Impostor syndrome: the cost of being ‘superwoman’ at work and beyond

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Zuzanna Staniszewska, Assistant Professor in the Management Department at Kozminski University; Research Associate, ESCP Business School

Nowadays, media often celebrate the “girlboss” – the entrepreneur who works 80-hour weeks to build her brand and success – while corporate campaigns show women who “lean in” in the boardroom and maintain flawless family lives. These cultural ideals create the illusion that women in leadership are more empowered than ever. However, our research shows that some of them feel exhausted, constrained by expectations, and pressured to embody an ideal that leaves little space for vulnerability. This tension is linked to a relatively new form of feminism that may not be as empowering as it purports to be.

Neoliberal feminism

The term neoliberal feminism was first introduced by media and cultural studies scholar Catherine Rottenberg in 2013. Rottenberg used it to describe the growing fusion between a form of feminism focused on individual empowerment and the logic of neoliberal rationality, which holds, according to political theorist Wendy Brown, that “all aspects of life should be understood in economic terms”.

This strand of feminism acknowledges the persistence of gender inequalities, particularly in the masculine-dominated world of leadership, but places the responsibility for overcoming them on individual women, urging them to self-optimize and constantly assert their value. But beneath this responsibility lies a new kind of pressure – to not only assert their value to men, but to other women. This pressure doesn’t come from traditional patriarchy, but from internalized bias among women. It fuels what we, combining terms from popular and academic literature, call “superwoman impostor phenomenon” – a sense of not being enough that is caused by conflicting and unrealistic expectations.

To explore this phenomenon, we conducted 20 in-depth interviews between 2022 and 2023 with women in executive roles in France’s luxury sector, a setting that embodies the core expectations of neoliberal femininity: that women should lead, inspire, and look perfect – all within a male-dominated leadership context. We asked our subjects about how they build their personal brands, their daily leadership routines, the kinds of pressures they face, and how they balance professional and personal expectations.

To analyse subjects’ responses, we took a qualitative approach that combined thematic and discourse analysis, using an abductive logic that moved back and forth between data and theory. Thematic analysis helped us identify recurring patterns in participants’ accounts. Discourse analysis placed these narratives in a broader social context. It showed how cultural ideals of femininity and leadership shape the ways women talk about their experiences.

In the preliminary findings of our study, which is currently under peer review, some respondents describe feelings of pride and achievement. Others point instead to fatigue, a sense of isolation, and the pressure to live up to an impossible ideal.

A new version of impostor phenomenon

Impostor phenomenon refers to a persistent feeling of self-doubt: the belief that you don’t really deserve your success. You might attribute your achievements to luck, good timing or the help of others, rather than your own competence.

The term was coined in the late 1970s by psychologists Pauline Clance and Suzanne Imes, based on their work with high-achieving women. Many of the women Clance and Imes interviewed had earned PhDs and held high positions, yet still felt like frauds. They feared they’d been admitted into graduate programmes by mistake, or that their colleagues had somehow overestimated them.

Since then, impostor phenomenon has been widely recognized (and often called “impostor syndrome”). Especially common among women, it typically comes with three parts: feeling like a fraud, fearing discovery, and struggling to believe in personal success, even while working hard to maintain it.

But something has changed. Today, the struggles and fears of women in leadership roles are no longer just about deserving their place, but about being everything at once: a visionary leader, a perfect mother, a supportive partner, an inspiring mentor, a health-conscious marathon runner, a team player who still stands out. What’s striking is that the pressure doesn’t always come from men. More often, women told us, they feared judgement from other women.

Behind what we see as a new version of impostor phenomenon is a growing body of research showing that women’s self-doubt is shaped by intra-gender competition. For instance, academic studies on the idea of the “queen bee phenomenon”, female misogyny, and micro-violence among elite women reveal how women in leadership roles may distance themselves from other women or enforce masculine norms. This is particularly relevant when considering how the internalization of neoliberal femininity transforms impostor phenomenon into something more complex. Promoted in works such as “Lean In. Women, Work, and the Will to Lead”, the 2013 book by former Facebook executive Sheryl Sandberg, neoliberal feminism frames inequality as a problem to be solved through individual empowerment, confidence and self-discipline. As a result, women fear not just being incompetent, but failing to embody the superwoman – ever-competent, ever-ambitious, and ever-in-control – and feel pressure from other women who are also performing and policing the same ideals.

Manifestations of superwoman impostor phenomenon

What makes neoliberal feminism, along with superwoman impostor phenomenon, particularly insidious is that it disguises itself as empowerment. On the surface, “having it all” appears aspirational. But underneath lies chronic exhaustion. Several women we spoke with told us they work late into the night not because it’s expected, but because they feel they have to just to prove themselves. One executive described her early leadership experience in this way: “I didn’t ask for resources, because I wanted to prove I can do it by myself… which was a huge mistake.” This is how the superwoman ideal operates: as a self-imposed manager residing in the mind. One that tells you not only to succeed, but to do so effortlessly, without complaining, asking for help or showing vulnerability.

With regard to internalized intra-gender policing, a key tension we observed concerned motherhood: women returning from maternal leave were judged not by men, but by female managers who questioned their ambition and commitment. One woman said: “I suffered from a kind of discrimination after coming back from maternity leave, but it was with a woman, it was my female manager who said, ‘I came back in three months. If you’re serious, you’ll catch up.’ I felt judged for not bouncing back fast enough.”

The women we spoke with described feeling unsupported by female colleagues, witnessing competition instead of solidarity, and struggling with the weight of doing it all without ever showing vulnerability. As one woman put it: “Women don’t support other women because they are scared… they might lose their position to someone younger or smarter.” Borrowing a term from popular discourse, this is what we are calling the sisterhood dilemma: the internal conflict between wanting to see more women rise to leadership and feeling threatened when they do. It’s not just a failure of solidarity. It’s the byproduct of a scarcity of seats at the top, perfectionism, and the pressure to perform.

A call for new narratives

We can’t fix superwoman impostor phenomenon by teaching women to be more confident, because the issue isn’t a lack of confidence – it’s the impossible standard of always being competent and continually proving one’s value. What needs rethinking is the culture that makes women feel like impostors in the first place. That means recognising we don’t need perfect role models. We need authentic ones.

The conversation needs to shift from “how can women be more confident?” to “why is confidence required in the first place – and who gets to decide what it looks like?” We need workplaces where women can be vulnerable, authentic and visible all at once. As one executive told us, “there is a need for some kind of mask. But what if I want to take it off?”

It’s time we let her.


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The Conversation

Zuzanna Staniszewska is affiliated with Kozminski University and ESCP Business School.

Géraldine Galindo ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Impostor syndrome: the cost of being ‘superwoman’ at work and beyond – https://theconversation.com/impostor-syndrome-the-cost-of-being-superwoman-at-work-and-beyond-265218

À quand une fusée réutilisable en Europe ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Elisa Cliquet Moreno, Chef de projet réutilisation, Centre national d’études spatiales (CNES)

Une nouvelle course à l’espace est en cours. Depuis 2013, Space-X, le principal concurrent d’Ariane, est capable de récupérer et réutiliser le premier étage de sa fusée Falcon 9 et travaille à rendre sa super fusée Starship entièrement réutilisable.

De nombreux acteurs cherchent à acquérir cette technologie, qui permet de réduire les coûts et d’améliorer la versatilité et la flexibilité d’un système de lancement. En effet, alors qu’un lanceur (ou fusée) est constitué de plusieurs étages, le premier étage — le plus puissant pour lutter contre la gravité et la traînée aérodynamique — est aussi le plus cher. Le récupérer et le remettre en état peut être moins cher que d’en fabriquer un neuf à chaque lancement.


La réutilisation est un indéniable atout de compétitivité à l’heure où la concurrence mondiale augmente dans le domaine des lanceurs.

Le CNES (Centre national d’études spatiales) a, depuis 2015, mis en place une feuille de route articulée autour de plusieurs prototypes de démonstration. Ceux-ci visent à maîtriser les différentes briques technologiques et les nouvelles « phases de vie » des lanceurs liées à la réutilisation : il faut pouvoir guider la phase de retour, atterrir verticalement, puis « remettre en sécurité » l’étage récupéré avec des robots, c’est-à-dire vidanger les fluides sous pression qu’il contient encore pour permettre l’accès à des opérateurs dans des conditions de sécurité optimales.

Après des essais au sol réussis en France en 2024, c’est un prototype d’étage à bas coût et réutilisable qui a rejoint au début de cet été son pas de tir à Kiruna, en Suède.

Première étape : développer un moteur versatile, capable de fournir de petites comme de grandes poussées

La première brique fondamentale est de disposer d’un moteur réallumable et dont la poussée peut s’adapter en cours du vol pour permettre à la fois un décollage « à fond », pour faire décoller le lanceur plein, mais également permettre un atterrissage tout en douceur du premier étage quasiment vide : il faut pour cela un moteur capable de fonctionner sur une large plage de poussée.




À lire aussi :
Ariane 6 et les nouveaux lanceurs spatiaux, ou comment fabriquer une fusée aujourd’hui


Du décollage à la récupération du premier étage de la fusée. Selon le calendrier ou la performance requise pour une mission ultérieure, l’opérateur peut choisir entre un étage neuf ou un étage déjà utilisé : cette option rend les préparations de missions plus flexibles et versatiles.
Elisa Cliquet Moreno, Fourni par l’auteur

Le démonstrateur (ou prototype) Promethéus a donc naturellement fait l’objet de la première démonstration, initiée sous l’impulsion du CNES dès 2015. Fonctionnant à l’oxygène liquide et au biométhane liquide (plus propre et mieux adapté à la réutilisation que le kérosène ou l’hydrogène), capable de fournir une poussée allant de 30 à 110 % de son point de fonctionnement de référence à 1000 kilonewtons, il est le précurseur d’une nouvelle génération de moteurs réutilisables à bas coût. Grâce à l’impression 3D, il est composé de 50 % de pièce en moins qu’un moteur conventionnel. Le but est que Promethéus soit réutilisable au minimum 5 fois (le nombre de réutilisations pour assurer l’intérêt économique de la récupération est une variable qui dépend de chaque système de lancement).

Testé avec succès courant 2024 chez ArianeGroup à Vernon, dans l’Eure, le premier exemplaire de Promethéus a été monté sur le premier prototype européen d’étage réutilisable à oxygène et méthane liquides, Thémis T1H.

Thémis T1H, les premiers tests à échelle 1 d’un démonstrateur d’étage bas coût et réutilisable en Europe

Ce démonstrateur n’est pas un lanceur complet mais juste un premier étage. Il a quitté le site d’ArianeGroup en France le 12 juin dernier pour rejoindre le pas de tir suédois. Là, Thémis T1H doit d’abord subir des essais combinés avec ses robots de remise en sécurité avant de réaliser un « hop » de quelques dizaines de mètres.

T1H, qui mesure plus de 30 mètres de haut pour environ 30 tonnes, va permettre de valider les grands principes des opérations liées à la réutilisation à une échelle représentative d’un petit lanceur. Seront en particulier scrutées les phases d’atterrissage et de remise en sécurité.

Experience Europe’s first reusable rocket demonstrator hop test – Now in 3D. Source : Salto.

Un autre prototype Thémis, plus ambitieux, est en cours d’étude.

CALLISTO, un démonstrateur de premier étage réutilisable beaucoup plus ambitieux

Le démonstrateur CALLISTO, fruit d’une coopération entre le CNES, les agences spatiales japonaise JAXA et allemande DLR, marque un saut en complexité.

Ce démonstrateur de 13 mètres de haut, tout juste plus d’un mètre de diamètre et environ 4 tonnes au décollage, malgré son échelle réduite, porte toutes les fonctions et la complexité d’un futur premier étage de lanceur réutilisable. Pour illustrer les défis technologiques à relever avec CALLISTO, citons par exemple la manœuvre de « retournement » parmi tant d’autres : après une phase de montée comme une fusée normale, l’étage doit rapidement changer d’orientation pour revenir vers son pas de tir ce qui « secoue » les ergols dans les réservoirs au point que, sans précaution particulière, le liquide se déplace, se mélange avec le gaz, se réchauffe, et pourrait ne plus alimenter le moteur qui doit pourtant être rallumé ensuite pour freiner l’étage.

Callisto doit freiner dans la phase de retour sur Terre, puis ouvrir ses pieds rétractables. On voit que le bas de la fusée chauffe énormément. Vue d’artiste.
CNES/Orbital Dreams, 2023, Fourni par l’auteur

CALLISTO est conçu pour voler dix fois, être capable de monter à plus de dix kilomètres d’altitude et effectuer une manœuvre complexe lui permettant de se retourner rapidement vers son pas d’atterrissage, situé juste à côté de son pas de tir sur l’Ensemble de Lancement Multi-Lanceurs (ELM — Diamant) au Centre Spatial Guyanais, à Kourou. Les vols de CALLISTO permettront ainsi de valider de nouveaux algorithmes pour le GNC (Guidage Navigation Pilotage), une autre brique cruciale pour la réutilisation.

De nombreux éléments de CALLISTO sont déjà fabriqués et en cours d’essai, notamment les pieds, certaines structures clés, et des équipements avioniques. Les trois partenaires du programme contribuent de manière égalitaire à sa réalisation : la JAXA fournit par exemple le moteur, le DLR les pieds, et le CNES réalise les études système et le segment sol.

Des essais à feu de l’ensemble propulsif sont prévus mi-2026 au centre d’essai de Noshiro au Japon avant l’envoi de CALLISTO au Centre Spatial Guyanais pour ses premiers essais au second semestre 2026.

Les vols de CALLISTO, qui commenceront par des petits « sauts » (hops) à basse altitude seront de plus en plus ambitieux : ils culmineront à plus de dix kilomètres d’altitude et franchiront Mach 1.

Skyhopper : récupérer et faire re-voler un étage sur un lanceur opérationnel

La dernière étape de la feuille de route consistera à démontrer la récupération puis un second vol de l’étage récupéré, directement sur un mini lanceur opérationnel, lors d’un de ses vols commerciaux. C’est ArianeGroup & MaiaSpace qui ont été retenus pour mener à bien ce projet, baptisé Skyhopper, qui sera testé en Guyane.

Une fois la mission principale du premier étage achevée, celui-ci sera séparé du deuxième étage à une altitude d’environ 50 kilomètres : il effectuera alors une manœuvre de ré-orientation, déploiera ses gouvernes aérodynamiques, rallumera ses moteurs pour un boost de freinage.

S’en suivra une phase planée, pendant laquelle l’étage sera dirigé grâce à ses gouvernes aérodynamiques, puis un dernier rallumage du moteur, le déploiement des pieds et enfin l’atterrissage vertical sur une barge maritime située à quelques centaines de kilomètres des côtes guyanaises.

L’étage sera alors stabilisé et remis en sécurité de façon autonome par des robots puis la barge sera tractée jusqu’au port de Pariacabo en Guyane. Une fois inspecté et remis en état, cet étage sera assemblé sur un autre lanceur qui décollera pour une nouvelle mission vers l’orbite achevant ainsi la démonstration avant la fin de la décennie.




À lire aussi :
Adieu Ariane 5 ! Retour sur ses plus belles missions


Cette feuille de route, qui s’appuie à la fois sur des programmes de l’Agence Spatiale Européenne (ESA) (Promethéus et Thémis ont été initié par le CNES puis sont entrés dans le périmètre du « Future Launcher Preparatory Programme » de l’ESA respectivement en 2016 et 2019) et des programmes nationaux (Skyhopper) ou dans une coopération multilatérale (CALLISTO), a bénéficié également d’un solide support de multiples activités de Recherche et Technologies menées au niveau national, permettant de valider en amont et à petite échelle des concepts peu matures comme l’impression 3D permettant ensuite d’optimiser la conception et la fabrication du moteur Promethéus.

La France et ses partenaires sont donc en ordre de bataille pour relever les défis de la réutilisation du premier étage d’un lanceur.

The Conversation

Elisa Cliquet Moreno est membre de l’Association Aéronautique et Astronautique de France (présidente de la commission transport spatial)

ref. À quand une fusée réutilisable en Europe ? – https://theconversation.com/a-quand-une-fusee-reutilisable-en-europe-262381

D’où viennent le sens de l’équilibre et les vertiges ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Mathieu Beraneck, Directeur de Recherche CNRS en Neurosciences, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), Université Paris Cité, George Washington University

Les troubles de l’équilibre et les vertiges touchent de 15 à 30 % de la population, en France. Matt Kirk/Unsplash, CC BY

Avec 15 à 30 % de la population concernée en France, les vertiges et les troubles de l’équilibre sont un enjeu de santé publique qui nécessite d’investir dans l’enseignement et dans la recherche.


Perdre l’équilibre, sentir le sol se dérober, avoir la tête qui tourne, percevoir l’environnement comme instable et mouvant… les troubles de l’équilibre et les vertiges sont très fréquents : ils concerneraient 1 million de patients chaque année en France, touchent entre 15 et 30 % de la population générale avec une prévalence de 85 % chez les personnes âgées de plus de 80 ans, et constituent une source de dépense importante pour les systèmes de santé, estimée à 2 ou 3 % en France par les spécialistes du CNRS.

Que se passe-t-il dans notre cerveau lorsque l’on vacille sans raison apparente, et que même se tenir debout semble si difficile ? Derrière ces sensations se cache un système aussi précis que méconnu : le système vestibulaire, et les organes de l’équilibre nichés dans l’oreille interne. Le cerveau, sans cesse en alerte, utilise ces sensations vestibulaires avec la vision et la proprioception — ces sensations du corps provenant des muscles, tendons, de la peau — pour maintenir l’équilibre et nous orienter dans l’espace, même dans des situations extrêmes : obscurité, transports, apesanteur.

Comment fonctionne le sens de l’équilibre, et surtout que se passe-t-il quand on est pris de vertiges ?

L’équilibre, de l’oreille interne au cerveau

Apparus très tôt dans l’évolution, avant même la cochlée, le système vestibulaire est très conservé chez les vertébrés. Chez l’homme, ses organes sont au nombre de dix : cinq dans chaque oreille !

Trois canaux semi-circulaires détectent les rotations de la tête, alors que deux organes otolithiques détectent les accélérations linéaires et, un peu à la manière d’un fil à plomb, l’orientation par rapport à la gravité. Lorsque nous bougeons la tête, le mouvement stimule des cellules ciliées qui, comme les algues dans la mer, se déplacent conjointement en activant le nerf vestibulaire (nerf VIII, vestibulo-cochléaire), transformant ainsi un mouvement en influx nerveux.

schéma de l’oreille et de l’oreille interne
La structure de l’oreille humaine, avec le système vestibulaire, qui inclut les canaux semi-circulaires et les organes otolithiques, saccule et utricule.
Image D. Pickard, traduction B. Guillot

Cette information rejoint le cerveau au niveau du tronc cérébral (qui rassemble de nombreuses fonctions essentielles à la survie, comme la régulation de la respiration, du rythme cardiaque, du sommeil). Les informations issues de l’oreille interne sont importantes pour l’équilibre, mais aussi pour d’autres fonctions réflexes comme la stabilisation du regard et de la posture, et des fonctions plus cognitives comme l’orientation et la perception de son corps dans l’espace, ou encore la navigation, et de manière générale pour la capacité à habiter son corps et à se situer dans un environnement physique, mais aussi social.

Les neurones vestibulaires du tronc cérébral fusionnent les informations vestibulaires à d’autres informations sensorielles visuelles et proprioceptives. Le sens de l’équilibre est donc en fait une fonction « multi-sensorielle » : il est bien plus difficile de tenir debout les yeux fermés, ou pieds nus sur un tapis en mousse. D’autres informations en provenance du cortex, du cervelet, de la moelle épinière viennent également moduler l’activité des neurones vestibulaires et participent donc à créer la sensation de l’équilibre.

animation 3D permettant de visualisé le tronc cérébral
Le tronc cérébral, en rouge, est la partie de l’encéphale relié à la moelle épinière.
Life Science Databases (LSDB), Wikipedia, CC BY-SA

Il est aussi intéressant de noter que l’équilibre est un sens « caché ». En effet, l’oreille interne ne crée pas de sensation consciente : on a conscience de voir, d’entendre, de sentir, mais on ne se sent pas en équilibre. L’équilibre est une fonction si essentielle que le cerveau la traite en tâche de fond, de manière réflexe, afin de nous permettre de vaquer à nos occupations sans devoir constamment penser à tenir debout. C’est seulement dans des situations instables que nous prenons conscience de la précarité de notre bipédie : nous avons en fait un sens inconscient de l’équilibre qui devient — si nécessaire — une perception consciente du déséquilibre !




À lire aussi :
Proprioception et équilibre : notre « sixième sens » varie d’un individu à l’autre


Comment surviennent les vertiges ?

Les vertiges apparaissent quand le cerveau reçoit des informations discordantes, et n’arrive plus à correctement déterminer si le corps est stable, en mouvement, ou si c’est l’environnement qui bouge.

Au repos, les deux vestibules envoient en permanence au tronc cérébral des signaux équilibrés. Lors de mouvements dans une direction, un côté voit son activité augmentée, et l’autre diminuée. Le cerveau déduit la rotation de cette activation différentielle. Lorsque, du fait d’une pathologie, les vertiges surviennent, les signaux des deux complexes vestibulaires deviennent asymétriques même au repos : ce signal neural erroné conduit donc à une illusion de mouvement, et à des réflexes posturaux générés pour contrebalancer ces sensations vertigineuses.

En fonction des pathologies, les sensations vertigineuses peuvent se révéler très variables. Elles traduisent cependant toujours le fait qu’il existe un déséquilibre qui, provenant de l’oreille interne ou d’une autre partie du système nerveux central, empêche désormais le cerveau de correctement référencer la position et les mouvements du corps dans l’espace.

Avec l’âge, l’ensemble des systèmes impliqués dans l’équilibre perdent en précision : les acuités visuelles et proprioceptives diminuent, ainsi que la force musculaire, et souvent l’activité décroît. À partir de ces informations globalement moins précises, il devient plus difficile pour le cerveau de contrôler la position du corps dans l’espace. Les risques de chute, avec leurs conséquences potentiellement dramatiques, augmentent.

Pour les patients pris de vertiges, quel que soit leur âge, la perte de contrôle est angoissante : se tenir debout ou marcher devient une tâche dangereuse et épuisante.

Une épidémie silencieuse et des obstacles persistants pour la prise en charge

Les causes des vertiges et des troubles de l’équilibre sont variées : pathologies neurologiques (traumatismes, AVC, sclérose en plaques), atteintes de l’oreille interne (vertige positionnel bénin, maladie de Ménière, labyrinthite), du nerf vestibulaire (névrite, neurinome), ou du cortex (migraine vestibulaire). Le diagnostic repose sur l’examen clinique et l’interrogatoire, mais la diversité des causes complique la prise en charge.

La rééducation vestibulaire menée par des kinésithérapeutes spécialisés aide le cerveau à compenser les signaux erronés en s’appuyant sur les informations sensorielles visuelles et proprioceptives (on parle de substitution sensorielle), et sur le contrôle moteur volontaire, restaurant ainsi la confiance dans le mouvement.

En effet, les recherches menées ces dernières années ont montré que lors de mouvements volontaires, le cerveau peut prédire, anticiper les conséquences du mouvement et ce faisant affiner le codage vestibulaire : continuer à bouger et solliciter son corps et son cerveau est donc essentiel pour aider à résoudre les vertiges.

Bien qu’il existe quelques ORL spécialisés et des kinésithérapeutes vestibulaires pour ce type de rééducation, les soignants sont globalement insuffisamment formés aux vertiges, et les centres d’explorations fonctionnelles et de prise en charge spécialisés sont trop peu nombreux, et géographiquement mal répartis. Cette situation conduit souvent à une longue errance diagnostique : plusieurs mois, voire des années, peuvent séparer les premiers symptômes et la prise en charge effective du patient.




À lire aussi :
Chutes, rééducation… : la réalité virtuelle au service de l’équilibre ?


Autre difficulté, le vestibule est difficile à observer : les organes vestibulaires, de petite taille, sont logés dans l’os temporal et peu accessibles à l’examen. L’imagerie médicale progresse mais elle reste l’apanage des rares centres spécialisés. D’où un besoin urgent de mieux informer, former, structurer le parcours de soins, et investir dans la recherche et les traitements innovants.

Un besoin de recherche fondamentale et des pistes de recherche prometteuses

Le groupement de recherches CNRS « Vertiges » a réuni pendant dix ans ORL, neurologues, radiologues, kinésithérapeutes et chercheurs pour améliorer la compréhension des pathologies et ainsi la prise en charge des patients. Cette amélioration passera par une meilleure description des mécanismes physiopathologiques : dans la majorité des cas, les causes initiales de la maladie restent en effet inconnues.

Les chercheurs travaillent à la mise au point de modèles comme les organoïdes, des cellules en culture reproduisant certains aspects d’un organe (ici les organes de l’oreille interne) pour des tests pharmacologiques. Ils développent également des modèles animaux qui permettent de comprendre les mécanismes cellulaires et multisensoriels de la compensation vestibulaire, ou de reproduire les maladies génétiques à l’origine de surdités congénitales et de troubles de l’équilibre chez l’enfant, afin de mettre au point de nouvelles options thérapeutiques comme la thérapie génique.

Des initiatives sont également en cours pour pérenniser ces recherches via des regroupements régionaux, comme en Île-de-France le pôle « Paris Vestibulaire », et la mise en place prochaine au niveau national d’un Institut de Recherche sur l’Équilibre et les Vertiges qui poursuivra la dynamique créée au sein de la communauté des soignants, chercheurs et enseignants-chercheurs en otoneurologie vestibulaire.


La « Semaine de l’équilibre et du vertige » (14-21 septembre 2025) sensibilise aux États-Unis, en Europe et au Maghreb à ces pathologies vestibulaires, sous l’impulsion en France d’un Groupement de Recherche du CNRS. L’objectif de cette communauté : mieux soutenir les patients, faire connaître les enjeux scientifiques et médicaux et structurer l’enseignement et la recherche sur le sujet.


Les projets « Circuits vestibulo-cérébelleux impliqués dans la cognition spatiale – InVest », « Interactions des signaux locomoteurs et des signaux sensoriels pour le contrôle du regard – LOCOGATE » et « Fostering Interdisciplinarity and Research Excellence for society at Université de Paris » ont bénéficié du soutien de l’Agence nationale de la recherche (ANR), qui finance en France la recherche sur projets. L’ANR a pour mission de soutenir et de promouvoir le développement de recherches fondamentales et finalisées dans toutes les disciplines, et de renforcer le dialogue entre science et société. Pour en savoir plus, consultez le site de l’ANR.

The Conversation

Mathieu Beraneck est Directeur de recherche au Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Il est responsable d’équipe à l’université Paris Cité, et professeur associé à la George Washington University.
Il a reçu pour ses recherches des financements de l’Agence National de la Recherche (ANR), du Centre National d’Etudes Spatiales (CNES), et de l’Université Paris Cité.

ref. D’où viennent le sens de l’équilibre et les vertiges ? – https://theconversation.com/dou-viennent-le-sens-de-lequilibre-et-les-vertiges-265020

Why are state visits such powerful diplomatic tools? A constitutional expert explains

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor University

The US president and first lady, at the king’s invitation, are on a state visit to the UK and will stay at Windsor castle. The event is laden with ceremony and glitz, but it also carries great political potential – for the host nation in particular.

Formal visits by foreign heads of state are generally aimed at strengthening international relationships. The invitation for this visit was handed to Donald Trump in the Oval Office, on camera, by Keir Starmer at a time when the British prime minister was seeking to act as the bridge between the US and Europe over the war in Ukraine.

While many countries have state visits, their ceremonial style varies. In the US, ceremonial honours usually involve arrival on the White House south lawn, accompanied by a military band, 21-gun salute and then a state dinner. But it is the scale and grandeur of the UK’s carriage processions, state banquets, speeches in parliament and military pageantry, tied to the monarchy’s long history, which make them a powerful diplomatic tool for the UK. Trump has made no secret of his delight at being invited for an unprecedented second state visit.

Trump’s praise of the royal family is testament to the soft power at work here. An offer of an audience with the king can deepen diplomatic ties. In this instance, it’s a powerful tool for enhancing the UK-US relationship at a time when this is a priority for Britain.

How state visits work

In the UK, the procedures surrounding state visits are guided by conventions (traditions) and protocols. The prerogative – the government’s residue discretionary power – also comes into play.

The formal invitation for a UK state visit is issued in the name of the king, as head of state. However, in practice, the decision as to who receives them is usually based on another country firstly expressing an interest, and then the UK government offering ministerial advice to the king to extend an invitation. This advice usually comes from the foreign secretary in conjunction with the prime minister, as part of their prerogative powers surrounding foreign relations.

Windsor castle
Most of Trump’s visit will take place at Windsor castle.
Shutterstock/Tomas Marek

Once an invitation is issued, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, together with the royal household, will set the agenda for ceremonies, banquets, guards of honour and meetings with the king and prime minister.

Typically, the king will receive two foreign heads of state per year. In 2024, he hosted the emperor and empress of Japan, and the amir sheikh and sheikha of Qatar. These visits are usually only a couple of days and start with a ceremonial welcome attended by the king and other senior royal family members.

Having arrived in London on Tuesday, September 16, Trump will spend Wednesday at Windsor castle with the royal family and attend a state banquet in the evening. He will leave on Thursday for Chequers, the prime minister’s country residence, where the two will hold a bilateral meeting.

Diplomatic immunity, costs and threat levels

To facilitate secure visits, the State Immunity Act 1978 affords heads of state the same privileges as are applied to the heads of diplomatic missions. The visits are further underpinned by customary international sources such as the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961. While these do not make explicit reference to state visits, they establish practices surrounding immunities and the treatment of heads of state in the discharge of their public duties.

In reality, hosting the US president means the UK has to manage a high threat level – which also means paying a lot, mostly for security and policing. Trump’s last state visit in 2019 cost £3.9 million.

But state visits bring reward as well as expenditure. These are not just opportunities for ceremony: meetings take place around the pomp, and there are always vigorous diplomatic efforts to reach agreements that can be announced while leaders are delivering speeches during the visit.

Even before Trump had touched down, it had been announced that Google would invest £5 billion in artificial intelligence in the UK over the next two years. More announcements of this kind can be expected to follow.

This will go some way to meeting a call from the UK parliament’s Business and Trade Committee for Starmer to apply “maximum pressure” on Trump to secure a trade and technology alliance to rival China. Starmer will also be hoping to negotiate on tariffs during the Chequers meeting on Thursday.

What the king does

The UK is a constitutional monarchy, meaning the king’s powers are limited by law, and are largely used by the UK government rather than the royal family. While the king is able to “advise and warn”, decisions are ultimately taken by the government. In that sense, the king reigns, but does not rule.

Nonetheless, the monarchy is very useful in delicate diplomatic situations. Wielding significant soft power in international diplomacy and serving as a visible symbol of stability and continuity on the global stage as head of the Commonwealth, the king can promote shared values and cooperation across borders.

His role in awarding honours, celebrating the voluntary and charitable sector, and delivering speeches often makes him synonymous with officially recognising success and excellence. The demands made of the monarchy to remain politically neutral on all matters can lead to them being seen as a unifying force.

It is noteworthy that even during moments of intense geopolitical tension, such as after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 when significant economic sanctions were being placed on Russia by the UK, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, still offered condolences to the new king upon the death of Queen Elizabeth II – describing it as a “heavy, irreparable loss” of an “authority on the world stage”.

In this context, the king’s capacity to act as a bridge in diplomacy is an asset. Starmer will be hoping that the cost of hosting this second state visit will translate into tangible outcomes for the UK.

The Conversation

Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why are state visits such powerful diplomatic tools? A constitutional expert explains – https://theconversation.com/why-are-state-visits-such-powerful-diplomatic-tools-a-constitutional-expert-explains-265425

Serious mental illness often brings rapid weight gain – but support is missing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Charlotte Lee, Research Fellow, Primary Care Health Sciences, University of Oxford

Rostislav Sedlacek/Shutterstock.com

Being diagnosed with a serious mental illness like schizophrenia or bipolar disorder often brings an overlooked challenge: rapid and sustained weight gain. This side-effect can raise the risk of diabetes, heart disease and early death – widening an already stark life expectancy gap.

A new study my colleagues and I conducted, published in The Lancet Psychiatry, is the largest and longest to track these changes in real-world settings. Analysing GP health records of over 113,000 adults in the UK between 1998 and 2020, we found that weight gain is not only common but predictable.

A 39-year-old newly diagnosed with schizophrenia or bipolar disorder can expect to gain 2kg in the first year and roughly 5kg within five years. Fifteen years on, the average increase is about 5.5kg. In comparison, people of the same age and gender without serious mental illness gained barely 1.5kg over the same period, on average.

Initially, we wondered if some early weight gain might reflect recovery – a bounce-back effect. People typically regain their appetite after a period of acute illness once they begin treatment. But in our study, most people were already overweight at diagnosis, and then gained enough weight to become obese over time. That shows the rise is a sustained, long-term increase, not a rebound related to recovery.

These patterns are not just statistical quirks; they reflect well-known physiological and social factors. Antipsychotics can trigger metabolic and appetite changes, and most people with a serious mental illness take these medications. In our study, people taking antipsychotics showed the greatest weight gain, an average of 5.9kg over 15 years.

Person holding a blister pack of pills.
People on antipsychotic medication gained the most weight.
Gerdesk89/Shutterstock.com

But people who had never been prescribed them still gained substantial weight, averaging 2.5kg over the same period. Other factors also play a role, from social isolation and poverty to poor access to healthy food, exercise and regular routines – but our study could not monitor them because this data is not held in GP records.

We also examined whether people were getting help to lose weight. People with schizophrenia or bipolar disorder who were overweight or obese were around 10% more likely than the average overweight or obese person to be told to lose weight. Yet, despite their much higher risk of diabetes and heart disease, they were no more likely to be offered a place on a weight-loss programme. Only 4.5% had any record of a referral, compared with about 3% of people without mental illness.

The people most at risk of chronic conditions like diabetes and heart disease are being warned to lose weight, but not given help to do so. Community weight-loss groups can be effective – but without a referral, many people don’t know they exist or can’t get to them.

Mental health staff often have to focus on immediate psychiatric care: managing crises, stabilising symptoms, and keeping people safe. That leaves little scope for preventive physical healthcare. Meanwhile, in GP practices, staff may feel unsure how to approach weight loss with people who have complex mental health needs.

The result is a gap between policy and practice. National plans like the government’s recently launched 10-Year Health Plan for England emphasise cardiovascular prevention for people with serious mental illness, but in everyday care many still slip through the cracks. This is not a uniquely British problem; health systems worldwide are struggling to deliver integrated physical and mental healthcare.

What needs to change

This pattern is not inevitable. Weight gain after a diagnosis of serious mental illness is predictable, measurable and, with the right action, preventable.

Our findings show that the years immediately after diagnosis are a critical window to act. Intervening within the first five years could reduce the risk of long-term obesity, diabetes and heart disease, improve quality of life, and narrow the life expectancy gap. It could also ease the strain on health systems already crumbling under rising rates of chronic disease.

Despite this potential, the common belief that people with schizophrenia or bipolar disorder cannot lose weight persists, and it is wrong. Effective support means intervening early with evidence-based care and regular follow-ups. Community weight-loss groups should fit the person, adapting to their changing mental health, medication side-effects, and everyday difficulties like getting to appointments.

People with mental illnesses deserve the same chance of good physical health as everyone else. If potential benefits are to be realised, primary care and mental health services must check weight at diagnosis, and refer patients with schizophrenia or bipolar disorder to tailored weight-loss programmes before rapid gains set in. This is essential to delivering on the ambitions of national plans for cardiovascular prevention in our most underserved communities.

The Conversation

Charlotte Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Serious mental illness often brings rapid weight gain – but support is missing – https://theconversation.com/serious-mental-illness-often-brings-rapid-weight-gain-but-support-is-missing-264842

The history of strikes in France

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Stéphane Sirot, Professeur d’histoire politique et sociale du XXème siècle, CY Cergy Paris Université

While strikes do not occur more often in France than elsewhere in Western Europe, their place in the history of the French labor movement is nonetheless unique. For trade unions, strikes were once a preferred means of improving everyday life, and also at the heart of their revolutionary utopia. In other words, they were aimed at the overcoming of capitalism.

Over time, strikes have become firmly established as a central feature of social relations in France, but their utopian function has faltered. At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, like other expressions of class struggle, it has even been significantly devalued.

The disruption of the prevailing order by the workers

In addition to its role as a tool for defending living conditions and fighting for new rights, strikes are a primitive form of agglomeration of the working class, whose rise in power precedes and then accompanies the development of trade unionism.

When the right to form unions was granted in 1884, labor disputes, which had been decriminalized in 1864, were already well on their way to becoming a central feature of industrial relations. In other words, action preceded organization. Often, throughout the 19th century, action even laid the foundation for organization: unions were formed in the wake of social unrest, with some disappearing quickly once a strike was over, and others continuing to exist.

When la Confédération Générale du Travail (General Trade Confederation), known as the CGT, was founded in central France in 1895, it quickly adopted a set of values based on “worker autonomy” and “direct action”. Through its own struggles, independent of partisan structures and institutions, the working class was supposed to prepare for the “dual task”, defined by the trade union movement, of the prosaic struggle for immediate demands and the utopian prospect of overthrowing capitalism. This approach gives strikes a central role and tends to endow them with all kinds of virtues.

Strikes are seen as an education in solidarity, through the material mutual aid they often generate or through their interprofessional reach. They are also an education in class struggle, an “episode of social warfare”, as one of the pre-1914 leaders of the CGT wrote. This is why, whatever happens, “its results can only be favorable to the working class from a moral point of view, [because] there is an increase in proletarian militancy”. And if a strike is victorious, it is a form of collective recovery from capitalism, because it produces “a reduction in the privileges of the exploiting class”.

Finally, revolutionary trade unionists believe that a general strike provides workers with the weapon that will enable them to achieve the Holy Grail: the definitive demise of capitalism. This is the argument put forward in Comment nous ferons la Révolution (How We Will Bring About the Revolution) the only work in the activist field that describes in detail the process of appropriation of the means of production by the workers themselves, under the aegis of their unions, which then set about organizing a bright future.

A politically charged general strike in France never occurred and, thus, never led to radical social change. But such a utopia was not necessarily intended to be prophetic. Its function was also, and perhaps above all, to protect the labor movement from the siren calls of co-management of and support for the existing system, a project conceived in the last decades of the 19th century by the republican elites. In addition, maintaining a revolutionary course seems conducive to fuelling a “great fear” in the dominant order, which, to reassure itself, feels compelled to make concessions.

From the paradise of class struggle to the purgatory of ‘social dialogue’

While the first world war dealt the final blow to revolutionary trade unionism, two main approaches to strikes prevailed during the years of a split in the CGT (1922-1935). For the confederation of Léon Jouhaux, a socialist who was awarded a Nobel peace prize in 1951, the suspension of production was essentially a last resort to be used only if negotiations failed. For the CGTU, which was close to the French Communist Party (PCF), it could be a weapon that went beyond the mere satisfaction of economic demands. According to communist trade unionists, “as it develops, the strike inevitably becomes a political struggle pitting workers against the trinity of employers, government and reformists, demonstrating the need for a ruthless struggle that goes beyond the corporate framework”.

However, in trade union discourse and imagination, striking is no longer seen as a practice capable of promoting the principle of “worker autonomy” or bringing about the birth of a new society. It has lost its utopian dimension.

Nevertheless, a strike remains a major weapon. Until the second world war, trade unionism and the working class were not yet fully integrated into Western societies; the process was certainly under way, but not yet complete. Although gradually becoming more commonplace, collective bargaining struggled to find its place. Workers’ organizations therefore had to rely on a culture of struggle, which was almost the only means of improving daily life and temporarily disrupting the capitalist system of exploitation.

Subsequently, and until the 1960s and 1970s, strikes remained a very common feature of union practices, albeit for reasons that differed significantly from those of previous periods. Within the framework of the “Fordist compromise” (the exchange of productivity gains for purchasing power) and the institutionalization of trade unionism, strikes became primarily a means of managing systemic disruptions and promoting a slightly less inequitable distribution of wealth, in a logic of conflictual regulation of social relations. The act of stopping work became ritualized, as illustrated by the exponential increase in the number of days of action.

Furthermore, within the framework of the welfare states built up during the post-war economic boom, France and the Western world undergo a phase of progressive reforms which, on the surface, do not appear to be the result of a systematic and constant power struggle. It is reasonable to assume that, in the long term, this situation is partly responsible for the decline in the legitimacy of strike action. As soon as an improvement in living conditions appears possible through political action or through compromises agreed with the unions in the context of a “social dialogue” that is set to prosper, a shift is likely to occur that will relegate strikes to the status of a nuisance or an accident to be avoided.

It was then that employee organizations and their practices were confronted with, among other things, the effects of the economic climate (slowing growth, deindustrialization, job insecurity, individualization of wages, counterreforms dismantling the welfare state, etc.), the rise of liberalism – one of whose aims is to paralyze union action – and post-1968 changes in society (rise of individualism, decline of grand political utopias, etc.).

To this list of endogenous causes, it must be added those created by trade unionism itself. These include its distancing from the political arena and its role in this area; its inability to generate hope; and the contradictions raised by its nature as an institutional counterweight, torn between an obligation to oppose and a deep-rooted inclusion in society.

Delegitimization of strike action

In this context, the trade union movement at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries seems to have significantly retreated to a strategy of survival. This appears to consist of saving its legitimacy, if necessary by distancing itself from the mobilization of workers and, ultimately, by abandoning the idea of breaking with the capitalist order.

For the past 30 or 40 years, one after another and to varying degrees, the major labor confederations have also embarked on a path that has fuelled doubt. There has even been rhetorical delegitimization of strike action. In 1985, Edmond Maire, then leader of the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (la Confédération française démocratique du travail or CFDT), said: “[…] the old myth that says union action is only about strikes is a thing of the past. Trade unions must abandon it.”

However, trade unionism based on “social dialogue” without leverage has never been as successful as that based on confrontation. In France, the major historical phases of significant social gains have resulted from trade union and popular mobilization. The Popular Front in the 1930s, liberation (la Libération) from German occupation in the 1940s, and May-June 1968 are striking examples.

Conversely, since the 1980s, characterized by the development of decentralized collective bargaining processes, the restriction of social rights has been steadily progressing. Except in November-December 1995, when a determined social movement, in this case a bloquant (blocking) and renewable one, managed to spread while sparking debates that were able to establish a link between professional demands and the societal choices they brought to light.

Throughout its history, trade unionism has rallied support and established itself as a social force feared by the ruling order, which, today as in the past, rarely concedes anything without feeling threatened. This has been achieved both through the utopian political project that it promoted, and through strike action, which it made a major paradigm.


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The Conversation

Stéphane Sirot ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. The history of strikes in France – https://theconversation.com/the-history-of-strikes-in-france-264823

A pretty face helped make Robert Redford a star. Talent and dedication kept him one

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Daryl Sparkes, Senior Lecturer, Media Studies and Production, University of Southern Queensland

Miroslav Zajic/CORBIS/Corbis via Getty Images

Hollywood is the place where having a great face will get you far. Think Errol Flynn, James Dean, George Clooney, Brad Pitt – a handsome appearance opens acting doors.

Those good looks, the magical smile, the natural charm all became synonymous with Robert Redford, who has died aged 89.

But good looks can only get you so far. You still need the acting chops as well as the strength of character to make a real impression in the world of cinema, and in the world itself.

Redford had this all in spades.

The young actor

After a rough start in life, including the death of his mother and dropping out of college, Redford began acting at 23 on Broadway and in small roles in quality television productions such as The Untouchables (1963), Maverick (1960), Dr Kildare (1962) and The Twilight Zone (1962), to name a few, which all honed his screen presence.

He made his feature film debut with a minor role in Tall Story (1960), alongside Jane Fonda (also her debut). This started a lifelong friendship between the two. They would act on several productions together, and Fonda admitted she was in love with Redford her whole life.

His talent was soon recognised. He was nominated for his first Emmy in 1962 for his supporting role in the TV movie The Voice of Charlie Pont.

After this, Redford soon became an in-demand actor. Larger roles in film and TV soon came his way, many as a romantic character.

Films such as Inside Daisy Clover (1965), This Property is Condemned (1966) and Barefoot in the Park (1967) portrayed Redford as the lover/husband to strong female characters, the first two with Natalie Wood, the third, again, with Fonda.

The birth of an icon

His good looks sometimes grated on Redford, which led him to refuse a role in Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf (1966) and being turned down for the lead in The Graduate (1967). He went in search of more diverse roles.

This led to a film that didn’t just make Redford a star, but a Hollywood icon.

Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid (1969) was one of the greatest actor partnerships in Hollywood history. Paul Newman was a much bigger star than Redford at the time of the movie’s release, but arguably it propelled Redford’s star beyond anyone else at that time.

Redford portrayed Sundance with sly wit, simmering masculinity, sardonic smartness and, well, just outright sexiness. Suddenly both teenage boys and girls had his poster on their bedroom wall. The world fell in love with him.

a poster for George Roy Hill's 1969 biopic Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid.

Movie Poster Image Art/Getty Images

Redford was on a roll. Over the next half-decade came hit after hit, including The Candidate (1972), The Way We Were (1973) with Barbara Streisand, The Sting (1972) again with Newman, and The Great Gatsby (1974), to name but a few. Redford was cemented as the lead man du jour.

The saying “lightning never strikes twice” never reckoned on Redford. In 1976 he took on his next highly iconic role alongside Dustin Hoffman in All the President’s Men.

It could be said that Hoffman, well regarded as the actor’s actor, was eclipsed by Redford in his role as Watergate journalist Bob Woodward. To me it was a travesty that Redford (or Hoffman, for that matter) was not nominated for Oscars in these roles.

By now Redford wasn’t just seen as the “pretty boy” but as a serious actor who took on more and more dramatic roles in The Electric Horseman (1979), Brubaker (1980), Out of Africa (1985) and Indecent Proposal (1998).

Being on screen for over five decades, younger audiences possibly wondered who the grizzled old man playing agent Alexander Pierce in two Marvel movies in 2014 and 2019 was.

A lasting legacy

Beginning in the 70s, Redford increasingly yearned to also be behind the camera.

As early as 1969 he took on the executive producer role in Downhill Racer.

Into the 80s he began directing. His feature directorial debut, Ordinary People (1980), won him his one and only Oscar (although he was given an honorary one in 2002).

He would go on to direct and produce notable films such as The Horse Whisperer (1998), A River Runs Through It (1992) and Quiz Show (1994), among others.

He was still working as an executive producer up until recently on the TV series Dark Wind (2022–25).

Away from the cameras, Redford was widely known as a philanthropist, environmentalist and a strong supporter of American First Nations and LGBTQI+ rights.

Publicly, though, Redford will probably be most remembered for the Sundance Institute and the film festival that sprang from it.

Redford poses for a photo in front of a snow capped mountain.
Redford at the Sundance Film Festival in Salt Lake City, Utah, in 1994.
Tom Smart/Liaison

The largest independent festival in the United States, it gave a leg up to hundreds of up-and-coming independent filmmakers over the years including Quentin Tarantino, Robert Rodriguez, Jane Schoenbrun, Kevin Smith and Paul Thomas Anderson.

When we look back on his body of work, though, one thing becomes plainly obvious.

While Redford may have used his looks to initially open the Hollywood doors to success and fame, it was his talent and dedication to his craft that kept those doors open.

A versatile actor, director and producer who gave back to the industry just as much, if not more, than he took. For this, Redford was much, much more than a pretty face.

The Conversation

Daryl Sparkes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A pretty face helped make Robert Redford a star. Talent and dedication kept him one – https://theconversation.com/a-pretty-face-helped-make-robert-redford-a-star-talent-and-dedication-kept-him-one-265426

Charlie Kirk shooting suspect had ties to gaming culture and the ‘dark internet’. Here’s how they radicalise

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University

Tyler Robinson, the 22-year-old Utah man suspected of having fatally shot right-wing activist Charlie Kirk, is reportedly not cooperating with authorities. Robinson was apprehended after a more than two-day manhunt and is being held without bail at the Utah County Jail.

While a motive for the shooting has yet to be established, Utah Governor Spencer Cox has highlighted Robinson’s links to gaming and the “dark internet”.

Bullet casings found at the scene were inscribed with various messages evoking gaming subcultures. One of the quotes – “Notices bulges, OwO what’s this” – can be linked to the furry community, known for role-playing using animal avatars.

Another message – “Hey, fascist! Catch! ↑ → ↓↓↓” – features arrow symbols associated with an action that allows players to drop bombs on their foes in Helldiver 2, a game in which players play as fascists fighting enemy forces.

One casing reads “O Bella ciao, Bella ciao, Bella ciao, Ciao, ciao!”, words from an Italian anti-Mussolini protest song, which also appears in the shooter game Far Cry 6. Yet another is a homophobic jibe: “if you read this you are gay LMAO”.

If Robinson does turn out to be a shooter radicalised through online gaming spaces, he would not be the first. Previous terrorist shootings at Christchurch (New Zealand), Halle (Germany), Bærum (Norway), and the US cities of Buffalo, El Paso and Poway were all carried out by radicalised young men who embraced online conspiracies and violent video games.

In each of these cases, the shooter attempted (and in all but the Poway shooting, succeeded) to live stream the atrocities, as though emulating a first-person shooter game.

A growing online threat

The global video game market is enormous, with an estimated value of almost US$300 billion (about A$450 billion) in 2024. Of the more than three billion gamers, the largest percentage is made up of young adults aged 18–34.

Many of these are vulnerable young men. And extremist activists have long recognised this group as a demographic ripe for radicalisation.

As early as 2002, American neo-Nazi leader Matt Hale advised his followers “if we can influence video games and entertainment, it will make people understand we are their friends and neighbours”.

Since then, far-right groups have produced ethnonationalist-themed games, such as “Ethnic Cleansing” and “ZOG’s Nightmare”, in which players defend the “white race” against Islamists, immigrants, LGBTQIA+ people, Jews and more.

Studying radicalisation in gamer circles

For many, the Kirk shooting has resurfaced the perennial question about the link (or lack thereof) between playing violent video games and real-world violence.

But while this is an important line of inquiry, the evidence suggests most radicalisation takes place not through playing video games themselves, but through gaming platform communication channels.

In 2020, my colleagues and I studied an extraordinary data dump of more than nine million posts from the gaming platform Steam to understand this process.

We found evidence of radicalisation occurring through communication channels, such as team voice channels. Here, players establish connections with one another, and can leverage these connections for political recruitment.

The radicalisation of vulnerable users is not instantaneous. Once extremists have connected with potential targets, they invite them into platforms such as Discord or private chat rooms. These spaces allow for meme and image sharing, as well as ongoing voice and video conversations.

Skilful recruiters will play to a target’s specific grievances. These may be personal, psycho-sexual (such as being unable to gain love or approval), or related to divisive issues such as employment, housing or gender roles.

The recruit is initiated into a fast-changing set of cynical in-jokes and in-group terms. These may include mocking self-designations, such as the Pepe the Frog meme, used by the far-right to ironically embrace their ugly “political incorrectness”. They also use derogatory terms for “enemies”, such as “woke”, “social justice warriors”, “soyboys”, “fascists” and “cultural Marxists”.

Gradually, the new recruit becomes accustomed to the casual denigration and dehumanisation of the “enemies”.

Dark and sarcastic humour allow for plausible deniability while still spreading hate. As such, humour acts an on-ramp to slowly introduce new recruits to the conspiratorial and violent ideologies that lie at the heart of terrorist shootings.

Generally, these ideologies claim the world is run by nefarious and super-powerful plutocrats/Jews/liberals/communists/elites, who can only be stopped through extreme measures.

It then becomes a question of resolve. Who among the group is willing to do what the ideology suggests is necessary?

What can be done?

The Australian Federal Police, as well as the Australian parliament, has recognised the threat of violence as a result of radicalisation through online gaming. Clearly, it’s something we can’t be complacent about.

Social isolation and mental illness, which are sadly as widespread in Australia as they are elsewhere, are some of the factors online extremists try to exploit when luring vulnerable individuals.

At the same time, social media algorithms function to shunt users into ever more sensational content. This is something online extremists have benefited from, and learned to exploit.

There is a growing number of organisations devoted to trying to prevent online radicalisation through gaming platforms. Many of these have resources for concerned parents, teachers and care givers.

Ultimately, in an increasingly online world, the best way to keep young people safe from online radicalisation is to keep having constructive offline conversations about their virtual experiences, and the people they might meet in the process.

The Conversation

Matthew Sharpe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Charlie Kirk shooting suspect had ties to gaming culture and the ‘dark internet’. Here’s how they radicalise – https://theconversation.com/charlie-kirk-shooting-suspect-had-ties-to-gaming-culture-and-the-dark-internet-heres-how-they-radicalise-265279

Since WWII, it’s been taboo to force nations to cede land after war. Russia wants to normalise conquest again

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jon Richardson, Visiting Fellow, Centre for European Studies, Australian National University

A frequent question around peace talks over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is whether Ukraine should give up land as part of an interim or final settlement.

United States President Donald Trump has often suggested this would be a natural and inevitable outcome, particularly given Ukraine has – in his view – a weak hand of “cards”. When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky visited the White House last month, Trump told him there was no getting back Crimea, which has been occupied by Russia since 2014.

Trump has jokingly described his motivation for promoting peace in Ukraine as a desire to “get to heaven”. But as the saying goes, the path to hell is paved with good intentions.

Indeed, Trump has aligned himself with many Russian officials on territorial concessions, including Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who has said history has many examples of peace agreements that shift borders.

It is important to debunk this notion. Acquisition of territory through war has, in fact, been taboo since the end of the second world war and the establishment of the United Nations.

While there have been many military conflicts, there are no evident examples of a UN member country ceding recognised, independent territory to another UN member following a war or invasion.

Wars and conquest

Until the early 20th century, territorial concessions were the norm after wars, backed by all sorts of narratives about hereditary rights, ancient borders, superior civilisations, punishments for unpaid debts or simple law of the jungle.

A classic example was the Treaty of Guadeloupe-Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican-American War of 1846–48. Mexico was forced to cede 55% of its territory, including present-day New Mexico, Utah, Nevada, Arizona, California, Texas and western Colorado.

Mexican territory that was relinquished in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, coloured white.
Wikimedia Commons

In a recent article, Yale academics Oona Hathaway and Scott Shapiro explain that before the first world war, shifting borders was a legally recognised means by which states resolved disputes. They calculate there were more than 150 territorial conquests around the world before 1945.

The end of the second world war saw massive border changes in Eastern Europe. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin shifted the borders of Poland hundreds of kilometres westward at the expense of Germany, while the Soviet Union swallowed swathes of eastern Poland. Italy also lost some of its pre-war territory to Yugoslavia and France.

The Soviet Union also got to keep regions it had absorbed in the wake of the 1939 Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, including the Baltic States, Moldova, western Ukraine and parts of Finland. These changes reflected the facts on the ground and were accepted at the Yalta and Potsdam conferences.

But in the broader zeitgeist, it was time to put an end to wars of conquest. This was articulated in Article 2 of the UN Charter, which requires states to refrain from the use of force against the “territorial integrity or political independence” of any other state.

The principle was further cemented in UN Security Council resolution 242 following the 1967 Arab-Israeli Six-Day War, which decrees that acquisition of territory following war cannot be accepted.

That is why the international community has largely rejected any move towards Israeli sovereignty over the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem, along with the Golan Heights. (The United States, however, accepted the latter in 2019.)

The taboo on conquest since 1945

The only successful territorial conquests broadly accepted by the international community since 1945 have been a few cases of newly independent countries in the 1960s taking over enclaves or neighbouring territory formerly held by colonial powers. This includes, for example, India taking Goa from Portugal.

But other seizures of ex-colonial territories have been broadly rejected, or at least strongly contested. The main examples are Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara and Indonesia’s seizure of East Timor. Indonesia’s takeover of West Papua was accepted by the international community as part of a UN-mandated self-determination process, though this has since been condemned by many as deeply flawed.

South Vietnam’s ultimate takeover by the North might be regarded as a conquest, but neither Vietnam recognised the other as a separate country, seeing the conflict effectively as a continuation of civil war. Neither was a UN member.

Before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the most blatant attempt to conquer independent territory was Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein’s invasion and annexation of Kuwait. This was repelled by a UN-sanctioned force.

Global opposition to Russia’s seizures

Distinct from invasions, there have been many unresolved border disputes that have occasionally flared into armed conflict. Russia, however, had no such dispute with Ukraine before its 2014 takeover of Crimea.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia and Ukraine negotiated a border treaty to delineate their borders in precise detail. Russian President Vladimir Putin signed the treaty in 2003 and later affirmed that Russia had no territorial claim against Ukraine.

An overwhelming number of UN members have rejected Russia’s annexation of Crimea and four other regions of southeastern Ukraine.

However, the initial outrage at the invasion has weakened over time. Many countries have accused the US of a double standard, given its invasion of Iraq in 2003 (even if that didn’t involve territorial conquest). Trump’s statements about acquiring Greenland, Canada, Gaza and the Panama Canal have only further weakened confidence in US opposition to territorial conquest.

As political scientist Tanisha Fazal argues, the norm against territorial conquest risks suffering a “death of a thousand cuts”. Allowing Russia to keep parts of Ukraine could be a terminal blow.

What a lasting peace should look like

Some commentators have argued for an interim settlement under which Russia would retain control of occupied territory without Ukraine ceding it formally. A final settlement would be left to the future.

Some have called this de facto recognition of Russian annexation, but that is a misguided notion. De facto recognition implies acceptance of a new status quo, along with a return to business as usual.

The outcome of the war will only be partially about territory. Russia has imposed a brutal occupation on these regions, with widespread allegations of torture, killings, disappearances, population transfers and thefts of Ukrainian businesses and homes. Ukrainian language, culture and identity are being erased under a draconian regime.

Ukraine appears willing to accept an interim ceasefire to stop the bloodshed. But its territorial integrity should be fully supported by making clear to Russia that its invasion and occupation remain illegal and unacceptable.

This would include maintaining economic sanctions, demanding accountability for war crimes, returning property stolen from Ukrainians, and allowing Ukrainians transferred to Russia to return home. Ukraine must also be given the means to defend itself against a renewed Russian attack.

Advocates of anything less would be condoning and normalising flagrant territorial aggression. They would merit neither earthly rewards, such as Nobel Prizes, nor divine blessings.

The Conversation

Jon Richardson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Since WWII, it’s been taboo to force nations to cede land after war. Russia wants to normalise conquest again – https://theconversation.com/since-wwii-its-been-taboo-to-force-nations-to-cede-land-after-war-russia-wants-to-normalise-conquest-again-264590

Viral violent videos on social media are skewing young people’s sense of the world

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Samuel Cornell, PhD Candidate in Public Health & Community Medicine, School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney

When news broke last week that US political influencer Charlie Kirk had been shot at an event at Utah Valley University, millions of people around the world were first alerted to it by social media before journalists had written a word.

Rather than first seeing the news on a mainstream news website, footage of the bloody and public assassination was pushed directly onto audiences’ social media feeds. There weren’t any editors deciding whether the raw footage was too distressing, nor warnings before clips auto-played.

Australia’s eSafety commissioner called on platforms to shield children from the footage, noting “all platforms have a responsibility to protect their users by quickly removing or restricting illegal harmful material”.

This is the norm in today’s media environment: extreme violence often bypasses traditional media gatekeepers and can reach millions of people, including children, instantly. This has wide-ranging impacts on young people – and on society at large.

A wide range of violence

Young people are more likely than older adults to come across violent and disturbing content online. This is partly because they are more frequent users of platforms such as TikTok, Instagram and X.

Research from 2024 from the United Kingdom suggests a majority of teenagers have seen violent videos in their feeds.

The violence young people see on social media ranges from schoolyard fights and knife attacks to war footage and terrorist attacks.

The footage is often visceral, raw and unexpected.

A wide range of harms

Seeing this kind of violent footage on social media can make some children not want to leave the house.

Research also shows engaging with distressing media can cause symptoms similar to trauma, especially if the violence feels close to our own lives.

Research shows social media is not simply a mirror of youth violence but also a vector for it, with bullying, gang violence, dating aggression, and even self-directed violence playing out online. Exposure to these harms can have a negative effect on young people’s mental health, behaviour and academic performance.

For others, violent content on social media risks “desensitisation”, where people become so used to suffering and violence they become less empathetic.

Communication scholars also point to cultivation theory – the idea in this case that people who consume more violent content begin to see the world as potentially more dangerous than it really is.

This potentially skewed perception can influence everyday behaviour even among those who do not directly experience violence.




Read more:
How images of knives intended to stop youth knife crime may actually be making things worse


A long history of violence

Violence distributed by media is as old as media itself.

The ancient Greeks painted their pottery with scenes of battles and slaying. The Romans wrote about their gladiators. Some of the first photographs ever taken were of the Crimean War. And in the second world war, people went to the cinema to watch newsreels for updates on the war.

The Vietnam war was the first “television war” – images of violence and destruction were beamed into people’s homes for the first time. Yet television still involved editorial judgement. Footage of violence was cut, edited, narrated and contextualised.

Seeing violence as if you were there has been transformed by social media.

Now, footage of war, recorded in real time on phones or drones, is uploaded to TikTok or YouTube and shared with unprecedented immediacy. It often appears without any additional context – and often isn’t packaged any differently to a video of, say, somebody walking down the street or hanging out with friends.

War influencers have emerged – people who post updates from conflict zones, often with no editorial training, unlike war journalists. This blurs the line between reporting and spectacle. And this content spreads rapidly, reaching audiences who have often not sought it.

Israel’s military even uses war influencers to “thirst trap” social media users for propaganda purposes. A thirst trap is a deliberately eye-catching, often seductive, social media post designed to attract attention and engage users.

How to opt out of violence

There are some practical steps that can be taken to reduce your chances of encountering unwanted violent content:

  • turn off autoplay. This can prevent videos from playing unprompted

  • use mute or block filters. Platforms such as X and TikTok let you hide content with certain keywords

  • report disturbing videos or images. Flagging videos for violence can reduce how often they are promoted

  • curate your feed. Following accounts that focus on verified news can reduce exposure to random viral violence

  • take a break from social media, which isn’t as extreme as it sounds.

These actions aren’t foolproof. And the reality is that users of social media have very limited control over what they see. Algorithms still nudge users’ attention toward the sensational.

The viral videos of Kirk’s assassination highlight the failures of platforms to protect their users. Despite formal rules banning violent content, shocking videos slip through and reach users, including children.

In turn, this highlights why more stringent regulation of social media companies is urgently needed.

The Conversation

Samuel Cornell receives funding from an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship.

T.J. Thomson receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an affiliate with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.

ref. Viral violent videos on social media are skewing young people’s sense of the world – https://theconversation.com/viral-violent-videos-on-social-media-are-skewing-young-peoples-sense-of-the-world-265371