A violent dystopian thriller, KPop Demon Hunters and an updated Ibsen play: what to see this week

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jane Wright, Commissioning Editor, Arts & Culture, The Conversation

No one wants to see a good Jedi turn bad, but that’s exactly what happens to Luke Skywalker actor Mark Hamill in The Long Walk, an adaptation of a Stephen King story of the same name. Hamill plays the terrifying major who presides over a group of young men taking part in a barbaric televised contest that requires them to walk continuously at a speed above 3mph or be summarily executed.

The setting for this violent dystopian thriller is a bleak 1970s America in the grip of economic decline that follows an unnamed war. A forerunner to the Hunger Games (the film is directed by Francis Lawrence, who helmed four of the five-film franchise), The Long Walk focuses on the idea of suffering and survival as spectacle. It’s not hard to see the source material’s influence on series like Squid Game or films like Koushun Takami’s Battle Royale.

Written in 1967, King’s story was a heartfelt response to the Vietnam draft and the impact of the war on his generation. Our reviewer Matt Jacobsen found the setting of a dark, inhospitable America a clever inversion that distils many of the familiar themes of the Vietnam movie. Indeed, he points to the deadly road march as reminiscent of GIs trudging through the jungle of Vietnam in 1980s films like Platoon and Full Metal Jacket.

At the film’s heart is the relationship between Ray Garraty (Cooper Hoffman) and Peter McVries (David Jonsson) with distinct echoes of Stand By Me in its depiction of friendship between boys. It has particular resonance in today’s bleak cultural environment for young men, vulnerable to the darker influences of social media and the conflicting expectations placed on them.

In The Long Walk, wit, tenderness and compassion come to the fore as the contestants are made vulnerable by the punishing exertions of the march and the violence meted out to those who falter. Some consolation perhaps, in what is undoubtedly a grim but compelling watch.

The Long Walk is in cinemas now




Read more:
The Long Walk: a brutal, brilliant film about suffering in the name of patriotism


KPopping and queer Americana

I have to say I’m late to the KPop Demon Hunters thing, and only started paying attention when a colleague mentioned his young daughters were crazy for it, and explained it was now Netflix’s most watched film ever.

That’s quite an achievement, and it ticks all the boxes: catchy tunes, stunning animations and relatable themes, not to mention a good dose of girl power in the form of three K-pop girl-banders who use their voices to protect the world from demonic forces (of course). But how much does the film reflect the real K-pop phenomenon? Our Korean culture expert Cholong Sung has the answers.

KPop Demon Hunters is on Netflix now




Read more:
KPop Demon Hunters gives a glimpse into K-pop culture in South Korea


What at first seems like a forbidden love story between a young woman and her fiance’s brother, On Swift Horses unexpectedly pivots to the hidden queer culture that existed in the United States of the 1950s. At the height of the American dream, when culture celebrated marriage and family as duty-bound goals, both characters turn out to be attracted to their own sex.

The glossy iconography of 1950s Americana is reimagined for this hidden world, making visible the queer lives that existed below the radar at a time of social censure and legal repression. This is an enjoyable watch that perhaps, according to our reviewer, would have worked better as a TV series, affording the space to develop characters more fully.

On Swift Horses is in cinemas now




Read more:
On Swift Horses: a film that fails to go deep enough on the complex queer lives of people in the 1950s


Love in a warm climate

I do love a bit of dark Scandinavian intrigue, so a new adaptation of Ibsen’s The Lady From The Sea makes a welcome addition to London’s theatrical fare. Starring Alicia Vikander as Ellida, a woman drawn ineluctably to the ocean, and Andrew Lincoln as her husband Edward, the setting is transferred from the Norwegian fjords to the Yorkshire coast.

Loaded with contemporary relevance, writer and director Simon Stone references Beyoncé and Just Stop Oil activism, and features a millennial protagonist struggling with climate anxiety. Does it work in this updated incarnation? Read our review and find out.

The Lady From The Sea is on at the Bridge Theatre in London until November 8




Read more:
The Lady from the Sea: a fierce play that shies from the wonderful unknowability of Henrik Ibsen’s original


From the late medieval period to the Arts and Crafts movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, The Nature of Gothic at the Blackburn Museum and Art Gallery explores the fascinating history of decorative borders. The show takes in in a diverse array of historical examples, from Islamic calligraphy adorned with floral frames, to vividly illuminated medieval manuscripts and the lush decorated margins of Pre-Raphaelite paintings.

The Nature of Gothic at the Blackburn Museum and Art Gallery until December 13




Read more:
New exhibition explores history of decorative borders: from medieval manuscripts to William Morris



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The Conversation

ref. A violent dystopian thriller, KPop Demon Hunters and an updated Ibsen play: what to see this week – https://theconversation.com/a-violent-dystopian-thriller-kpop-demon-hunters-and-an-updated-ibsen-play-what-to-see-this-week-265553

Robert Redford: ten great films from a brilliant career

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Daniel O’Brien, Lecturer, Department of Literature Film and Theatre Studies, University of Essex

Over the course of an illustrious film career which began in 1960, Robert Redford starred in more than 50 films and directed nine. He was nominated for an Oscar four times, won best director for his debut Ordinary People in 1980, and received an honorary Oscar for his contribution to the film industry in 2001. It’s an extraordinary body of work – here we pick our ten favourites.

1. Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid (1969)

Robert Redford defined his Hollywood stardom in 1969 with George Roy Hill’s Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, a film that reconfigured both the western and the buddy movie. Riding the momentum of New Hollywood titles like Easy Rider and Midnight Cowboy, Hill’s film struck a balance between fresh storytelling and classic Hollywood style.

Playing opposite Paul Newman’s wily Butch, Redford’s cool, sharp-shooting Sundance creates one of cinema’s most iconic duos. Their charisma and wit onscreen are as striking as their arresting good looks. But this is also carefully balanced. Sundance’s inability to swim, for example, adds humour and vulnerability, humanising Redford’s star power. The final defiant freeze-frame is culturally iconic, while the film’s legacy lives on through the Sundance Film Festival, providing a platform for independent filmmakers.

2. Jeremiah Jonhnson (1972)

Redford’s portrayal of 19th-century mountain man Jeremiah Johnson tells the tale of a disillusioned figure retreating into the wilderness, seeking solace in the solitude, beauty and danger of the Rocky Mountains.

Sparse in dialogue and narrative, the film relies on Redford’s quiet authority to carry it. Very much a product of its era, it frames Johnson in violent clashes with both Native Americans and nature itself. Most significantly, it marked the beginning of Redford’s long partnership with director Sydney Pollack, a fruitful collaboration that would later include The Way We Were, Three Days of the Condor, and Out of Africa.

3. The Sting (1973)

Reuniting with director George Roy Hill, Redford teamed up again with Paul Newman for The Sting, a stylish 1930s caper about two grifters scheming to outwit a crime boss, played with icy menace by Robert Shaw – a stark contrast to the warmth between the leads. This time it’s Newman’s turn to wear the moustache, with Redford clean-shaven, a playful reversal of their Butch Cassidy look. With its clever twists, Scott Joplin ragtime piano score and screen-wipe transitions, the film won seven Oscars at the 46th Academy Awards, including best picture and best director, and earned Redford a nomination for best actor.

4. All the President’s Men (1976)

Alan J. Pakula’s All the President’s Men paired Redford with Dustin Hoffman in a serious contemporary role, dramatising the Watergate scandal just two years after Nixon’s resignation. A taut, uncompromising account of investigative journalism, the film showcases Redford’s range in a part that eschews glamour for realism and the pursuit of truth. Fifty years later it remains one of cinema’s most sophisticated political dramas. The project owed much to Redford, who approached Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein before securing rights to their book, and adapting it for the screen.

5. Ordinary People (1980)

Redford’s directorial debut, Ordinary People was a huge success, winning best picture and earning him the Oscar for best director. A powerful family drama about grief and alienation, it starred Donald Sutherland, Mary Tyler Moore and Timothy Hutton. The film transformed Redford’s career, expanding his influence behind the camera.

6. Sneakers (1992)

Directed by Phil Alden Robinson, Sneakers let Redford dip back into the caper genre, this time with a tech-age twist. He plays a former hacker turned security consultant who, along with a mismatched crew (Sidney Poitier, Dan Aykroyd, River Phoenix), is pulled into a plot over a code-breaking device. The film mixes comedy, intrigue and early 1990s paranoia about surveillance, while retaining a breezy touch as Redford holds it all together with his familiar charm.

7. Quiz Show (1994)

Redford’s fourth feature film, Quiz Show, returned to his interest in public scandal – this time shifting from the White House to NBC’s 1950s game show Twenty-One and the controversy surrounding contestant Charles Van Doren (Ralph Fiennes). Exposing how producers rigged the contest to engineer Van Doren’s success, the film probes questions of truth, media and morality, echoing Redford’s enduring fascination with power and integrity in American culture. Nominated for four Oscars, Quiz Show remains one of Redford’s most accomplished and incisive directorial works.

8. The Great Gatsby (1974)

Jack Clayton’s adaptation of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby cast Redford as one of literature’s most enigmatic figures: Jay Gatsby, the wealthy, detached, and obsessive dreamer pining for Daisy Buchanan (Mia Farrow). With his good looks and charisma, Redford embodied Gatsby’s allure, mystery and melancholy, even as the film itself divided critics. Lavish costumes and period design capture the excess of the Jazz Age, while Redford grounds the story’s glittering parties with Gatsby’s aching loneliness.

9. All Is Lost (2013)

J.C. Chandor’s All Is Lost is an engaging piece of action survival cinema, with Redford at 77 proving he could still carry a film entirely alone. He plays an unnamed sailor in the Indian Ocean whose boat is punctured by a drifting shipping container, an accident that escalates into a fight for survival on the open sea. With almost no dialogue (just 51 words), the drama relies on Redford’s presence and physicality. Like Jeremiah Johnson transposed from mountains to water, the film is elemental and meditative, and Redford delivers a late-career performance of remarkable endurance, which earned him the New York Film Critics Circle Award for best actor.

10. The Old Man & the Gun (2018)

David Lowery’s The Old Man & the Gun was announced as Redford’s final starring role, and it feels like a fitting farewell. While he later appeared briefly in Avengers: Endgame (2019) and in the anthology film Omniboat: A Fast Boat Fantasia (2020), this was the last feature he headlined.

Redford plays Forrest Tucker, a real-life career criminal who, well into his seventies, escapes prison and keeps robbing banks with a smile. The film isn’t about suspense so much as presence, and Redford brings the same easy charisma that defined his early career. Gentle, nostalgic and playful, it stands as an apt curtain call for a legendary performer and filmmaker.


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The Conversation

Daniel O’Brien does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Robert Redford: ten great films from a brilliant career – https://theconversation.com/robert-redford-ten-great-films-from-a-brilliant-career-265687

Elon Musk’s speech to far-right rally should have us all thinking about the power social media companies hold over our democracies

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Verena K. Brändle, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Studies, University of Birmingham

Elon Musk seems to enjoy awkward surprise appearances. Joining a far-right rally in London via livestream, he demanded the “dissolution” of the British parliament, falsely linked immigration to violence, and warned that the only option for protesters was to “fight back” or “die”.

He did similar in January 2025 when he joined a campaign event of the German far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD). Again over video he told supporters that “the German people are really an ancient nation” and the AfD is “the best hope for the future of Germany”.

It appears that the currently second-richest person in the world has become a mascot for the European far-right. In 2022, Musk bought one of the major social media platforms, then Twitter, to promote “free speech”. He stepped right into the ongoing “culture war” that is currently polarising US politics and finding traction across Europe. This makes him a problem for democratic politics.

The combination of massive wealth, far-right ideology and power over a large share of public discourse is a recurrent issue for democracy in general, but its negative effects have become even more prevalent in the age of social media. Two aspects are of particular importance here: social media companies’ monetising of user data and a dependence of democratic politics on platform discourse.

Social media runs on an advertisement-based revenue model. Every click or lingering over a post produces data and metadata which are a lucrative resource. Social media companies make a lion’s share of their revenue from charging advertisers to show ads to specific users based on such data. Some of us might remember Mark Zuckerberg replying “Senator, we run ads” when asked during testimony before the US Senate in 2018 how he made money without charging users for his services.

Importantly, advertisers do not only come in the form of clothing brands, restaurant chains and protein shakes. Political parties, governments, think-tanks, and foundations have all paid for ads on social media.

Studies show that social media has contributed to political polarisation during crucial political moments such as Brexit. It also harms democratic discourse when it facilitates online abuse that excludes already minoritised groups from democratic debate. Too often, such abuse is directed at minority women and girls as well as LGBTQ+ people.

Meta has followed X’s turn towards a right-leaning interpretation of “free speech”. It has abolished its third party fact-checking programme, widely credited with helping to manage disinformation.

Meanwhile, politicians across Europe struggle to decide what to do about Musk’s destabilising comments. Keep in mind that governments are doing (or thinking about doing) business with big tech leaders. This situation is politically complex, to say the least, because Musk and others, while being outspoken about their annoyance with aspects of democracy, are also at the forefront of developing the AI technologies many nations are relying on in their hope for economic growth.

This means that Musk has cracked the code for success in capitalist democracies: he makes the headlines with extreme statements, allows debates to unfold “freely” on his platform, and makes some of his money from the generated data.

This situation has created a strange relationship between democratic politics and social media leaders. For people like Musk, there is almost an economic incentive to engage in politics, riling up people and pressuring governments. He is both a business leader and a political actor.

“Free speech” regulations on social media platforms and their leaders’ political stances are increasingly at odds with democratic guidelines. Democracies need to have a more focused debate about how to minimise this incentive structure for destabilising politics.


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The Conversation

Verena K. Brändle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Elon Musk’s speech to far-right rally should have us all thinking about the power social media companies hold over our democracies – https://theconversation.com/elon-musks-speech-to-far-right-rally-should-have-us-all-thinking-about-the-power-social-media-companies-hold-over-our-democracies-263074

Chimpanzees ingest more than the equivalent of one alcoholic drink a day – new research

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefano Kaburu, Senior Lecturer in Conservation Biology, Nottingham Trent University

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Drinking more than you intended may be something that many humans do, but now research is showing that a taste for alcohol is surprisingly common among animals. In fact a new study has found that chimpanzees may ingest the equivalent of two alcoholic drinks a day from eating fermented fruit.

In the last ten years or so, there has been growing evidence that the ingestion of alcohol might be more widespread across the animal kingdom than previously thought. Fruit flies, for example, lay their eggs in alcohol-rich fermented fruits, which offer the newly hatched larvae nutrients to feed on.

In 2015, scientists observed groups of chimpanzees in west Africa drinking large amounts of raffia palm alcoholic sap harvested by the local villagers. More recently, in April 2025, a population of chimpanzees at Guinea-Bissau were recorded feasting on ripe African breadfruits which contained high concentrations of alcohol.

The published studies mark a shift because evidence of alcohol consumption in wild animals tends to rely more on anecdotal observations. In Sweden, a moose made the news in 2011 when it was found stuck in a tree, apparently drunk from eating fermented apples.

And vervet monkeys in St Kitts, whose ancestors were brought there with enslaved people from west Africa, are often spotted stealing fruity cocktails from tourists.

The new study, led by biologist Aleksey Maro of the University of California, Berkeley, offers insights into how much alcohol is in the ripe fruits favoured by two wild chimpanzee communities living in eastern and western Africa.

Having spent almost a year studying chimpanzees in the wild myself, I have always been mesmerised by how excited they get when they spot their favourite fruits. Chimpanzees go crazy for fruit. They rush over to grab them and stuff their mouths full, all while making joyful noises of appreciation.

In their research, Maro and his colleagues collected more than 200 fruits from about 20 of chimpanzees’ favourite trees. They found large variation in alcohol content with some having zero or nearly zero alcohol content. But some of the fruits most enjoyed by the chimps, such as figs and plums, tend to have a very high alcohol content.

This suggests that chimps may intentionally select fruits for their high levels of alcohol. Because of the large quantity of fruits chimpanzees can eat every day (up to 4kg), the authors worked out that both female and male chimps consume roughly 14 grams of alcohol per day. This corresponds to a standard US alcoholic drink (UK standard drinks contain eight grams of alcohol).

Close up of baby chimpanzee eating fruit.
Chimpanzees have a strong liking for fruit.
Michaela Pilch/Shutterstock

But it’s not fair to directly compare these numbers between humans and chimps since the effect of alcohol depends on how big an individual is. Alcohol tends to be less potent in bigger people.

With an average weight of around 40kg, chimps tend to be smaller than humans. So the amount of equivalent alcohol that chimps consume actually corresponds to two American standard drinks per day. It sounds like chimps know how to have a party.

The drunken monkey hypothesis

Twenty-five years ago, Robert Dudley, who is one of the authors of the new study, proposed the “drunken monkey hypothesis”. This suggests that alcohol consumption in humans might have an ancient history. Dudley’s idea is that ingesting alcoholic fruits might have given an evolutionary advantage to animals. The alcoholic content in fruits can, for example, indicate to animals which ones are rich in energy and sugar.

Drinking alcohol can be good for health. Fruit flies, for example, ingest alcohol to kill parasites. Even in humans, studies have shown that low levels of alcohol consumption may reduce the risk of heart disease.

Support for the drunken monkey hypothesis came from research showing that the proteins humans need to break down alcohol in their body was already present in the common ancestor we share with gorillas, chimpanzees and bonobos that lived 10 million years ago.

This was a time when African forests started shrinking, and apes started coming down from the tree, adopting a more land-based lifestyle. It’s possible that these apes gained an advantage in eating ripe fermented fruits that had fallen onto the ground, avoiding the competition with other fruit-eating animals who could eat unripe fruit on trees.

Researchers also think that alcohol might make them more sociable. Chimpanzees in west Africa, for example, were observed in April 2025 eating and drinking fermented fruits together.

However, according to Dudley, in addition to having the same human protein that breaks down alcohol, chimpanzees may drink alcohol in low concentrations due to the high volume of liquid and food they ingest. So their stomach may fill up before alcohol reaches intoxicating levels.

This would explain why, in the 11 months that I spent watching chimps in Tanzania, I didn’t once see them wobbling around the forest, clutching a juicy fruit while laughing uncontrollably.

The Conversation

Stefano Kaburu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Chimpanzees ingest more than the equivalent of one alcoholic drink a day – new research – https://theconversation.com/chimpanzees-ingest-more-than-the-equivalent-of-one-alcoholic-drink-a-day-new-research-265644

Intervision: Russia’s bid to rival Eurovision song contest – but with more conservative values

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vitaly Kazakov, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Manchester

If you were to read this: “Unity through music: top artists from across the globe come together on one stage to inspire and unite millions” you could be forgiven for thinking it’s an advertising blurb for next year’s Eurovision. But it isn’t. On the contrary, it’s the slogan for this year’s Intervision song contest, which takes place in Moscow on September 20.

Intervision was initially conceived during the cold war as a “counterweight” to Eurovision, but it never really caught on and was discontinued in 1980. Russia subsequently took part in Eurovision between 1994 and 2021, and it was ultimately expelled after the invasion of Ukraine. It recorded its only win in 2008, and hosted the contest in 2009.

The Russian president, Vladimir Putin, issued a decree in February this year announcing that Intervision would be revived “to further develop international cultural and humanitarian cooperation”. This year’s contest will feature artists from 23 countries, including representatives from China, Africa, Asia, Latin America, Central Asia and the Middle East. Interestingly, the US will also have an entry – although the original artist pulled out “for family reasons” on September 17. His place has been taken by an Australian singer who is resident in the US.

Intervision is a prime example of the way in which, in today’s highly febrile geopolitical situation, popular cultural and sporting events are being weaponised.

Russia’s Intervision entry is Straight to the Heart, performed by Shaman, a controversial, pro-war musician.

This is nothing new, nor is it exclusive to contemporary Russia. In the sporting world, many people saw Qatar’s enthusiasm for hosting the 2022 World Cup as a way of cementing its position as an important regional hub in the Middle East. In the sports world, the use of major events to project soft power is known as “sportswashing” – and everyone does it. Think of the opening ceremony of the London 2012 Olympics which was directed by the multi-award winning film-maker Danny Boyle.

Now, analysts are examining the way the Putin administration is using music to further its political end and calling it “songwashing”.

Intervision is clearly being taken very seriously by the Kremlin. The deputy prime minister, Dmitry Chernyshenko – who presided over the planning for the Sochi Winter Olympics in 2014 – is chair of the organising committee. Konstantin Ernst, head of Russia’s Channel One TV network and mastermind behind the Sochi 2014 opening ceremony, is also heavily involved.

In what appeared to be a direct snipe at Eurovision, the Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov – a close ally of Putin – said Intervision would be free from “perversions or affronts to human nature”. After Eurovision in 2024, the country’s foreign ministry spokesperson, Maria Zakharova, said the contest had “surpassed any orgy, sabbath, or ritual sacrilege”. This sort of
conservative messaging has been a staple of Moscow’s political communication to audiences at home and abroad for more than a decade.

The cultural boycott of Russia since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine has hurt the country’s efforts to reach audiences. Russia has been barred from an array of major sporting and cultural events such as the Olympics, the football World Cup and European Championships and Eurovision. Its ballet, opera companies and orchestra have been barred from many of the world’s most prestigious venues and works by Russian composers and playwrights have been blacklisted in many countries.

Nastya Kravchenko of Belarus performs her country’s entry, Moth.

The Kremlin’s response has been to arrange its own versions of what is sometimes dubbed “mega-events”, albeit on a much smaller scale. In 2023, Putin announced Russia would host a World Friendship Games, to be held in Yekaterinburg the following year, “to ensure the guaranteed free access of Russian athletes and sports organisations to international sports activities, and the development of new formats for international sports cooperation”. The event was subsequently postponed over fears that it would not attract enough top competitors, despite a large prize pot on offer.

A Brics Games featuring competitors from 82 countries was held in Kazan in the Russian republic of Tatarstan in June 2024. Russia topped the medals table.

Delegates to the 2024 Brics Games holding up their national flags.
The 2024 Brics Games were held in Kazan, in the Russian republic of Tartarstan, and attracted athletes from 82 countries.
Brics Games

Likewise, the University International Sports Festival was Russia’s response to being barred from hosting the FISU 2023 World University Games.

Seeking new audiences for ‘Russian values’

Russia’s use of such sporting and cultural events has been described as a new form of “Potemkinism” – after the showcase villages built in Imperial-era Russia to impress visitors. Although, to be fair, projecting soft power in this way is in no way exclusive to Russia or any other authoritarian states.

Intervision is the same. It’s designed to appeal to both a domestic crowd, legitimising Putin’s regime, as well as projecting “Russian values” and cultural depth to the rest of the world (at least to those paying attention). These events signal to audiences at home and abroad that things are “normal” in Russia, despite the country being engaged in a bitter war with its neighbour Ukraine.

It dovetails with attempts to build anti-western coalition through its efforts on the diplomatic stage. It is also an effort to send a message about Russia and the state of the world to audiences which might be wary of what they regard as an all-pervasive US influence.

At first glance, these Soviet-era events may appear as a quirky manifestation of cold war nostalgia. But they are part of a push by countries like Russia, China and others to build a rival cultural and international order.

It’s highly unlikely that Intervision will send the Russian entry Shaman – a controversial, pro-war singer described as one of Russia’s chief propagandists – into the global pop stratosphere. But it’s worth keeping an eye on how global audiences respond, particularly those beyond the west. It may be that some people outside the joyously camp Eurovision bubble are receptive to Intervision’s more conservative messaging.

The Conversation

Vitaly Kazakov receives funding from the European Commission’s Horizon Europe programme.

ref. Intervision: Russia’s bid to rival Eurovision song contest – but with more conservative values – https://theconversation.com/intervision-russias-bid-to-rival-eurovision-song-contest-but-with-more-conservative-values-265685

Palestinian statehood is winning major new supporters at UN – but symbolic action won’t make it happen

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Maha Nassar, Associate Professor in the School of Middle Eastern and North African Studies, University of Arizona

Pro-Palestinian Americans gather in New York at a march to the U.N. on Sept. 18, 2025. Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images

Recognition of a Palestinian state is likely to dominate proceedings at the U.N. beginning Sept 23. 2005, when world leaders will gather for the annual general assembly.

Of the 193 existing U.N member states, some 147 already recognize a Palestinian state. But that number is expected to swell in the coming days, with several more countries expected to officially announce such recognition. They include Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Portugal and the U.K. – although Britain says it won’t support statehood if Israel takes steps to alleviate the plight of Palestinians in Gaza.

That a host of Western nations are adding their names to the near-universal list of Global South countries that already recognize a Palestinian state is a major diplomatic win for the cause of an independent, sovereign and self-governed nation for Palestinians. Conversely, it is a massive diplomatic loss for Israel – especially coming just two years after the West stood shoulder to shoulder with Israel following the Oct. 7 attack by Palestinian militant group Hamas.

As a scholar of modern Palestinian history, I know that this diplomatic moment is decades in the making. But I am also aware that symbolic diplomatic breakthroughs on the issue of Palestinian statehood have occurred before, only to prove meaningless in the face of events that make statehood less likely.

A man gives a speech before a crowd.
‘I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter’s gun,’ PLO leader Yasser Arafat said before the United Nations General Assembly in 1974.
Bettmann / Contributor

The non-state reality

The fight for Palestinian statehood can be traced back to at least 1967. Over the course of a six-day war against a coalition of Arab states, Israel conquered and expanded its military control over the remainder of what was historic Palestine – a stretch of land that extends from the Jordan River in the east to the Mediterranean Sea in the west.

At the war’s conclusion, Israel had taken control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip.

Unlike after the 1948 war that led to its independence, Israel opted not to extend Israeli citizenship to Palestinians living in the newly conquered areas. Instead, the Israeli government began to rule over Palestinians in these occupied territories through a series of military orders.

These orders controlled nearly every aspect of Palestinian life – and many remain in effect today. For example, if a Palestinian farmer wants to harvest his olive trees near a Jewish settlement in the West Bank, they need a permit. Or
if a Gazan worker wants to work inside Israel, they need Israeli permission. Even praying in a mosque or church in East Jerusalem is dependent on obtaining a permit.

This permit system served as a constant reminder to Palestinians living in the occupied territories that they lacked control over their own daily lives. Meanwhile, Israeli authorities tried to squash the idea of Palestinian nationhood through policies such as outlawing public displays of the Palestinian flag. That, and other expressions of Palestinian national identity in the occupied territories, could result in up to 10 years in prison.

Such policies fit a belief, expressed in 1969 by then Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, that there was “no such thing in this area as Palestinians.”

The rise of Palestinian nationalism

Around the same time that Meir made that comment, Palestinians started organizing around the idea of statehood.

Although the idea had been floated before, statehood was codified into official doctrine in a resolution in February 1969 in Egypt. It occurred during a session of the Palestine National Council, the legislative body of the Palestine Liberation Organization, which formed in 1964 as the official representative of Palestinians in the occupied territories.

That resolution called for a free, secular democratic state in Palestine – including all of the State of Israel – in which Muslims, Christians and Jews would all have equal rights.

From that moment on, the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation took twin paths: diplomatic pressure and armed resistance.

But events on the ground undermined the idea of a single state for all along the lines envisioned by the Cairo resolution.

The 1973 Arab-Israeli War’s inconclusive ending opened the door to greater diplomacy between Israel and the Arab states. Egypt and Israel decided that diplomacy would help them achieve their aims, culminating in the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty of 1979. But the treaty also left the Palestinians without unified Arab support.

Meanwhile, throughout the 1970s, the Israeli occupation deepened and entrenched with the building of Israeli settlements, especially in the West Bank.

A man throws out his arms to make a point while he stands at a lectern.
Yasser Arafat addresses the United Nations General Assembly in 1974.
Bettmann / Contributor

The PLO responded in 1974 by issuing what became known as the 10-Point Plan, where they pivoted to seeking the establishment of a national authority in any part of historic Palestine that could be liberated.

It was, in effect, a way of threading the needle: It signaled to moderates that the PLO was adopting a more gradualist position, while also telling the group’s rejectionist front – which opposed peace negotiations with Israel – that they were not giving up completely on the idea of liberating all of Palestine.

Then in 1988 – a year into the first Palestinian intifada, or uprising – the PLO unilaterally declared Palestinian independence on the territories occupied in 1967.

The move was largely symbolic – the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem were still under occupation, and the PLO was then in exile in Tunisia.

But it was nonetheless significant. It represented the bringing together of Palestinians in exile – most of whom were from towns and villages that were now part of the State of Israel – with Palestinians in the occupied territories.

The declaration itself was written by Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish, who grew up inside Israel, and declared by Yasser Arafat, the PLO leader in exile.

It was also a moment of tremendous hope and possibility for Palestinians. What most Palestinians wanted was for the international community to recognize them as a national body, deserving of a seat at the table with other nation-states.

Compromise and rejection

Yet at the same time, many Palestinians saw the declaration as a huge compromise. The West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem comprise about 22% of historic Palestine. So the declaration effectively meant that Palestinians were giving up on the other 78% of what they saw as their land.

Reaction from the international community to the PLO’s declaration was split. Many formerly colonized countries of the Global South recognized Palestinian independence right away. By the end of the year, some 78 countries had issued statements recognizing Palestine as a state.

Israel rejected it outright, as did United States and most Western nations.

Such was Washington’s opposition that the U.S. denied Arafat a visa ahead of his planned address to the United Nations at its New York City headquarters. As a result, the December 1988 meeting had to be moved to Geneva.

While refusing to accept Palestinian statehood, the U.S. and Israel did begin to recognize the PLO as a representative body of the Palestinian people. This was part of the Oslo Accords – a diplomatic process that many believed would outline a road map for an eventual two-state solution.

While some Palestinians saw the Oslo Accords as a diplomatic breakthrough, others were more skeptical. Prominent Palestinians, including Darwish and Palestinian-American professor Edward Said, believed that Oslo was a poison pill: While framed as a step toward a two-state solution, the agreement said nothing about a Palestinian state in the interim. It only said that Israel would recognize the PLO as a representative of the Palestinian people.

In reality, the Oslo Accords have not lead to statehood. Rather, they created a system of fragmented autonomy under the newly created Palestinian Authority that, though meant to be interim, has in effect become permanent.

The Palestinian Authority was allowed only limited powers and deprived of real independence. While it had some say over schooling, health care and municipal services, Israel maintained control of Palestinian land, resources, borders and the economy. That remains true today.

Renewed push for statehood recognition

Disillusionment over the Oslo Accords contributed to the second, far more violent, intifada from 2000 to 2005.

Mahmoud Abbas, the leader of the Palestinian Authority after Arafat, responded by pushing again for international recognition for statehood.

And in 2012, the U.N. General Assembly voted to upgrade Palestine’s status, elevating it from a “nonmember observer” to a “nonmember observer state.”

Two men shake hands.
The Palestinian delegation at the U.N. General Assembly before the vote to upgrade Palestinian status to a nonmember observer state in 2012.
Stan Honda/AFP via Getty Images

In theory, this meant Palestinians now had access to international bodies, like the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice.

But any meaningful change in the status of Palestinian sovereignty would need to come through the U.N. Security Council, not the U.N. General Assembly.

The U.S. remains opposed to Palestinians gaining statehood independent of the Oslo process. So long as the U.S. has a veto on the Security Council, achieving a truly sovereign Palestinian state will likewise be off the table. And that remains the case, regardless of what individual members – even fellow Security Council members like France and the U.K – do.

In fact, many Palestinians and other critics of the status quo say Western nations are using the issue of Palestinian statehood to absolve them from the far more challenging diplomatic task of holding Israel accountable for what a U.N. body just described as a genocide in Gaza.

This article is based on a conversation between Maha Nassar and Gemma Ware for The Conversation Weekly podcast.

The Conversation

Maha Nassar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Palestinian statehood is winning major new supporters at UN – but symbolic action won’t make it happen – https://theconversation.com/palestinian-statehood-is-winning-major-new-supporters-at-un-but-symbolic-action-wont-make-it-happen-265534

Hepatitis B shot for newborns has nearly eliminated childhood infections with this virus in the US

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By David Higgins, Assistant Professor of Pediatrics, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

About 80% of parents currently choose to follow CDC guidelines to vaccinate their babies for hepatitis B at birth. timnewman/iStock via Getty Images Plus
Graphic saying '95% Drop in U.S. childhood hepatitis B infections since 1991, when routine infant vaccination began'

The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Before the United States began vaccinating all infants at birth with the hepatitis B vaccine in 1991, around 18,000 children every year contracted the virus before their 10th birthday – about half of them at birth. About 90% of that subset developed a chronic infection.

In the U.S., 1 in 4 children chronically infected with hepatitis B will die prematurely from cirrhosis or liver cancer.

Today, fewer than 1,000 U.S. children or adolescents contract the virus every year – a 95% drop. Fewer than 20 babies are reported infected at birth.

I am a pediatrician and preventive medicine specialist who studies vaccine delivery and policy. Vaccinating babies for hepatitis B at birth remains one of the clearest, most evidence-based ways to keep American children free of this lifelong, deadly infection.

On Sept. 18, 2025, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, an independent panel of experts that advises the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, debated changing the recommendation. According to the proposed language of the vote, infants whose mothers test positive for hepatitis B would still receive the vaccine at birth. Infants whose mothers do not test positive for hepatitis B would get the vaccine at 1 month of age, though parents would have the choice for them to receive it earlier. On Sept. 19, however, the committee tabled the vote, delaying it to the next committee meeting, scheduled for Oct. 22-23.

Although such a proposed change sounds small, it is not based on any new evidence. It would undo more than three decades of a prevention strategy that has nearly eliminated early childhood hepatitis B in the U.S.

While the committee regularly reviews vaccine guidance, nothing is business as usual about this meeting. In June 2025, Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. disbanded the entire committee and handpicked new members. The committee has long-standing procedures to evaluate the evidence supporting the risks and benefits of a given vaccine, as well as other parameters of its use. But in this case, these procedures are not being followed.

Why the CDC adopted universal hepatitis B shots

Hepatitis B is a virus that infects liver cells, causing inflammation and damage. In adults, it is spread through blood and bodily fluids, which can happen through unprotected sex, contaminated needles or contact with open cuts or sores of someone who is carrying it.

The hepatitis B vaccine has been available since the early 1980s. Before 1991, public health guidance recommended giving newborns and young children the hepatitis B vaccine only if they were at high risk of being infected – for example, if they were born to a mother infected with hepatitis B or living in a household with someone known to have hepatitis B.

That targeted plan failed. Tens of thousands of children were still infected each year.

Newborn lying on exam table touching doctor's stethoscope
Children are most likely to get infected by hepatitis B at birth, when contact with their mother’s blood can transmit the virus.
Ekkasit Jokthong/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Some newborns were exposed when their mothers weren’t properly screened or if their mothers got infected late in pregnancy. Children also became infected through household contacts or in child care settings by exposures as ordinary as shared toothbrushes or a bite that breaks the skin. Because hepatitis B can survive for a week on household surfaces, and many carriers are unaware they are infected, even babies and toddlers of uninfected mothers remained at risk.

Recognizing these gaps, in 1991 the CDC recommended hepatitis B vaccination for every child starting at birth, regardless of maternal risk.

Vaccinating at birth

The greatest danger for infants contracting hepatitis B is at birth, when contact with a mother’s blood can transmit the virus. Without preventive treatment or vaccination, 70% to 90% of infants born to infected mothers will become infected themselves, and 90% of those infections will become chronic. The infection in these children silently damages their liver, potentially leading to liver cancer and death.

About 80% of parents choose to follow the CDC’s guidance and vaccinate their babies at birth. If the CDC’s recommendations change to delaying the first dose to 1 month old, it would leave babies unprotected during this most vulnerable window, when infection is most likely to lead to chronic infection and silently damage the liver.

The hepatitis B vaccines used in the U.S. have an outstanding safety record. The only confirmed risk is an allergic reaction called anaphylaxis that occurs in roughly 1 in 600,000 doses, and no child has died from such a reaction. Extensive studies show no link to other serious conditions.

The current recommendations are designed to protect every child, including those who slip through gaps in maternal screening or encounter the virus in everyday life. A reversion to the ineffective risk-based approach threatens to erode this critical safety net.

The Conversation

David Higgins is a member of the American Academy of Pediatrics and volunteer board member for Immunize Colorado.

ref. Hepatitis B shot for newborns has nearly eliminated childhood infections with this virus in the US – https://theconversation.com/hepatitis-b-shot-for-newborns-has-nearly-eliminated-childhood-infections-with-this-virus-in-the-us-265560

Why your basmati rice might not be what you think it is

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katherine Steele, Senior Lecturer in Sustainable Crop Production, Bangor University

Many Britons enjoy a curry served with a heap of fluffy white basmati rice, its delicate aroma balancing the heat of the dish. But few stop to think about the grain’s long journey. From the paddy fields of India and Pakistan, through regional markets and rice mills, then matured for a year in silos before being shipped in bulk to the UK.

It then passes through one of the country’s 16 processing sites before reaching supermarket shelves. The UK imports around 250,000 tonnes of basmati rice every year – making it one of the world’s biggest markets.

This summer, consumers got a glimpse of what could potentially happen when that supply chain goes wrong. Four people were arrested in late July after investigators found different types of rice in bags being passed off as a well-known basmati brand.

The National Food Crime Unit uncovered the alleged fraud when tests showed the wrong type of rice inside premium-brand packets. The operation began in Leicester, where police arrested a man suspected of repackaging ordinary rice into counterfeit basmati bags. Three more arrests followed in London. The Food Standards Agency (FSA) says the investigation is ongoing and no charges have been brought.

Basmati is a prestigious grain, prized for its nutty flavour and popcorn-like aroma. Alongside jasmine from Thailand and Italy’s arborio, it sits at the top of the speciality rice market. When shoppers buy a packet of basmati, they expect quality. If it falls short, they may feel cheated and think twice about buying that brand again.

To prevent this, the UK operates strict rules under the basmati code of practice. The code sets out which varieties can legally be called basmati, how they may be blended and what level of non-basmati grain is tolerated.

There must not be more than 7% of another rice variety in a packet. It’s a figure reduced from 20% two decades ago, but which cannot be lowered further because of the realities of handling multiple varieties in large mills.

This code was agreed by the Rice Association and the British Retail Association, and it applies across Europe. When exporters in India and Pakistan develop new basmati varieties, samples are sent to the Rice Association in London for approval.

An important tool in enforcing these rules is DNA testing. Every grain carries a genetic fingerprint that can confirm whether it belongs to one of the approved basmati varieties.

Public analyst laboratories regularly test shipments entering the UK and EU. The FSA also runs an annual survey of basmati products bought at random from retailers.

The current DNA test for basmati authentication was developed through collaboration between my colleagues and me at Bangor University, the FSA and public analysts.

Katherine Steele wearing a white lab coat in a laboratory with scientific instruments.
Katherine Steele in the laboratory.
Bangor University, CC BY

We profiled hundreds of rice varieties and continue to refine the markers used to identify basmati. Before the method was approved, our team ran blind tests of results from known spiked mixtures of grains across different laboratories to ensure reliable results.

An age-old problem with modern costs

Food fraud is nothing new. For centuries, unscrupulous traders have substituted cheaper goods or mislabelled products.

While swapping rice is less harmful than adulterating food with toxic substances, it still matters. Consumers resent being duped, brands suffer reputational damage and companies that play by the rules lose out. The stakes are high because the UK rice industry is worth close to £1 billion a year.

There are points of vulnerability every time the grains get passed from one trader to the next. It is not known whether it mainly takes place overseas. Economic pressures may be making the problem worse. As the UK experiences sluggish economic growth, opportunities for food crime may be increasing.

Counterfeiting is easier to identify using DNA testing than when known mixtures of varieties are introduced further up the food chain. It is probable that some of the less well-known brands of rice sold in the UK may contain varieties that are not listed in the basmati code of practice. These could easily slip through the DNA test because complex mixtures can be made to contain all the right molecular signatures.

Even so, food sold in the UK is among the most closely regulated in the world because of the work done by the FSA. Their National Food Crime unit leads the fight against food crime as exemplified by the recent case of the counterfeit basmati, but consumers must be vigilant because there are still fraudsters about. This can include being wary of poorly printed packaging labels, misspellings, broken seals and unusual pricing. Because if the price seems too good to be true, it probably is.

The Conversation

Katherine Steele receives funding from UKRI, DEFRA and Food Standards Agency.

ref. Why your basmati rice might not be what you think it is – https://theconversation.com/why-your-basmati-rice-might-not-be-what-you-think-it-is-264146

Retraites par répartition ou capitalisation : quels sont les risques ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Anne Lavigne, Professeure de Sciences économiques, Université d’Orléans

Même si les débats sur la retraite ont été mis sur pause, ils reviendront sur le devant de la scène. Souvent, la retraite par répartition est présentée comme plus sûre que la retraite par capitalisation soumise aux aléas des marchés financiers. Qu’en est-il vraiment ? Existe-t-il vraiment un système plus sûr que l’autre ? ou chaque système a-t-il des risques propres ?


La retraite par capitalisation est un des serpents de mer des réformes des retraites. Dans ce domaine inflammable et hautement passionnel, les tenants et les opposants d’un système ou de l’autre avancent les avantages de leur système de prédilection et les dangers posés par la solution rivale.

Lors des dernières discussions, que le premier ministre d’alors avait nommées « conclave », la question d’une dose de capitalisation a été évoquée. Cette proposition a été rapidement remise sous la table, en même temps que le conclave entre les partenaires sociaux s’achevait sur un constat d’échec. Les pistes suggérées par son successeur Sébastien Lecornu sur la question des retraites n’incluent pas l’introduction d’une dose de capitalisation, tant la mesure compte de farouches opposants. Après avoir étudié la rentabilité des deux systèmes, nous proposons d’étudier les risques inhérents à la répartition et à la capitalisation.




À lire aussi :
Retraites par capitalisation ou par répartition : quel système est le plus rentable ?


Le rapport entre cotisants et cotisés

Toutes choses égales par ailleurs (notamment si la productivité du travail est inchangée), l’augmentation du nombre de retraités par rapport au nombre de cotisants dégrade la situation financière d’un système en répartition. Cette augmentation peut avoir plusieurs origines :

  • l’allongement de l’espérance de vie qui est un choc démographique durable qui accroît le nombre de retraités (on parle de vieillissement « par le haut » de la population) ;

  • symétriquement, la baisse du taux de fécondité réduit le nombre des cotisants après quelques décennies (on parle de « vieillissement par le bas » de la population).

Gare au baby-boom !

D’autres chocs sont transitoires, par exemple le baby-boom d’après-guerre qui a entraîné une très forte augmentation des naissances pendant un temps limité, entre 1945 et 1970.

Les chocs durables peuvent être absorbés par des « modifications paramétriques » du système (modification du taux de cotisation, du taux de remplacement ou de l’âge de départ à la retraite) alors que les chocs transitoires, comme un baby-boom, peuvent être absorbés par une accumulation de réserves dans le système par répartition lorsque les boomers sont actifs, réserves qui seront utilisées lorsque les boomers arrivent à la retraite.

Dangereuse inflation

Du côté des risques économiques, le ralentissement des progrès de productivité du travail (et, a fortiori, la baisse de cette productivité) réduit le rendement de la répartition : un choc de productivité a un impact analogue à un choc démographique. L’inflation est un autre risque si les paramètres du système ne s’ajustent que partiellement, ou avec retard, sur l’évolution des prix. L’indexation concerne les pensions versées aux retraités, sujet qui fait actuellement débat en France.

Mais il concerne également l’indexation des salaires portés au compte des cotisants, ce qui est moins connu. Au régime général en effet, la pension est calculée sur la base du salaire moyen perçu au cours des 25 meilleures années de carrière. Or un salaire de 1 800 euros perçu en 2000 n’est pas équivalent à un salaire de 1 800 euros perçu en 2025, car l’inflation depuis 2000 a érodé le pouvoir d’achat des 1 800 euros gagnés en 2000. Il faut donc indexer les salaires perçus chaque année, et le choix a été fait d’une indexation sur les prix, pour rendre comparables, en termes de pouvoir d’achat, les différents salaires de carrière.

Sous-indexation rendue nécessaire

Si le gouvernement suit le dernier avis du Comité de suivi des retraites préconisant une sous-indexation partielle et temporaire des pensions des retraités à l’horizon de 2030, il exposera les retraités au risque d’inflation.

Enfin, parce que la répartition instaure une solidarité entre les générations sur la base d’une réciprocité indirecte entre des générations passées, présentes et futures, elle est exposée à un risque politique. Le principe sous-jacent à la répartition est le suivant pour un individu : « J’accepte de cotiser pour les générations qui m’ont précédé (les retraités actuels) parce que je sais, ou j’anticipe, que les générations futures feront de même pour moi. »

La confiance en la répartition est étroitement liée à la confiance que l’on accorde à l’État. Celle-ci repose, en dernier lieu, sur la capacité de ce dernier à mutualiser des risques de toutes natures : démographiques (taille et durée de vie des générations…), économiques (emploi, salaires, taux d’intérêt…) et politiques (guerres…).

Capitalisation : qui assume le risque à la fin des fins ?

La capitalisation est exposée aux fluctuations des marchés financiers, et notamment aux risques de baisse brutale des cours des actions. On pourrait objecter que les krachs boursiers sont des événements rares. Mais, encore une fois, pour un individu donné, si ce risque rare se réalise, c’est sa survie à la retraite qui est en jeu s’il finance sa couverture vieillesse par de l’épargne retraite placée en actions.

Pour autant, même l’existence de risques financiers (c’est-à-dire le risque de perdre une partie des sommes qu’on place en épargne retraite) ne suffit pas à disqualifier la capitalisation. En effet, des techniques financières existent pour se couvrir contre ces risques financiers. C’est notamment le cas des fonds de pension à prestations définies qui s’engagent à verser des prestations de retraite d’un montant prédéterminé, par exemple un pourcentage du dernier salaire d’activité, ou de la moyenne des salaires perçus pendant la vie active, quel que soit le rendement financier des sommes placées en bourse.

Bien évidemment, pour pouvoir garantir un taux de remplacement quelles que soient les fluctuations en bourse, il faut que quelqu’un assume le risque financier, c’est-à-dire recapitalise le fonds de pension en cas de pertes sur les marchés. Et ce quelqu’un, c’est l’employeur qui a créé le fonds de pension pour ses salariés.

Les facteurs démographiques

On lit parfois que la capitalisation, à la différence de la répartition, est protégée contre les risques démographiques. C’est inexact, sauf dans un cas très particulier où les machines seraient parfaitement substituables aux humains.

Imaginons, par exemple, une réduction durable de la fécondité, qui entraînerait moins de naissances, puis une vingtaine d’années plus tard, moins d’actifs. Dans ce cas, comme les travailleurs deviennent plus rares, les salaires augmentent. Et comme le stock de capital devient relativement plus abondant par rapport au nombre de travailleurs employés, son rendement baisse et la capitalisation devient moins rentable.

Idem pour l’augmentation de l’espérance de vie : qu’on soit en répartition ou en capitalisation, un allongement de l’espérance de vie implique qu’on prélève plus sur la richesse produite chaque année pour financer la retraite des retraités (sous la forme de cotisation ou d’épargne supplémentaire) pour un niveau de vie des retraités inchangé, ou qu’on réduise les retraites à effort de financement inchangé.

Capitalisation et épargne nette

Parmi les arguments avancés pour promouvoir l’essor des fonds de pension en France figurent la mobilisation nécessaire d’une épargne longue, d’une part, et la reconquête souhaitée du capital des entreprises françaises par des investisseurs institutionnels nationaux, d’autre part. S’il est vrai que, dans un système fonctionnant en répartition pure, les cotisations ne constituent pas une épargne, car elles sont redistribuées sous forme de pensions aux retraités contemporains, la capitalisation collective n’induit pas une épargne nette structurelle.

France Culture, 2025.

En effet, les cotisants d’un régime fonctionnant en capitalisation pure achètent des titres financiers, mais les retraités vendent les titres accumulés pendant leur vie active. La capitalisation n’engendre une épargne nette positive que si l’épargne des actifs est supérieure à la désépargne des retraités. L’épargne nette susceptible d’être dégagée par un développement des fonds de pension dépend du poids relatif des cotisants par rapport aux retraités, ainsi que des supports d’épargne alternatifs.

Du patriotisme économique

Reste l’argument du patriotisme économique. Alors que les investisseurs étrangers ne contrôlent qu’environ 17 % du capital des entreprises américaines en 2023, les non-résidents détiennent 40,3 % de la capitalisation boursière des sociétés françaises du CAC 40 fin 2022. Pour les tentants du système par capitalisation, celui-ci est un moyen de drainer l’épargne des ménages vers les entreprises françaises.

Mais rien n’est moins sûr. Au bout du compte, l’instauration de fonds de pension ne suffira pas à inciter les Français à investir dans des actions d’entreprises françaises : tout dépend du choix de l’allocation stratégique des affiliés représentés dans les conseils d’administration des fonds, entre actions et obligations, françaises ou étrangères, et donc, in fine, de leur attitude vis-à-vis du risque.

The Conversation

Anne Lavigne est membre du Conseil d’administration de l’Etablissement de retraite additionnelle de la fonction publique, en qualité de personnalité qualifiée. Cette fonction est assurée à titre bénévole.

ref. Retraites par répartition ou capitalisation : quels sont les risques ? – https://theconversation.com/retraites-par-repartition-ou-capitalisation-quels-sont-les-risques-263455

How I tracked the biggest hidden sources of forever chemical pollution in UK rivers – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Patrick Byrne, Professor of Water Science, Liverpool John Moores University

Patrick Byrne samples the water in the Mersey catchment. Patrick Byrne, CC BY-NC-ND

The amount of toxic “forever chemicals” flowing into the River Mersey in north-west England has reached some of the highest levels recorded anywhere in the world.

My team’s research links much of this contamination to old landfills, waste facilities and past industrial activity. Even if these chemicals were banned tomorrow, they would continue polluting our rivers for decades, possibly centuries.

But there is a path forward. We’ve developed a new method
to track and prioritise the largest sources for clean-up, giving regulators a clearer picture of where to act first.

Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), more commonly known as “forever chemicals”, are a large family of human-made chemicals found in everyday products like food packaging, water-repellent clothes and fire-fighting foams. They are valued for their ability to resist very high temperatures and to repel water and oil, but these same properties make them extremely persistent.

Once released, some PFAS could take thousands of years to break down. They accumulate in the environment, build up – with different compounds accumulating at different rates – inside the bodies of wildlife and people, and have been associated with harms to health. The most studied types have been linked to cancers, hormone disruption and immune system problems.

Patrick Byrne has been measuring PFAS ‘loads’ in rivers over a period of time, not just the concentration at one moment.
CC BY-NC-ND

Last year, my research team discovered that the amount of two potentially cancer-causing PFAS chemicals washing off the land and into the Mersey was among the highest in the world. In our follow-on research, we travelled upstream to try and locate where these PFAS are coming from. But with hundreds of potential PFAS sources, how do we isolate the largest ones?

The secret is measuring something called the PFAS load – the total amount of PFAS flowing through the river at a given point, rather than just the concentration in the water.

Here’s why that matters: a small stream can have high concentrations but carry only a small total amount, while a large river with lower concentrations can be transporting far more PFAS overall. If we only look at concentration, we risk missing the really heavy polluters.

By measuring PFAS loads at multiple points along the Mersey system, we could see exactly where the largest increases occurred. That told us both the location and the scale of PFAS inputs.

We detected PFAS chemicals at 97% of our sample sites, even in supposedly pristine streams draining from the Peak District national park. But the big breakthroughs came when we matched the largest PFAS load increases to specific areas.

PFBS (a type of PFAS) was coming in huge amounts from land draining old landfills in the Glaze Brook watershed near Leigh, west of Manchester. PFOA, a globally banned and cancer-causing PFAS, appeared to originate from a waste management facility on the River Roch, north of Manchester. PFOS, another banned PFAS, was entering the River Bollin, with strong evidence pointing to historic firefighting foam use at Manchester Airport.

What’s most striking to me is that all these sources are rooted in the past – old landfills, waste sites or historic industrial use. These chemicals are no longer in production, but they are still escaping into the environment, decades later.

alt text
This unmanned survey vessel is packed with sensors that measure PFAS loads in large rivers.
credit, CC BY-NC-ND

This is where PFAS load measurements make a real difference. Instead of chasing the highest concentrations – which might lead to cleaning up small streams that contribute little overall – we can target the sites releasing the largest total amounts of PFAS into our rivers.

It’s a simple idea with major implications. In a world where environmental regulators face tight budgets and limited monitoring capacity, knowing exactly which sites are the biggest sources is vital.

The Mersey is just one example. Around the world, PFAS contamination follows a similar pattern: numerous potential sources scattered across the landscape, many of them historical. The chemicals’ extreme persistence means they will continue cycling through rivers, soils and wildlife for generations unless active steps are taken to remove or contain them.

Our latest study shows that measuring PFAS load can help solve one of the toughest challenges in managing chemical pollution: working out where to start. By identifying and prioritising the biggest sources, regulators have a realistic chance of reducing the flow of forever chemicals into our rivers – and perhaps one day, making that nickname a little less true.

The Conversation

Patrick Byrne receives funding from the Natural Environment Research Council.

ref. How I tracked the biggest hidden sources of forever chemical pollution in UK rivers – new study – https://theconversation.com/how-i-tracked-the-biggest-hidden-sources-of-forever-chemical-pollution-in-uk-rivers-new-study-261967