search for happiness. He refers to external goods, like honor and wealth; goods related to the body, like health; and goods of the soul, like virtue.

A white stone statue of a bearded man's head, with his shoulders wrapped in fabric folds.
A Roman copy of a bust of Aristotle, modeled after a bronze by the Greek sculptor Lysippos, who lived in the 4th century BCE.
National Roman Museum of the Altemps Palace/Jastrow via Wikimedia Commons

Each moral virtue, such as courage and moderation, forms one’s character by maintaining good habits, Aristotle proposed.

Overall, the virtuous human being is one who consistently makes the correct choices in life – generally, avoiding too much or too little of something.

A courageous warrior, for example, acts with just the right amount of fear. True courage, Aristotle wrote, results from doing what is noble, like defending one’s city, even if it leads to a painful death. Cowards habitually flee what is painful, while someone who acts bravely because of excessive confidence is simply reckless. Someone who is angry or vengeful fights due to passion, not courage, according to Aristotle.

The problem is that people tend to neglect virtue in favor of other “goods,” Aristotle observed: things like riches, property, reputation and power. Yet virtue itself provides the way to acquire them. Honor, properly bestowed, is the “prize of virtue.”

Still, the impulse for honor can be overwhelming. Indeed, Aristotle called it the “greatest of the external goods.” But we should only care, he cautioned, when honor comes from people who are virtuous themselves. He even recognized two virtues – greatness of soul and ambition – that involve seeking the correct amount of honor from the right place.

Loyalty, even in the face of death

A painting with a large yellow backdrop, showing a man in black robes seated on a green carpet.
Nabeshima Mitsushige, the 17th-century lord whom Yamamoto Tsunetomo served.
Kodenji Temple Collections via Wikimedia Commons

Two thousand years later, and half a world away, the samurai warriors of Japan also famously focused on honor.

One of them was Yamamoto Tsunetomo – a servant of Nabeshima Mitsushige, a feudal lord in southern Japan. After his lord’s death in 1700, Tsunetomo became a Buddhist priest.

Tsunetomo’s counsel can be found in the “Hagakure-kikigaki,” a collection of his teachings about how a samurai ought to live. Today, this text is considered one of the most notable discourses on “bushidō,” or the way of the warrior.

Tsunetomo’s samurai oath involved the following:

I will never fall behind others in pursuing the way of the warrior.

I will always be ready to serve my lord.

I will honor my parents.
I will serve compassionately for the benefit of others.

The road to becoming a samurai required developing habits that would enable the warrior to fulfill these oaths. Over time, those consistent habits would develop into virtues, like compassion and courage.

To merit honor, the samurai were expected to demonstrate those virtues until their end. Tsunetomo infamously stated that “the way of the warrior is to be found in dying.” Freedom and being able to fulfill one’s duties require living as a “corpse,” he taught. A warrior who cannot detach from life and death is useless, whereas “with this mind-set, any meritorious feat is achievable.”

A courageous death was integral to meriting honor. If one’s lord died, ritual suicide was considered an honorable expression of loyalty – an extension of the general rule that samurai should follow their lord. Indeed, it was considered shameful to become a “rōnin,” a samurai dismissed without a master. Nonetheless, it was possible to make amends and return. Lord Katsushige, the previous head of the Nabeshima domain, even encouraged the experience to truly understand how to be of service.

Large Black characters in Asian script on a gray-yellow piece of paper.
The Japanese characters for ‘bushidō,’ the ‘way of the warrior.’
Norbert Weber-Karatelehrer via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The path to virtue, then, might involve a period of dishonor. The “Hagakure” suggests that fear of dishonor should not lead a samurai to mindlessly follow his lord’s instructions. In some cases, a servant could correct their master as a sign of “magnificent loyalty.” Tsunetomo referred to the example of Nakano Shōgen, who brought peace after persuading his lord, Mitsushige, to apologize for not paying proper respect to certain families within the clan.

The “Hagakure” presents honor as something essential to the way of the warrior. But fame and power should only be pursued along a path aligned with virtue – a life in accord with the samurai’s core oath.

“A [samurai] who seeks only fame and power is not a true retainer,” according to the “Hagakure.” “Then again, he who doesn’t [seek them] is not a true retainer either.”

Honor matters in the pursuit of virtue, both Aristotle and Tsunetomo conclude, especially as a first source of motivation.

But both thinkers agree that honor is not the final end. Nor is moral virtue. Ultimately, they acknowledge something even higher: divine truth.

For Aristotle and Tsunetomo, it seems, the way of the warrior turns toward philosophy rather than unrestrained power and endless war.

The Conversation

Kenneth Andrew Andres Leonardo worked on some of the research presented here under the direction of Dr. Alexander Bennett at Kansai University (Osaka, Japan) through their “Scholars from Overseas” program. Professor Leonardo is an Instructor in Kali Method under Guro Jason Cruz. He also currently trains in Gracie Jiu Jitsu under Sensei Erik Soderbergh and in Judo at Brown’s School of Judo, Jujutsu, and Grappling. Previously, he studied Pangamot under Grandmaster Felix Pascua.

ref. Seeking honor is a double-edged sword – from ancient Greece to samurai Japan, thinkers have wrestled with whether it’s the way to virtue – https://theconversation.com/seeking-honor-is-a-double-edged-sword-from-ancient-greece-to-samurai-japan-thinkers-have-wrestled-with-whether-its-the-way-to-virtue-262005

Grok produces sexualized photos of women and minors for users on X – a legal scholar explains why it’s happening and what can be done

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Wayne Unger, Associate Professor of Law, Quinnipiac University

Grok is making it easy for users to flood X with nonconsensual sexualized images. Anna Barclay/Getty Images

Since the end of December, 2025, X’s artificial intelligence chatbot, Grok, has responded to many users’ requests to undress real people by turning photos of the people into sexually explicit material. After people began using the feature, the social platform company faced global scrutiny for enabling users to generate nonconsensual sexually explicit depictions of real people.

The Grok account has posted thousands of “nudified” and sexually suggestive images per hour. Even more disturbing, Grok has generated sexualized images and sexually explicit material of minors.

X’s response: Blame the platform’s users, not us. The company issued a statement on Jan. 3, 2026, saying that “Anyone using or prompting Grok to make illegal content will suffer the same consequences as if they upload illegal content.” It’s not clear what action, if any, X has taken against any users.

As a legal scholar who studies the intersection of law and emerging technologies, I see this flurry of nonconsensual imagery as a predictable outcome of the combination of X’s lax content moderation policies and the accessibility of powerful generative AI tools.

Targeting users

The rapid rise in generative AI has led to countless websites, apps and chatbots that allow users to produce sexually explicit material, including “nudification” of real children’s images. But these apps and websites are not as widely known or used as any of the major social media platforms, like X.

State legislatures and Congress were somewhat quick to respond. In May 2025, Congress enacted the Take It Down Act, which makes it a criminal offense to publish nonconsensual sexually explicit material of real people. The Take It Down Act criminalizes both the nonconsensual publication of “intimate visual depictions” of identifiable people and AI- or otherwise computer-generated depictions of identifiable people.

Those criminal provisions apply only to any individuals who post the sexually explicit content, not to the platforms that distribute the content, such as social media websites.

Other provisions of the Take It Down Act, however, require platforms to establish a process for the people depicted to request the removal of the imagery. Once a “Take It Down Request” is submitted, a platform must remove the sexually explicit depiction within 48 hours. But these requirements do not take effect until May 19, 2026.

Problems with platforms

Meanwhile, user requests to take down the sexually explicit imagery produced by Grok have apparently gone unanswered. Even the mother of one of Elon Musk’s children, Ashley St. Clair, has not been able to get X to remove the fake sexualized images of her that Musk’s fans produced using Grok. The Guardian reports that St. Clair said her “complaints to X staff went nowhere.”

This does not surprise me because Musk gutted then-Twitter’s Trust and Safety advisory group shortly after he acquired the platform and fired 80% of the company’s engineers dedicated to trust and safety. Trust and safety teams are typically responsible for content moderation and initiatives to prevent abuse at tech companies.

Grok is letting users flood X with nonconsensual images.

Publicly, it appears that Musk has dismissed the seriousness of the situation. Musk has reportedly posted laugh-cry emojis in response to some of the images, and X responded to a Reuters reporter’s inquiry with the auto-reply “Legacy Media Lies.”

Limits of lawsuits

Civil lawsuits like the one filed by the parents of Adam Raine, a teenager who committed suicide in April 2025 after interacting with OpenAI’s ChatGPT, are one way to hold platforms accountable. But lawsuits face an uphill battle in the United States given Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which generally immunizes social media platforms from legal liability for the content that users post on their platforms.

Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas and many legal scholars, however, have argued that Section 230 has been applied too broadly by courts. I generally agree that Section 230 immunity needs to be narrowed because immunizing tech companies and their platforms for their deliberate design choices – how their software is built, how the software operates and what the software produces – falls outside the scope of Section 230’s protections.

In this case, X has either knowingly or negligently failed to deploy safeguards and controls in Grok to prevent users from generating sexually explicit imagery of identifiable people. Even if Musk and X believe that users should have the ability to generate sexually explicit images of adults using Grok, I believe that in no world should X escape accountability for building a product that generates sexually explicit material of real-life children.

Regulatory guardrails

If people cannot hold platforms like X accountable via civil lawsuits, then it falls to the federal government to investigate and regulate them. The Federal Trade Commission, the Department of Justice or Congress, for example, could investigate X for Grok’s generation of nonconsensual sexually explicit material. But with Musk’s renewed political ties to President Donald Trump, I do not expect any serious investigations and accountability anytime soon.

For now, international regulators have launched investigations against X and Grok. French authorities have commenced investigations into “the proliferation of sexually explicit deepfakes” from Grok, and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties and Digital Rights Ireland have strongly urged Ireland’s national police to investigate the “mass undressing spree.” The U.K. regulatory agency Office of Communications said it is investigating the matter, and regulators in the European Commission, India and Malaysia are reportedly investigating X as well.

In the United States, perhaps the best course of action until the Take It Down Act goes into effect in May is for people to demand action from elected officials.

The Conversation

Wayne Unger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grok produces sexualized photos of women and minors for users on X – a legal scholar explains why it’s happening and what can be done – https://theconversation.com/grok-produces-sexualized-photos-of-women-and-minors-for-users-on-x-a-legal-scholar-explains-why-its-happening-and-what-can-be-done-272861

What 2026 could hold for the UK housing market

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alper Kara, Head of Department of Economics, Finance & Accounting, Brunel University of London

Clare Louise Jackson/Shutterstock

For many UK households, 2025 marked the beginning of the end of the mortgage rate shocks of the previous year. And while that did not mean a return to cheap borrowing, the easing of interest rates was clearly visible over the course of the year.

The Bank of England’s base rate, a key determinant of mortgage pricing, fell from 4.75% in January 2025 to 3.75% in December.

And mortgage rates followed suit. For a typical first-time buyer (a two-year fixed deal with a 10% deposit) rates fell from around 5.35% in January to about 4.49% by the end of the year.

House prices, meanwhile, did not surge, with annual growth slowed to around 0.7%. Overall, 2025 looked more like a period of cooling and stabilisation – certainly one of the calmer years for the housing market in the past decade.

And that calmness could be about to continue. Most forecasts suggest that the Bank of England base rate could fall further, potentially towards 3.25% by the end of 2026.

But the December 2025 decision is a useful reality check. While the Bank cut rates to 3.75%, it was by a narrow vote (five for, four against). That close split shows the Bank is still cautious about cutting interest rates too quickly.

This matters because mortgage rates do not simply track the base rate. Fixed-rate mortgages are priced mainly off what markets expect to happen over the next few years.

When markets start to anticipate cuts, lenders can reduce fixed rates before the Bank acts. And when those expected cuts are already priced in, there is less room for dramatic further falls.

That helps explain why borrowers may not see mortgage rates drop as far as they hope even if the base rate continues edging down. Those drops are often priced in early, and the remaining reductions can be slower and smaller.

Given the direction of travel, a reasonable expectation is that mortgage rates in 2026 will be a little lower, and a little less volatile.

By the end of 2026, if the base rate settles near the lower end of expectations at around 3.25%, mortgage rates are more likely to stabilise rather than fall sharply. Best deals might dip just below 3.5%, but most borrowers are still likely to face rates in the 3.75–4% range.

Predictable property?

Competition between lenders may help at the margins, but bigger falls would require clearer evidence that inflation pressures are easing sustainably, allowing the Bank to keep cutting rates beyond 2026.

If mortgage rates fall modestly and become more predictable, research suggests that the housing market typically responds with improved confidence. More people may feel they are able to move, and buyers are less likely to wait around while they wait for clarity.

Bank of England street view.
All eyes on the Bank of England.
Sven Hansche/Shutterstock

But the general expectation for UK house prices in 2026 is modest growth rather than a runaway market. The Nationwide building society expects annual house price growth to remain broadly in the 2% to 4% range. Halifax’s predictions – of 1% to 3% – are more cautious.

Overall then, 2026 is likely to be a year of stabilisation with mortgage rates slightly lower, but not a return to the ultra-low rates of 2010s. But for households, the year should feel calmer and more predictable, with fewer mortgage shocks, supported by gradually improving affordability.

That said, borrowing is unlikely to feel cheap. And it is important not to assume that a falling base rate automatically guarantees cheaper mortgages, as much of that expectation may already be priced in.

For remortgagers, 2026 may bring fewer surprises, but it will still reward preparation. Households coming off very low fixed rates should start shopping early, compare product transfers with the open market, and pay attention to total costs, not just the headline rate.

For first-time buyers, 2026 may be not the worst time to buy. When rates stabilise and affordability improves gradually, planning becomes easier. But they should still be cautious about overstretching. A slightly cheaper mortgage does not necessarily offset high prices and transaction costs – or the ongoing cost-of-living pressures that many households face.

The Conversation

Alper Kara does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What 2026 could hold for the UK housing market – https://theconversation.com/what-2026-could-hold-for-the-uk-housing-market-272403

How medieval monks tried to stay warm in the winter

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Giles Gasper, Professor in High Medieval History, Durham University

A medieval woodcutter chops down branches for firewood. Bequest of George Blumenthal, 1941

The best location for a monastery was one that was close to water and wood. Many monastic chroniclers mention this.

Orderic Vitalis, born in England near Shrewsbury in 1075 and sent to the Norman monastery of St Évroult at the age of five, was explicit about this twin need. Water for washing, sanitation, drinking, for making ink, for making lime mortar, and wood for building, and perhaps for keeping warm.

The Benedictine version of monastic life was the most popular across the medieval period, although many others existed. The rule attributed to St Benedict was set down, in 73 chapters, to provide guidance for how monks should live their lives. They should be focused on the world that is to come, on life after death, as well as on obedience and humility.

Monks could not own anything or have personal wealth, even though monasteries as institutions could be very rich indeed. Material comfort was not high on the agenda, at least in theory. Indeed, a contrasting relationship between material discomfort and spiritual worth is often identifiable in the religious expression of the period. In many ways it was seen as the greater the physical discomfort, the greater the spiritual value. The Cistercians, who emerged as a distinctive monastic grouping at the very end of the 11th century, and who followed the Rule of St Benedict too, laid great emphasis on austerity in all areas of their lives.

The regulation of monastic communities provides the context for their attitudes towards being cold. Concession to cold in the Rule of Benedict was limited – that monks in colder regions would need more clothes is recognised. In general the only difference between winter and summer wear was a thick and woolly cowl (a hood which extended across the shoulders) for the colder months and otherwise a thinner one.

Benedict was writing in 6th-century Italy. Conditions in northern regions in later medieval centuries were quite different, in many respects, to the early medieval Mediterranean. Not least in how cold monasteries could get. Orderic had a description of the effects of the winter at the end of his fourth book (of 13) of his Historia ecclesiastica. After writing a little about disputes and clashes on the frontier between Normandy and Maine, in what is now France, he notes that:

Mortal men are oppressed by many misfortunes, which would fill great volumes if the whole take of them were written down. But now, numbed by the winter cold, I turn to other pursuits; and weary with toil, resolve to end my present book here. When the warmth of spring returns I will relate in the following books everything that I have only briefly touched upon or omitted altogether.

But one room in a monastery was kept warm in cold weather. The calefactorium, or calefactory, that is to say, the warming room, was equipped with a fire, and in some cases other treats.

Very few buildings within monastic compounds had fireplaces. The church buildings would have been unheated, and so would the dormitories. The warming house was an unusual and important location in this respect. While some warming rooms were larger they would still not have been able to fit all that many people in at a time. It is easy to imagine a group of ten or so monks huddled round the fireplace, with wood crackling, talking quietly (talking was also discouraged in monastic houses), and seeking some measure of warmth in a cold environment. And that image is probably not far from the truth.

Despite their evident value to the community warming houses do not feature prominently in written records. Nevertheless, surviving examples of buildings and textual references do allow insights into monastic lives, and the difference that the calefactory must have made. Examples from medieval England included the Cistercian house of Meaux in Yorkshire. Founded in 1141 nothing survives of the building but an extensive chronicle does.

The record of new buildings made under Abbot Thomas from 1182 onwards includes mention not only of a fine refectory (dining room) for the monks, built in stone, but also the warming house and a small kitchen. That these should be be entered into the chronicle amongst the achievements of the abbot, as a record to future generations of the community, says a lot about the value placed upon it. It is of interest too that while the refectory went up quickly, paid for by a donor to the monastery, the kitchen and warming room were put together gradually and as resource allowed.

The value of fire

While the warming house of Meaux exists only in its historical record, good surviving examples of other warming houses are common enough. Rievaulx Abbey in north Yorkshire is a good example.

The warming house at Rievaulx is next to the refectory, and was altered quite substantially over the period from the 12th to the 16th century. Eventually two storeys, the warming complex also included clothes-washing facilities for the monks in winter.

And then to Durham. Here we turn to The Rites of Durham, a wonderful treatise from the 16th century (and later), the last memory of the practices of the pre-Reformation monastic house.

It reveals that the warming room, here referred to as a common house, was on the right-hand side as you exited the cloister. And inside there was:

a fyer keept all winter for the mouncks to come and warme at, being allowed no fire but that onely; except the masters and officers which had their seuerall fires.

While medieval buildings were difficult to heat, the presence of warm rooms was an indication of the value put on warmth. And in the case of the Durham Cathedral priory’s common house the monks were provided with additional treats around Christmas time, if the account is to be believed. Figs, raisins, cakes and ale were offered and taken in moderation.

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The Conversation

Giles Gasper receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council, Research England, the John Templeton Foundation and the Leverhulme Trust

ref. How medieval monks tried to stay warm in the winter – https://theconversation.com/how-medieval-monks-tried-to-stay-warm-in-the-winter-270829

Hamnet: by centring Anne Hathaway, this sensuous film gives Shakespeare’s world new life

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Roberta Garrett, Senior Lecturer in Literature and Cultural Studies, University of East London

For films and books about Shakespeare’s life, there is little source material to draw on beyond the few known facts of the great writer’s parentage, hometown, marriage, children, property and death. Shakespeare biopics therefore require considerable speculation and invention on the part of writers and directors.

Director Chloe Zhao’s earthy and sensuous film Hamnet is based on the book by Maggie O’ Farrell, who also co-wrote the screenplay. It not only foregrounds Shakespeare’s personal rather than professional life but does this by focusing chiefly on the experience of his previously maligned wife, Anne Hathaway (referred to as Agnes in the film).

From the 18th century to well into the 20th, Shakespeare biographers and researchers tended to represent Hathaway in highly negative terms. She was viewed as the “shrewish” wife that Shakespeare impregnated, was forced to marry and later escaped by fleeing Stratford for the exciting world of the London theatre.

This perception of Hathaway is grounded in sexist assumptions drawn from the few known facts of their marriage. Namely, that she was eight years his senior, he was only 18 when they wed, she was already pregnant and he spent many years of their marriage working in London.

The trailer for Hamnet.

The popular 1998 romantic comedy, Shakespeare in Love, reproduced the “shrewish” Hathaway narrative. She is absent from the film, but Shakespeare (Joseph Fiennes) dolefully comments on his sexless, loveless marriage and finds genuine passion instead with London-based heroine, Viola (Gwyneth Paltrow).

The more recent film, All Is True (2018) offers a different view. It depicts Hathaway and Shakespeare’s marriage in their twilight years, when the playwright has resettled in Stratford and is finally mourning the death of his son, Hamnet. Although Hathaway is central to the drama, she is depicted as an ageing and conformist provincial wife. Casting Judy Dench in the role alongside the much younger Kenneth Branagh as Shakespeare, also accentuated their age difference.

Hamnet’s Agnes

In sharp contrast, Hamnet’s Agnes (Jessie Buckley) is a young, robust and free-spirited woman who is associated with nature rather than dull domesticity.

Zhao and O’Farrell establish the themes of the film early on by opening with a scene of Agnes wandering in the richly toned mossy forest with her hawk. This view of Agnes draws on Shakespeare’s vision of the magical “green world”. But it also captures the atmosphere and skilled world-building of O’Farrell’s novel in which Agnes, like her long dead mother, is skilled and knowledgeable in turning herbs and flowers into remedies that are valued by the local community.

While many representations of Elizabethan life are centred on the largely male-dominated culture of politics and courtly life, Hamnet offers an account of the busy and productive life of an ordinary (if eccentric) Elizabethan wife and mother. Agnes is in charge of the labour-intensive life of the household. Her family home is situated in the centre of Stratford, boarded by a muddy, dirty, bustling thoroughfare. Women are shown as managing the core human processes of birth and death, birthing in an all-female environment and desperately struggling to keep their children alive in an age of precarious health and mortality.

As other critics have argued, the film’s climax – in which Hamlet is interpreted as the artistic expression of Shakespeare’s personal grief over the loss of his son – is one of the less convincing aspects of the film. Hamlet is essentially a revenge tragedy and Shakespeare’s plots were largely derived from classical and historical sources rather than personal experience.

Yet its heart-wrenching portrayal of Agnes’ anguish over her child’s untimely death is moving and persuasive, offsetting the modern misconception that as child mortality was higher, these experiences were less painful. The death of Hamnet is therefore recast as a tragedy for his mother, who birthed and raised him, rather than just the writer-genius, Shakespeare.

Hamnet’s representation of Agnes/Anne is, of course, almost entirely speculative. Only the wealthiest of women were literate at this time, so unlike her husband, Hathaway left no written traces. However, as Zhao and O’Farrell’s feminist film clearly illustrates, women’s lack of formal education and career opportunities did not mean that they contributed less to their communities – or that we should regard their lives as less meaningful.


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The Conversation

Roberta Garrett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Hamnet: by centring Anne Hathaway, this sensuous film gives Shakespeare’s world new life – https://theconversation.com/hamnet-by-centring-anne-hathaway-this-sensuous-film-gives-shakespeares-world-new-life-272969

Chemistry is stuck in the dark ages – ‘chemputation’ can bring it into the digital world

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lee Cronin, Regius Chair of Chemistry, University of Glasgow

In Chemify’s laboratories, AI-proposed molecules are compiled into chemical code which robots execute and test in real time. Chris James/Chemify, CC BY-NC-SA

Chemistry deals with that most fundamental subject: matter. New drugs, materials and batteries all depend on our ability to make new molecules. But discovery of new substances is slow, expensive and fragile. Each molecule is treated as a bespoke craft project. If a synthesis works in one lab, it often fails in another.

The problem is that any single molecule could have an almost infinite number of routes to creation. These routes are published as static text, stripped of the context, timing and error correction that made them work in the first place. So while chemistry is often presented as one of the most advanced sciences, its day-to-day practice remains surprisingly manual.

For centuries prior to the emergence of modern chemistry, alchemists worked by hand, mixing substances, adjusting conditions by feel, passing knowledge from teacher to student while keeping many secrets. Today’s chemists use far more analytical tools, yet the core workflow has barely changed.

We still design molecules manually using the rules of chemistry, then ask highly trained humans to translate these ideas into reality in the laboratory, step by step, reaction by reaction.

At the same time, we are living through an explosion in artificial intelligence and robotics – and chemists have rushed to apply these tools to molecular discovery. AI systems can propose millions of candidate molecules, rate and optimise them, and even suggest reaction pathways.

But frustratingly, these tools frequently hallucinate chemicals that cannot be made, because (unlike in the case of proteins) no one has yet captured all the practical rules for making molecules digitally.

Chemistry cannot become truly digital unless it is programmable. In other words, we need to be able to write down, in a machine-readable way, how to assemble molecules – including instructions, conditionals, loops and error handling – and then execute these instructions on different hardware in different places with the same outcome.

Without a language that allows chemistry to be executed, not just described, today’s cutting-edge AI tools risk generating little more than plausible-looking illusions of new chemical substances. This is where using the computer as an architecture to build a digital chemistry system, or “chemputer”, becomes imperative in my view.

Digital chemistry at the University of Glasgow.

Before computers, calculation was manual and mechanical. People used slide rules, tables and specialist devices built for specific tasks. But when Alan Turing showed that any computable problem could be expressed as instructions for a simple abstract machine, computation was liberated from having to be done on specific hardware – and progress became exponential.

Chemistry has never made that jump. Akin to chefs using individual methods to achieve the perfect souffle, researchers around the world have different ways of preparing chemicals. So while automation in chemistry exists, research remains largely artisanal in nature.

An AI can design a thousand hypothetical drugs overnight. But if each one requires a human chemist to manually work out how to make it because the molecules generated are not constrained by the real-world rules of chemistry, we have simply moved the bottleneck. Design has gone digital, making has not.

Chemistry by computers

To properly digitise chemistry, we need a programmable language for matter to encode these real-world rules. This idea led me, with colleagues in my research laboratory at the University of Glasgow, to develop the process of chemputation back in 2012.

We built a concrete abstraction of what a chemical code would look like – with steps such as “add/subtract matter then add/subtract energy”. By translating these steps into binary code, it was possible to build the components of a chemputer.

The premise is simple. Chemistry can be treated as a form of computation carried out in the physical world. Instead of publishing chemistry as prose, it is published in executable code, as described in our new preprinted article. Reagents are data. Operations like mixing, heating, separating and purifying are instructions. A range of machines, such as those shown in the image below, play the role of processors.

Elements of the chemputation process.
Elements of the chemputation process.
Lee Cronin, CC BY-NC-SA

Once chemistry becomes programmable, we expect many things to change. Reproducibility improves because processes are no longer interpreted by humans. Sharing becomes meaningful because a synthesis can be run, not re-imagined. Importantly, programmable chemistry allows feedback loops for error correction, with sensors monitoring reactions in real time.

Self-driving laboratories

Our ambitions for chemputation took a major step forward in June 2025 when Chemify, our University of Glasgow corporate spin-out, launched the world’s first chemifarm. At this facility in Glasgow’s Maryhill district, the process of chemputation is applied to making new molecules for drug and materials discovery.

It uses AI and robotics to enable the entire system to “self-learn”, and thus get better at making more advanced molecules over time. Discovery becomes an iterative, programmable process rather than a linear gamble.

This fits with the wider emergence of “self-driving” laboratories – robotic labs we pioneered that use AI and automation to enhance the speed and breadth of research.

Chemistry began as alchemy – a human art shaped by intuition and mystery, making potions, manipulating precious metals and building the first laboratory equipment. It has since grown into a rigorous science, yet never fully escaped its manual roots. If we want chemistry to keep pace with the digital age, especially in an era dominated by AI, we must now finish that transition.

The Conversation

Lee Cronin is the CEO and shareholder in Chemify and is the regius Professor at the University of Glasgow and recieves funding from many organisations including the UKRI Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council.

ref. Chemistry is stuck in the dark ages – ‘chemputation’ can bring it into the digital world – https://theconversation.com/chemistry-is-stuck-in-the-dark-ages-chemputation-can-bring-it-into-the-digital-world-272610

Greenland is rich in natural resources – a geologist explains why

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Paul, Associate Professor in Earth Science, Royal Holloway, University of London

Greenland’s concentration of natural resource wealth is tied to its hugely varied geological history over the past 4 billion years. Jane Rix/Shutterstock

Greenland, the largest island on Earth, possesses some of the richest stores of natural resources anywhere in the world.

These include critical raw materials – resources such as lithium and rare earth elements (REEs) that are essential for green technologies, but whose production and sustainability are highly sensitive – plus other valuable minerals and metals, and a huge volume of hydrocarbons including oil and gas.

Three of Greenland’s REE-bearing deposits, deep under the ice, may be among the world’s largest by volume, holding great potential for the manufacture of batteries and electrical components essential to the global energy transition.

The scale of Greenland’s hydrocarbon potential and mineral wealth has stimulated extensive research by Denmark and the US into the commercial and environmental viability of new activities like mining. The US Geological Survey estimates that onshore northeast Greenland (including ice-covered areas) contains around 31 billion barrels of oil-equivalent in hydrocarbons – similar to the US’s entire volume of proven crude oil reserves.

But Greenland’s ice-free area, which is nearly double the size of the UK, forms less than a fifth of the island’s total surface area – raising the possibility that huge stores of unexplored natural resources are present beneath the ice.

Greenland’s concentration of natural resource wealth is tied to its hugely varied geological history over the past 4 billion years. Some of the oldest rocks on Earth can be found here, as well as truck-sized lumps of native (not meteorite-derived) iron. Diamond-bearing kimberlite “pipes” were discovered in the 1970s but have yet to be exploited, largely due to the logistical challenges of mining them.

Geologically speaking, it is highly unusual (and exciting for geologists like me) for one area to have experienced all three key ways that natural resources – from oil and gas to REEs and gems – are generated. These processes relate to episodes of mountain building, rifting (crustal relaxation and extension), and volcanic activity.

Greenland was shaped by many prolonged periods of mountain building. These compressive forces broke up its crust, allowing gold, gems such as rubies, and graphite to be deposited in the faults and fractures. Graphite is crucial for the production of lithium batteries but remains “underexplored”, according to the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland, relative to major producers such as China and South Korea.

But the greatest proportion of Greenland’s natural resources originates from its periods of rifting – including, most recently, the formation of the Atlantic Ocean from the beginning of the Jurassic Period just over 200 million years ago.

Map of Greenland's major geologic provinces with their rock types.
Greenland’s major geologic provinces with rock types and ages.
Geophysical Research Letters, CC BY-NC-SA

Greenland’s onshore sedimentary basins such as the Jameson Land Basin appear to hold the greatest potential of oil and gas reserves, analogous to Norway’s hydrocarbon-rich continental shelf. However, prohibitively high costs have limited commercial exploration. There is also a growing body of research suggesting potentially extensive petroleum systems ringing the entirety of offshore Greenland.

Metals such as lead, copper, iron and zinc are also present in the onshore (mostly ice-free) sedimentary basins, and have been worked locally, on a small scale, since 1780.

Difficult-to-source rare earth elements

While not as intimately related to volcanic activity as nearby Iceland – which, uniquely, sits at the intersection of a mid-ocean ridge and a mantle plume – many of Greenland’s critical raw materials owe their existence to its volcanic history.

REEs such as niobium, tantalum and ytterbium have been discovered in igneous rock layers – similar to the discovery (and subsequent mining) of silver and zinc reserves in south-west England, which were deposited by warm hydrothermal waters circulating at the tip of large volcanic intrusions.

Critically among REEs, Greenland is also predicted to hold sufficient sub-ice reserves of dysprosium and neodymium to satisfy more than a quarter of predicted future global demand – a combined total of nearly 40 million tonnes.

These elements are increasingly seen as the most economically important yet difficult to source REEs because of their indispensable role in wind power, electric motors for clean road transport, and magnets in high-temperature settings like nuclear reactors.

The development of known deposits such as Kvanefield in southern Greenland – not to mention those not yet discovered in the island’s central rocky core – could easily affect the global REE market, owing to their relative global scarcity.

An unfortunate dilemma

The global energy transition came about due to increasing public recognition of the manifold threats of burning fossil fuels. But climate change has major implications for the availability of many of Greenland’s natural resources that are currently blanketed by kilometres of ice – and which are a key part of that energy transition.

An area the size of Albania has melted since 1995, and this trend is likely to accelerate unless global carbon emissions fall sharply in the near future.

Recent advances in survey techniques, such as the use of ground-penetrating radar, allow us to peer with increasing certainty beneath the ice. We are now able to obtain an accurate picture of bedrock topography below up to 2 km of ice cover, providing clues as to the potential mineral resources in Greenland’s subsurface.

However, progress is slow in prospecting under the ice – and sustainable extraction is likely to prove even harder.

Soon, an unfortunate dilemma may need to be addressed. Should Greenland’s increasingly available resource wealth be extracted with gusto, in order to sustain and enhance the energy transition? But doing so will add to the effects of climate change on Greenland and beyond, including despoiling much of its pristine landscape and contributing to rising sea levels that could swamp its coastal settlements.

Currently, all mining and resource extraction activities are heavily regulated by the government of Greenland through comprehensive legal frameworks dating from the 1970s. However, pressures to loosen these controls, and to grant new licences for exploration and exploitation, may increase amid the US’s strong interest in Greenland’s future.

The Conversation

Jonathan Paul does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Greenland is rich in natural resources – a geologist explains why – https://theconversation.com/greenland-is-rich-in-natural-resources-a-geologist-explains-why-273022

Arrow tips found in South Africa are the oldest evidence of poison use in hunting

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Marlize Lombard, Professor with Research Focus in Stone Age Archaeology, Palaeo-Research Institute, University of Johannesburg

Boophone disticha. Ton Rulkens from Mozambique, CC BY-SA 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

The oldest evidence for the use of arrow poison globally was long thought to come from Egypt, dating to 4,000 years ago. It was a black, toxic residue on bone arrowheads from a tomb at the Naga ed Der archaeological site.

New evidence from southern Africa is challenging this.

New research has found poison on stone arrow tips from South Africa dating to 60,000 years ago. It is the oldest direct evidence for hunting with poisoned arrows.

This adds to what is already known about the know-how of ancient African bowhunters. These abilities may have contributed to our species’ long and flourishing evolution in the region, and ultimately the successful spread of Homo sapiens out of Africa.

Hunter-gatherers in southern Africa

The evidence comes from Umhlatuzana Rock Shelter, in South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province. The site was partly excavated in the 1980s to preserve archaeological material that could be damaged during the construction of the N3 highway between the cities of Durban and Pietermaritzburg.

Umhlatuzana is recognised as an important Stone Age site where hunter-gatherers lived at least 70,000 years ago. It is one of only a few sites in southern Africa where people continued to live until just a few thousand years ago.

In southern Africa, people have a long history of hunting with poisoned arrows. For example, a team of South African and Swedish archaeologists found residues on arrow tips dating to between a few centuries and 1,000 years ago, that revealed how different arrow poison recipes were used.

Recently, three bone arrowheads stored in a poison-filled bone container were reported from Kruger Cave in South Africa dating to almost 7,000 years ago. This pushed back direct molecular evidence of arrow poison use to about 3,000 years before the Egyptian poisoned arrows.

Traces of poison have previously been found on a stick and in a lump of beeswax dating to between 35,000 and 25,000 years ago at Border Cave in KwaZulu-Natal. These were seen as indirect suggestions of early hunting poisons.

As a researcher in cognitive and Stone Age archaeology, I studied some of the artefacts from Umhlatuzana almost 20 years ago, finding use traces and adhesive residues on some of the quartz backed microliths (small, shaped stone tools) from 60,000 years ago. This showed that they were probably used as arrow tips.

Now, Sven Isaksson in the archaeology laboratory at Stockholm University has been able to identify molecular traces of toxic plant alkaloids (chemical substances), known to be an arrow poison, on a handful of these artefacts.

Poison from indigenous plants

This latest research revealed the presence of buphandrine and epibuphanisine toxic alkaloids on five out of ten analysed arrow tips from Umhlatuzana. The same alkaloids were also found on bone arrowheads collected by Swedish travellers in the region 250 years ago. This tells us that the same arrow poison was used for many millennia in southern Africa.

Both alkaloids can be found in several southern African species of Amaryllidaceae, a family of flowering plants growing from bulbs. But only what is colloquially known as gifbol (poison bulb, Boophone disticha) is well-recorded as the source of an arrow poison. The plant’s bulb contains a toxic juice (exudate).

Finding these specific alkaloids on five out of the ten quartz arrow tips studied cannot be coincidental. Ancient hunter-gatherers would have been familiar with the toxic properties of the gifbol exudates. For example, by about 77,000 years ago, people of the same region also understood the insecticidal and larvicidal properties of some aromatic leaves that were used for bedding. So they probably would not have kept the gifbol substance in their living space.

Substances with buphandrine and epibuphanisine molecules are not used commercially or in archaeological conservation, ruling out accidental modern contamination of the arrow tips.

Gifbol bulbs can survive for a century or more, despite drought cycles and fire regimes. The plant is indigenous to South Africa, thriving in grassland, savanna and Karoo vegetation. It is widespread throughout the southern, eastern and northern regions of South Africa, growing within a day’s walk from Umhlatuzana Rock Shelter today. For various reasons, it’s likely that it was also available to the inhabitants of the site thousands of years ago.

The toxic chemicals in the bulb last a long time. They don’t decompose easily, even in wet environments, and they interact well with mineral surfaces like stone arrow tips. That’s probably why they survived for 60,000 years at Umhlatuzana.

Implications of the world’s oldest known poisoned arrow tips

The quartz arrow tips with gifbol poison now represent the first direct evidence for hunting with poisoned arrows in southern Africa, and globally – at 60,000 years ago.

It demonstrates that these ancient bowhunters possessed a knowledge system enabling them to identify, extract and apply toxic plant exudates effectively. They must have also understood prey ecology and behaviour to know that the delayed effect of poison shot into an animal would weaken it after some time. That would make it easier to run down, a technique known as persistence hunting.

Such out-of-sight, long-distance action is a convincing indicator of complex cognition that requires response inhibition (being able to delay an action for a reason). Because poison is not a physical force, but functions chemically, the hunters must also have relied on advanced planning, abstraction and causal reasoning.

Thus, apart from providing the first direct evidence of hunting with poisoned arrows, the findings contribute to the understanding of human adaptation, techno-behavioural complexity and modern human behaviour in southern Africa.

The Conversation

Marlize Lombard works for the University of Johannesburg

ref. Arrow tips found in South Africa are the oldest evidence of poison use in hunting – https://theconversation.com/arrow-tips-found-in-south-africa-are-the-oldest-evidence-of-poison-use-in-hunting-271444

Les coupures d’Internet se multiplient de façon spectaculaire en Afrique : un nouveau livre explique pourquoi

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Tony Roberts, Digital Research Fellow, Institute of Development Studies

Entre 2016 et 2024, 193 coupures d’Internet ont été imposées dans 41 pays africains. Cette forme de contrôle social est une tendance croissante sur le continent, selon un nouvel ouvrage en libre accès. Il s’agit de la toute première analyse comparative rédigée par des chercheurs africains sur la manière dont les États africains recourent aux coupures d’Internet et les raisons qui les poussent à le faire.

Le livre, coédité par Felicia Anthonio, militante des droits numériques et spécialiste des coupures d’Internet, et Tony Roberts, chercheur sur le numérique, propose 11 études de cas approfondies sur les coupures d’Internet imposées par les États. Nous leur avons posé cinq questions à ce sujet.


Qu’est-ce qu’une coupure d’Internet et pourquoi se produit-elle ?

En termes simples, une coupure d’Internet est une interruption intentionnelle des communications en ligne ou mobiles. Elle est généralement ordonnée par l’État et mise en œuvre par des entreprises privées, des fournisseurs d’accès à Internet ou des opérateurs de téléphonie mobile, ou parfois les deux.

Le livre soutient que les coupures d’Internet ne sont ni légales, ni nécessaires, ni proportionnées au regard du cadre juridique international des droits humains. Les coupures empêchent délibérément la libre circulation de l’information et de la communication. Elles perturbent la vie sociale, économique et politique en ligne. Ainsi, chaque coupure d’Internet viole généralement les droits fondamentaux de millions de citoyens. Cela inclut leurs droits à la liberté d’expression, au commerce, au débat démocratique et à la participation civique en ligne.

Notre recherche a examiné des études de cas provenant de 11 pays entre 2016 et 2024. Elle révèle que ces coupures sont programmées au moment d’élections ou de manifestations pacifiques afin de réprimer l’opposition politique et d’empêcher la diffusion d’informations en ligne.

Au Sénégal, cinq coupures motivées par des raisons politiques en seulement trois ans ont transformé le paysage numérique du pays. Elles ont privé les citoyens de l’accès au travail en ligne à l’éducation et aux informations liées à la santé.

Le chapitre consacré à l’Ouganda montre comment le gouvernement a imposé des coupures des réseaux sociaux pendant les élections. Il craignait les voix dissidentes en ligne, notamment celle du musicien et homme politique Bobi Wine.

En Éthiopie, les coupures d’Internet sont calées sur les manifestations de l’opposition pour empêcher la couverture en direct de la répression violente de l’État.

Au Zimbabwe, le gouvernement a coupé l’Internet en 2019 pour réprimer les manifestations antigouvernementales.

Il est préoccupant que les régimes imposent ces pratiques autoritaires numériques avec une fréquence croissante et en toute impunité.

Quelles sont les grandes tendances ?

Le rapport alerte sur l’utilisation des coupures d’Internet pour conserver le pouvoir grâce à des contrôles autoritaires. Dans toute l’Afrique, les gouvernements normalisent leur utilisation pour réprimer la dissidence, étouffer les manifestations et manipuler les résultats électoraux.

Ces coupures sont de plus en plus fréquentes et de plus en plus importantes, passant de 14 coupures en 2016 à 28 en 2024. Les conséquences sont dévastatrices dans un monde de plus en plus connecté numériquement.

Les coupures d’Internet sont également de plus en plus sophistiquées. Les coupures partielles peuvent cibler des provinces ou des sites web spécifiques, afin de couper l’accès aux zones d’opposition. Ces dernières années, des États étrangers, des régimes militaires et des parties belligérantes ont également recouru à la coupure d’Internet comme arme de guerre. Cela a été fait en ciblant et en détruisant les infrastructures de télécommunications.

L’Éthiopie a connu le plus grand nombre de coupures d’Internet en Afrique, avec 30 coupures au cours des 10 dernières années. Ces coupures sont devenues une tactique courante de l’État pour tenter de faire taire la dissidence dans les régions Oromo et Amhara.

Les coupures sont synchronisées avec les répressions des manifestations ou les opérations militaires pour empêcher toute couverture en direct des violations des droits humains. L’Éthiopie est un exemple clair de la manière dont les coupures d’Internet reflètent et amplifient les intérêts politiques et ethniques existants.

Le Zimbabwe est l’un des nombreux exemples cités dans le livre pour illustrer les racines coloniales des coupures. Les premières coupures des médias au Zimbabwe ont été imposées par les Britanniques, qui ont fermé les journaux pour faire taire les appels à l’indépendance politique. Après la libération, le nouveau gouvernement a utilisé son propre contrôle autoritaire sur les médias pour diffuser de la désinformation et restreindre les appels de l’opposition en faveur de la justice et d’une démocratie pleine et entière.

Vers la fin du règne de l’ancien président Robert Mugabe, le gouvernement a imposé plusieurs coupures d’Internet à l’échelle nationale. Il a également réduit la vitesse de l’Internet mobile, dégradant suffisamment le service pour perturber considérablement l’expression et l’organisation de l’opposition.

Le Soudan a connu 21 coupures d’Internet au cours de la dernière décennie. Celles-ci se sont multipliées ces dernières années à mesure que les actions politiques et militaires s’intensifiaient. L’État a systématiquement recouru à des perturbations intentionnelles de l’accès à Internet lors de manifestations et de périodes de troubles politiques, en particulier en réponse aux mouvements de résistance et aux soulèvements civils pendant le conflit en cours.

Y a-t-il eu une résistance efficace aux coupures ?

Les militants résistent en utilisant des logiciels de réseau privé virtuel (VPN) pour dissimuler leur emplacement. Ou en utilisant des connexions satellites non contrôlées par le gouvernement et des cartes SIM étrangères. Ils mobilisent également des manifestations hors ligne malgré une répression violente.

Le Nigeria n’a pas subi le même nombre de coupures d’Internet que le Soudan ou l’Éthiopie. Cela s’explique en partie par le fait que la société civile est plus forte et capable d’opposer une résistance plus vigoureuse face à la violation par l’État du droit à la liberté d’expression. Lorsque des coupures d’Internet ont été imposées au Nigeria, l’État n’a pas bénéficié de la même impunité que le gouvernement du Zimbabwe ou d’autres pays.

Lorsque les Nigérians se sont trouvés dans l’impossibilité de travailler en ligne ou de participer à la vie sociale et politique en ligne de la communauté, ils ont pris des mesures décisives en agissant collectivement. Ils ont intenté des poursuites judiciaires ciblées contre le gouvernement. Cela a conduit les tribunaux à statuer que la coupure d’Internet n’était ni légale, ni nécessaire, ni proportionnée. Le gouvernement a été contraint de lever l’interdiction.

Comment s’est déroulée l’année 2025 en matière de coupures d’Internet ?

Nous avons observé des tendances à la fois positives et négatives en 2025. Le nombre total de coupures d’Internet sur le continent continue d’augmenter. La capacité croissante des régimes à cibler de manière précise des zones spécifiques est très préoccupante, car elle permet à l’État de punir les bastions de l’opposition tout en privilégiant les autres.

Du côté positif, nous avons constaté une montée de la résistance, tant en termes d’utilisation de technologies de contournement que de capacité émergente des organisations de la société civile à tenir tête aux gouvernements répressifs.

Que faut-il faire pour empêcher les coupures ?

Le droit au travail, la liberté d’expression et d’association, ainsi que le droit à l’éducation sont des droits humains fondamentaux, hors ligne comme en ligne. Les gouvernements africains sont signataires de la Convention universelle des droits de l’homme et de la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples. Pourtant, les politiciens ignorent trop souvent ces engagements afin de préserver leur emprise personnelle sur le pouvoir.

Dans certains pays africains, les citoyens exercent désormais leur propre pouvoir pour demander des comptes à leurs gouvernements, mais cela est plus facile dans les pays qui disposent d’une société civile forte, d’une justice indépendante et de médias relativement libres. Même lorsque ce n’est pas le cas, la cour constitutionnelle est une option pour soulever des objections lorsque l’État restreint les libertés fondamentales.

Et si ce sont les États qui ordonnent les coupures d’Internet, ce sont les entreprises privées de téléphonie mobile et d’Internet qui les mettent en œuvre. Les entreprises privées ont l’obligation de promouvoir et de protéger les droits humains. Si les entreprises s’engageaient collectivement à ne pas contribuer aux violations des droits et refusaient d’imposer des coupures d’Internet, cela constituerait un grand pas en avant pour mettre fin à cette pratique autoritaire.

The Conversation

Tony Roberts reçoit un financement de l’Open Society Fund.

ref. Les coupures d’Internet se multiplient de façon spectaculaire en Afrique : un nouveau livre explique pourquoi – https://theconversation.com/les-coupures-dinternet-se-multiplient-de-facon-spectaculaire-en-afrique-un-nouveau-livre-explique-pourquoi-272840

La marche, premier mode de déplacement en France : ce que disent vraiment les statistiques de mobilité

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Frédéric Héran, Économiste des transports et urbaniste émérite, Université de Lille

Les statistiques de mobilité orientent les politiques publiques. Or en France, la manière de les présenter, héritée des années du tout automobile, minore la part de la marche, ce qui pénalise le développement des mobilités actives. Et si on s’inspirait des approches statistiques déjà déployées ailleurs, par exemple en Suisse, pour mieux comptabiliser le temps passé à marcher ?


Les statistiques ne sont jamais neutres : elles sont le reflet de choix politiques répondant à un contexte historique spécifique. La manière de présenter les résultats des enquêtes statistiques sur la mobilité des personnes en France, qui a déjà 50 ans, n’échappe pas à cette règle. Elle conduit à sous-estimer fortement les déplacements à pied, au risque de continuer à favoriser des politiques en faveur des modes de déplacement motorisés.

Il est grand temps de réformer cet usage, comme l’a fait la Suisse il y a déjà 30 ans, si l’on souhaite redonner aujourd’hui davantage de place aux mobilités actives, tant pour des raisons sociales, économiques qu’environnementales.

Pour rappel, la marche est le mode de déplacement le plus inclusif, le plus démocratique et le moins nuisible à l’environnement, et pas seulement dans le cœur des grandes villes.




À lire aussi :
Atteindre les objectifs climatiques améliorera aussi la santé publique


Ce que disent les statistiques sur la mobilité

En France, depuis la standardisation des enquêtes sur la mobilité des personnes en 1976, les déplacements sont généralement présentés sous forme de « parts modales ». Il s’agit des parts, sur l’ensemble des déplacements comptabilisés, réalisées avec chaque mode de déplacement : voiture, deux-roues motorisé, transports collectifs, vélo, marche…

Évolution des parts modales en France, entre 1982 et 2019, pour les déplacements en semaine.
Dernières enquêtes nationales sur la mobilité des personnes

Dans les présentations classiques des données recueillies, la part modale de la marche apparaît très inférieure à celle de la voiture. Pourtant, quand on regarde l’autre grande source statistique que représentent les enquêtes sur la mobilité réalisées dans les grandes villes, les déplacements à pied dominent dans les centres-villes, et parfois également dans les banlieues denses de la proche périphérie. Mais partout ailleurs, c’est largement le contraire et le triomphe de la voiture apparaît ainsi incontestable.

Voitures stationnées directement sur le trottoir, ce qui empêche de l’utiliser.
Fourni par l’auteur

En conséquence, pour qui découvre ces statistiques ainsi présentées , dans la plupart des territoires, il paraît nécessaire de s’occuper en priorité des voitures, de leur accorder davantage de place pour circuler et stationner, même si cela doit se faire au détriment des espaces publics, des trottoirs, des places publiques et autres terre-pleins.

Ce qu’oublient de préciser ces représentations

Examinons ces chiffres de plus près. En réalité, ce qu’on nomme habituellement la « part modale de la marche » ne concerne que la « marche exclusive », c’est-à-dire les déplacements entièrement faits à pied, par les résidents, sur l’espace public et hors du temps de travail.

Par convention, on oublie ainsi :

  • la marche intermodale, c’est-à-dire les déplacements à pied pour rejoindre ou quitter un transport public ou une place de stationnement pour voiture, vélo ou deux-roues motorisé,

  • la marche effectuée dans des espaces privés ouverts au public, comme les centres commerciaux ou les gares,

  • la promenade ou la randonnée,

  • la marche pendant le travail, y compris quand elle est effectuée sur l’espace public, qui est pourtant très importante dans certaines professions,

  • la marche au domicile pour effectuer toutes sortes d’activités : du ménage au jardinage, en passant par le bricolage, etc.,

  • enfin, la marche réalisée par les visiteurs (touristes et autres non-résidents) du territoire.




À lire aussi :
Mobilité : et si on remettait le piéton au milieu du village ?


Comment expliquer une approche si restrictive ?

Les conventions statistiques sur la mobilité ont été élaborées dans les années 1960-1970 à l’époque du « tout automobile », puis des premiers efforts réalisés pour relancer les transports publics. Dans ce contexte, il fallait avant tout prévoir et dimensionner la voirie pour absorber un trafic motorisé fortement croissant, les piétons étant très peu considérés et les cyclistes censés disparaître.

Par convention dans les enquêtes sur la mobilité, un déplacement, c’est une personne qui va d’un lieu d’origine à un lieu de destination, avec un ou plusieurs modes et pour un motif particulier. Les modes sont hiérarchisés avec priorité aux plus lourds : d’abord les transports publics, puis la voiture, puis les deux-roues et enfin la marche.

Autrement dit, si une personne se rend à pied à un arrêt de bus, prend le bus, puis termine son trajet à pied, le déplacement est considéré comme ayant été fait en transport public et la part de marche est tout simplement ignorée. Dans cette approche, la marche devient un « résidu » statistique, c’est-à-dire ce qui reste une fois qu’on a pris en compte tous les autres modes de déplacement. Pourtant, les usagers des transports publics passent environ la moitié de leur temps à pied à marcher ou à attendre.




À lire aussi :
Réduire l’empreinte carbone des transports : Quand les progrès techniques ne suffisent pas


Ces pays qui comptabilisent les déplacements différemment

Or, cette représentation des statistiques de déplacement en France est loin d’être la seule possible.

En Suisse par exemple, depuis une réforme des statistiques de la mobilité introduite en 1994, les résultats des enquêtes de mobilité sont présentés sous trois angles différents : les distances parcourues, le temps de trajet et le nombre d’étapes.

Par étape, on entend ici les segments d’un déplacement effectués à l’aide d’un seul mode de transport. Un déplacement en transport public, par exemple, compte le plus souvent une première étape à pied, puis une deuxième en transport public et une troisième à nouveau à pied : on parle de marche intermodale.

Ainsi, en 2021, en ne tenant compte que de la marche exclusive et de la marche intermodale, les Suisses ont passé chaque jour plus de temps à pied qu’en voiture.

Parts modales des moyens de transport utilisés en Suisse en 2021.
Office fédéral de la statistique suisse

Ailleurs, on réfléchit aussi à d’autres manières de présenter les résultats des enquêtes sur la mobilité, comme en Belgique ou au Royaume-Uni.

En réalité, 100 % de nos déplacements intègrent au moins une part de marche, même minimale lorsqu’il s’agit par exemple de simplement sortir de sa voiture sur le parking de son lieu de travail. La marche est à l’origine de toutes les autres formes de mobilité et les autres modes ne sont que des « relais du piéton ». Parce que nous sommes des bipèdes, la marche est évidemment notre premier mode de déplacement.

Vers une nouvelle approche en France ?

La France peut-elle changer sa façon de présenter les statistiques de mobilité, dans le sillage de ce que propose la Suisse ?

Pour prendre conscience de l’importance journalière de la marche, il convient de l’aborder en temps de déplacement total à pied. Une récente étude de l’Ademe révèle que nous passons chaque jour une heure et douze minutes à pied, soit beaucoup plus que la durée moyenne passée en voiture chaque jour, qui est de 37 minutes.

Ces résultats montrent aussi que la prise en compte de la marche intermodale augmente de 75 % la durée de la seule marche exclusive (dite « déplacements locaux intégralement à pied » dans le graphique ci-après). En tenant compte de tous les temps consacrés à se déplacer, la marche est sans conteste le premier mode de déplacement, loin devant la voiture.

Cette étude repose sur l’utilisation de deux enquêtes existantes mais sous-exploitées (l’enquête mobilité des personnes et l’enquête emploi du temps des Français) et en adoptant plusieurs hypothèses prudentes.

En quelques centaines de milliers d’années d’évolution humaine, la bipédie s’est hautement perfectionnée. Elle a permis de libérer nos mains, nous a rendus très endurants à la course et a contribué à développer notre cerveau. Puis, en 150 ans seulement avec l’avènement du transport motorisé, la marche utilitaire quotidienne s’est effondrée.

Pourtant, de par notre constitution, marcher régulièrement est essentiel pour rester en bonne santé, pour bien grandir, vivre mieux et bien vieillir. C’est un enjeu de santé publique. C’est pourquoi, il convient de réaliser des espaces publics confortables, de libérer les trottoirs du stationnement sauvage et autres obstacles, de ménager des traversées piétonnes sécurisées et de calmer la circulation automobile, sa vitesse et son volume. Pour appuyer de telles politiques, encore faudrait-il revoir notre manière de représenter la marche dans les résultats des enquêtes de mobilité.

The Conversation

Frédéric Héran est membre du conseil d’administration de l’association et groupe de réflexion Rue de l’Avenir

ref. La marche, premier mode de déplacement en France : ce que disent vraiment les statistiques de mobilité – https://theconversation.com/la-marche-premier-mode-de-deplacement-en-france-ce-que-disent-vraiment-les-statistiques-de-mobilite-272718