Not enemies, but people: Why the world needs to rethink the language of war

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Martin Danahay, Professor, English Language and Literature, Brock University

The United States military under the Donald Trump administration has sunk three Venezuelan boats that were allegedly ferrying drugs. American officials branded the people on the boats “narcoterrorists.”

The term “narcoterrorist” conflates the U.S. internal “war on drugs” and external “war on terror” and suggests drug smuggling is punishable by death without trial.

Canada, incidentally, has followed the lead of the U.S. by designating a list of drug cartels as terrorist organizations. This means Canada is now involved in the expansion of violence against people associated with drug smuggling or drug use when they’re labelled terrorists. It also aligns Canada with the American “war on drugs.”

The problem with the language of war

The problem with both terms — the “war on drugs” and the “war on terror” — lies in how they serve to justify killing people. Violence is portrayed as an appropriate response to a threat from an “enemy” rather than an attack on people who may or may not be linked to drugs or terrorism.

The attacks are carried out without the submission of evidence, and it’s almost impossible to verify claims of guilt after the fact.

A brief look at the origins of the U.S. war on drugs shows how the term “war” can be used to normalize acts of oppression or violence.

It began in June 1971 when President Richard Nixon declared drug abuse “public enemy No. 1” and announced a co-ordinated federal campaign against narcotics as part of a “law-and-order” campaign. His emphasis on fighting crime played upon his belief that “people react to fear, not love.”

Drugs and politics

While fear of drug use predated his presidency, Nixon made the issue a central part of his domestic policy. He framed his efforts as a fight to protect public health and safety as the justification for increasing the scope of police actions against drug sellers and users.

The Shafer Commission, appointed by Nixon, recommended decriminalizing marijuana in 1972, but he ignored its findings and instead enacted more punitive anti-drug legislation.

Portraying drugs and drug users as a threat was a central part of Nixon’s law-and-order campaign. Privately, however, aides later revealed that his drug policy was also used to target political opponents, particularly anti-Vietnam War activists and Black communities — by associating them with drugs and justifying an increase in policing.

Nixon continued drug enforcement in the U.S. as well as through international policies aimed at curbing drug production. His administration’s war on drugs was not just a social order initiative, but a political strategy that weaponized drug policy to consolidate power and marginalize opponents.

Nixon aide John Ehrlichman later revealed the explicitly political nature of this campaign. By linking heroin to Black communities and marijuana to anti-war activists, the administration could discredit those groups and justify heavy policing and incarceration.

The “war on drugs” therefore relied on racist attitudes to justify its heavy enforcement of Black communities.

People, not enemies

By branding the initiative a war on drugs, Nixon turned people addicted to drugs into enemies and implicitly made acceptable levels of oppression that would not be tolerated under normal circumstances.

But drugs are not a force that an army can defeat. The war on drugs has been a failure and become the longest “war” in U.S. history.

The idea of a war on drugs erases people from the equation and dehumanizes them. Similarly, the war on terror emphasized an emotion, namely terror, and used that emotion to justify U.S. military actions abroad, including the ill-fated Iraq War.

The recent attacks on Venezuelan boats alleged to be transporting drugs follow this pattern of justifying acts of violence in the name of combating drugs. Both exploit an understandable fear of drug addiction or of a terrorist attack, and use that emotion to silence criticism of acts of violence as illegal and inhumane.

Decades later, Nixon’s campaign to demonize drugs has now coalesced with the war on terror, even though the term “war” seems inappropriate in both cases.

Invoking war hastens decisions and short-circuits debate, because in a military conflict, decisiveness is crucial to avoid defeat. While initially declaring a war on drugs or terrorists may rally people in the short term, in the long term, it damages both domestic social policy as well as international relations.

Due process

In the recent strikes against Venezuelan ships, the U.S. could have apprehended the boats in international waters and brought the people on board to trial.

This was the procedure during the recent Operation Pacific Viper in the east Pacific, when the U.S. Coast Guard boarded vessels and detained people accused of smuggling cocaine.

The U.S. could have followed the same procedure with the boats from Venezuela, but calling the people on board “narcoterrorists” implicitly justified characterizing them as enemy combatants in the war on drugs.

They were civilian vessels, not part of the Venezuelan military. There may or may not have been drugs on board, and the people may not have been drug smugglers, but the world will never know for certain because the U.S. military killed them and sank their boats.

The language of war in such cases justifies actions made for political motives and undermines the rule of law. Overall it is part of a wider use of the term war by Trump, who recently also seemed to declare war on the city of Chicago.

It’s all of an ongoing weaponization of the term “war” to assert dominance and justify violence, whether internally against American cities or externally against people the government calls “narcoterrorists.”

The Conversation

Martin Danahay does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Not enemies, but people: Why the world needs to rethink the language of war – https://theconversation.com/not-enemies-but-people-why-the-world-needs-to-rethink-the-language-of-war-265466

Hobbits of Flores evolved to be small by slowing down growth during childhood, new research on teeth and brain size suggests

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tesla Monson, Professor of Anthropology, Western Washington University

Hobbits are exceptions to the rule that older ancient humans had proportionally larger wisdom teeth and smaller brains. Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

Until Homo floresiensis was discovered, scientists assumed that the evolution of the human lineage was defined by bigger and bigger brains. Via a process called encephalization, human brains evolved to be relatively more massive than would be expected based on corresponding body size.

This proportionally bigger brain is what anthropologists argued enabled us and our relatives to perform more complex tasks such as using fire, forging and wielding tools, making art and domesticating animals.

Under a heading 'Bigger Brains' six hominid head models with other text in an exhibit case
Exhibit on brain size at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C.
Tesla Monson

But these theories had to be thrown out the window when archaeologists announced our fossil cousins Homo floresiensis via scientific publication in 2004. Homo floresiensis lived from about 700,000 to 60,000 years ago in the rainforests of Indonesia, partially contemporaneous with our own species.

Aptly nicknamed Hobbits, Homo floresiensis were short-statured, at just over 3 feet (1 meter) tall, and had a chimp-size brain. This discovery upended the assumption that brains have been increasing in size over the past several million years and generated confusion about what separates recent human relatives in our genus Homo from our more ancient ancestors.

Our new research on the skulls and teeth provides a novel theory for how the Hobbits evolved to be small.

We are professors of anthropology at Western Washington University. After attending a 2023 workshop for biological anthropologists studying juveniles in the fossil record, we began looking at brain size changes across human evolution.

Our previous work on the proportions of molar teeth generated new insights into the evolution of pregnancy by demonstrating that fetal growth rates are tightly linked to molar proportions in primates. Now, we wanted to see whether we could uncover a relationship between tooth proportions and brain size among our fossil relatives.

Paleontologists have only limited skeletal materials, sometimes only a few teeth, for many fossil species, including Homo floresiensis. If tooth proportions can provide information about fossil brain size, it opens up a world of possibilities for assessing past changes in encephalization.

Reconstructing brain size using teeth

We collated data on tooth and brain size for 15 fossil species on the human family tree, spanning about 5 million years of evolution. Somewhat oxymoronically, the third molars – otherwise known as wisdom teeth – have gotten proportionally smaller as brain size has gotten larger throughout human evolution, for most species.

Overall, human relatives with relatively larger wisdom teeth are more ancient and had smaller brains. More recent taxa, like Homo neanderthalensis, had relatively smaller third molars, compared to their other teeth, and larger brains.

This relationship allows researchers to figure out something about brain size for fossils that are incomplete, perhaps existing only as a few lone teeth. Since teeth are predominately made of inorganic matter, they survive in the fossil record much more often than other parts of the body, making up the vast majority of paleontological materials recovered. Being able to know more about brain size from just a few teeth is a truly useful tool.

sideways view through a glass museum case of a standing partial skeleton
A replica of LB1, the most complete skeleton of Homo floresiensis, in profile in an exhibit at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History.
Tesla Monson

Scientists recognize now that the formation of the brain and the teeth are inextricably connected during gestation. And for most species, larger brains are correlated with smaller wisdom teeth.

The one exception in genus Homo is Homo floresiensis, the Hobbit. The wisdom teeth of the Hobbits are small proportional to the other molars – the typical pattern for members of genus Homo. But their brains are also small, which is quite unusual.

There are two primary ways for brain size to decrease: by slowing down growth during gestation before birth or by slowing down growth after birth, during childhood. Because teeth develop early in gestation, slowing down growth rates during pregnancy tends to affect tooth shape and size, or even whether the teeth develop at all. Slowing growth later, during childhood, influences skeletal shape and size in other ways, because different parts of the body develop at different times.

Our new research provides evidence that the body size of Homo floresiensis likely shrank from a larger-bodied Homo ancestor by slowing down growth during childhood. The Hobbits’ small wisdom teeth suggest that, at least in utero, they were on track for the proportionally bigger brains that are the trademark of humans and their relatives. Any brake that slowed down brain growth likely occurred after birth.

In fact, this is the same mechanism through which some short-statured modern human populations have adapted to their local ecological conditions.

Getting small on islands

The small body size of Homo floresiensis was likely an adaptation to the unique conditions of their island environment on Flores.

Evolving small body size as an adaptation to living on an isolated island is known as insular nanism. There are many examples of other mammals becoming small on islands over the past 60 million years. But one of the most relevant examples is the dwarf elephant, Stegodon sondaarii, that lived on Flores and was hunted by H. floresiensis for food.

Both Homo floresiensis and Homo luzonensis, another short, island hominin from southeast Asia, likely evolved very short stature because of the ecological effects of limited food availability and lack of large predators, which tends to characterize island habitats.

Because brain size and body size are tightly linked, body size evolution inherently affects brain evolution. Among modern humans, larger people have larger brains, and smaller people have smaller brains.

But people with smaller brains are certainly no less intelligent than people with larger brains. Variation in body size dictates brain size; it is not a measure of cognitive ability. The island Hobbits crafted tools, hunted large-for-them game in the form of pygmy elephants, and likely made and used fire.

Our research supports that their small body size originated from a slowdown in growth during childhood. But this process would likely have had little impact on brain function or cognitive ability. We hypothesize that the Hobbits were small but highly capable.

multiple skulls behind glass with text notation in a museum case.
Exhibit of cranial variation in fossil hominids, with Homo floresiensis in the foreground, at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History.
Tesla Monson

Understanding the evolution of us

New research, including our study, continues to reinforce the importance of understanding how pregnancy and child growth and development evolved. If we want to know what distinguishes humans from our evolutionary ancestors, and how we evolved, we must understand how the earliest moments of life have changed and why.

Our work also encourages the reevaluation of endless attention on increasing brain size as the predominant force in human evolution. Other species in genus Homo had small brains but were likely not much different from us.

The Conversation

Tesla Monson receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

Andrew Weitz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Hobbits of Flores evolved to be small by slowing down growth during childhood, new research on teeth and brain size suggests – https://theconversation.com/hobbits-of-flores-evolved-to-be-small-by-slowing-down-growth-during-childhood-new-research-on-teeth-and-brain-size-suggests-261257

How a devastating grape pest is reshaping vineyards across Colorado’s Western Slope

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Charlotte Oliver, Extension Associate Professor, Colorado State University

Colorado’s $3.9 billion wine industry is threatened by a tiny aphid. Courtesy of Charlotte Oliver

Grape phylloxera, or Daktulosphaira vitifoliae, is an aphidlike insect that attacks grapevines with devastating effects. In Colorado, where wine is an estimated US$3.9 billion dollar industry, phylloxera poses a significant threat.

In 2015, several vineyards in the Grand Valley American Viticultural Area on Colorado’s Western Slope observed that groups of their vines were not thriving. The vines were yellowing and producing limited fruit. All the normal issues, such as nutritional deficiencies and irrigation problems, were investigated and nothing turned up.

So, in 2016, two Colorado State University researchers began surveying vineyards in Mesa County and found the industry’s worst nightmare – phylloxera, which had infested the roots in several local vineyards.

The pair expanded their survey and covered more than 350 vineyard acres across Mesa, Delta and Montezuma counties, where wine grapes are grown. Phylloxera was found in both Mesa and Delta counties in 18 vineyards for a total of 34 scattered acres. The phylloxera wasn’t centralized, which made controlling its spread complicated.

In response to the researchers’ findings, the Colorado Wine Industry Development Board and the Colorado Association for Viticulture and Enology began an education campaign in 2017 to minimize visitors to vineyards and help vineyards manage soil movement, the primary mode of phylloxera spread.

As the viticulture extension specialist at Colorado State University, I spend a lot of time helping Coloradans work with their grapevines. In 2024, I took over the research at Colorado State University on the phylloxera infestation that is still active nine years after it was discovered. I plan to continue tracking phylloxera’s spread and training producers on what to do when, not if, this pest appears in their vineyard.

What is phylloxera?

Black and white illustrations of the various forms of phylloxera, an aphid-like insect.
Phylloxera has a below-ground and above-ground form, each of which attack grapevines.
Bildagentur-online/Getty Images

Phylloxera have two discrete forms during their life cycle: an above-ground, winged form called alates and a below-ground, wingless, root-feeding form called radicoles.

The above-ground form of the insect causes galls, which are lumpy swellings on the grape leaves, that generally have limited impact on the vine’s health.

However, the below-ground insects that feed on the vine’s roots cause severe damage. The roots are the vine’s main tool for foraging for nutrients and water, so when they are compromised the vine starts to suffer and eventually dies four to seven years after being infected. Sometimes phylloxera’s infestation looks like a lack of nutrition or water, so knowing what is wrong with the vines can require a lot of searching and testing. The real issue is that as the vine declines, it also stops producing a commercially viable quantity of fruit, which is 2.5-4 tons per acre. No fruit means no wine, so the vines have to be removed.

Managing the ‘wine blight’

Grapevines, like a lot of other perennial crops, including peaches and apples, are usually grafted, which is when the top of one plant and the roots of another plant are combined to make one continuous plant. Usually, the grafting is to change something about the physicality of the plant, such as making it bigger or smaller. With grapes, the main reason to graft is to protect the vine from damage from a single pest – grape phylloxera.

There are alternatives such as insecticides, but they are Band-Aids, because insecticides suppress only the pest. Grape roots, and the phylloxera on them, can go far deeper into the soil than the soil insecticide treatments, and some of the treatments to the leaves can be damaging to honeybees.

Another potential solution is using modern varieties of grapes that were bred by crossing native North American grapes with the standard European wine grape. By adding in North American grapes, the new varieties are more tolerant of the phylloxera and can handle some damage. The issue with these varieties, such as Chambourcin and Aromella, is that consumers have never heard of them, which is a major factor when people buy wine. These varieties also have more Concord grape flavors that are less common to wine drinkers outside of the East Coast of the U.S.

Globe-trotting pests

A video from TerraVox Winery in Missouri about the history of phylloxera.

Phylloxera is native to the East Coast and Midwestern United States, but now it’s found in all grape-growing regions worldwide.

In the late 1800s, phylloxera started making its way around the world. Phylloxera can fly when it is in its above-ground life cycle, but the below-ground insects can be spread any time soil is moved. It hitched a ride to France in the early 1860s on North American grape plants that were being imported to help with powdery mildew, which is the most economically damaging fungal disease of grapes. Powdery mildew, or Erysiphe necator, can attack all growing tissues of a vine, including blooms, leaves and shoots, and control can account for approximately 37% of gross grape production cost.

Over the course of three decades after phylloxera was introduced to France, it caused approximately 2.5 million acres of vines to be replaced.

Once it crossed the Atlantic, phylloxera was flying over borders and road-tripping from vineyard to vineyard on workers’ shoes and tractors. By the beginning of the 1900s, phylloxera had spread throughout France, Portugal, Germany and then Spain and established itself as a permanent problem. The European varieties of grapes had no resistance to phylloxera, and the insects found ways to evade chemical management, making yearly insecticide applications a necessity.

Brown root stock is magnified and infested with little brown insects.
Phylloxera attacks the roots of grapevines.
Courtesy of Charlotte Oliver

While phylloxera is native to the U.S., until recently, there were several states that did not have it, including Colorado, Oregon and Washington.

Colorado’s 50-year-old wine grape industry benefited from the absence of phylloxera. Vineyards owners planted mostly self-rooted European variety vines starting around the mid-1980s. Self-rooted vines are not grafted, which means that a Chardonnay vine was Chardonnay both above and below ground.

Currently, there are areas in multiple countries such as Australia and China, and certain states such as Washington, where phylloxera is present but well contained through quarantine. However, there are concerns for the future. Computer modeling has offered ideas about the future expansion of phylloxera’s survival range on both a regional and global scale.

What does the future hold?

In a 2019 survey by the same research team, more phylloxera was found in vineyards in Delta County as well as a new vineyard outside of Denver. Currently, many Colorado vineyards are in the middle of overhauling their vineyards. The spread of phylloxera as well as the frequency of freezes has led to extensive death in vineyards across the Western Slope.

The percentage of acreage planted with nongrafted, non-European grapes has increased to 25% in recent years, according to results from statewide surveys. Approximately 30% of the replaced vineyards were with new modern varieties, and the rest were replaced with grafted European varieties.

While the European grafted vine may provide a higher-priced fruit due to market demand, the modern varieties have a lot of appeal. Since the vines are more phylloxera tolerant, they do not have to be grafted, so they can easily be recovered when a harsh fall freeze happens.

While the Colorado wine industry has accepted that phylloxera is here to stay, expanded surveys are needed to better understand how far this pest has spread, especially in the more isolated areas of the West Elks American Viticultural Area, in Delta County, the southwest corner of Colorado, in Montezuma County, and in Fremont and Pueblo counties.

Additionally, future phylloxera spread may be better estimated by studying soil texture and temperature, which has been done in models created by Washington State University. Phylloxera may be less likely to survive in certain areas of Colorado. If those areas are also suitable for grape production, it could help direct the locations of future plantings, especially of European varieties.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

The Conversation

Charlotte Oliver does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How a devastating grape pest is reshaping vineyards across Colorado’s Western Slope – https://theconversation.com/how-a-devastating-grape-pest-is-reshaping-vineyards-across-colorados-western-slope-263088

NASA will say goodbye to the International Space Station in 2030 − and welcome in the age of commercial space stations

Source: The Conversation – USA – By John M. Horack, Professor of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering, The Ohio State University

The International Space Station will be brought down in 2030. NASA via AP

For 24 hours a day, seven days a week since November 2000, NASA and its international partners have sustained a continuous human presence in low-Earth orbit, including at least one American – a streak that will soon reach 25 years.

When viewed in the history of spaceflight, the International Space Station is perhaps one of humanity’s most amazing accomplishments, a shining example of cooperation in space among the United States, Europe, Canada, Japan and Russia. But all good things must come to an end.

An emblem featuring a photo of the ISS with a ring around it featuring countries' flags.
The International Space Station’s emblem features the flags of the original signatory states.
CSA/ESA/JAXA/NASA/ROSCOSMOS

In 2030, the International Space Station will be deorbited: driven into a remote area of the Pacific Ocean.

I’m an aerospace engineer who has helped build a range of hardware and experiments for the ISS. As a member of the spaceflight community for over 30 years and a 17-year member of the NASA community, it will be hard for me to see the ISS come to an end.

Since the first pieces of the International Space Station were launched in 1998, the station has been home to significant research accomplishments across domains that include materials science, biotechnology, astronomy and astrophysics, Earth science, combustion and more.

Astronauts performing research inside the space station and payload experiments attached to the station’s exterior have generated many publications in peer-reviewed science journals. Some of them have advanced our understanding of thunderstorms, led to improvements in the crystallization processes of key cancer-fighting drugs, detailed how to grow artificial retinas in space, explored the processing of ultrapure optical fibers and explained how to sequence DNA in orbit.

A top-down view of a scientist wearing gloves and a lab coat pipetting at a work bench on the ISS
The ISS’s microgravity environment has made it the optimal environment for a variety of scientific research projects.
NASA, CC BY

In total, more than 4,000 experiments have been conducted aboard the ISS, resulting in more than 4,400 research publications dedicated to advancing and improving life on Earth and helping forge a path for future space exploration activities.

The ISS has proven the value of conducting research in the unique environment of spaceflight – which has very low gravity, a vacuum, extreme temperature cycles and radiation – to advance scientists’ understanding of a wide range of important physical, chemical and biological processes.

Keeping a presence in orbit

But in the wake of the station’s retirement, NASA and its international partners are not abandoning their outpost in low-Earth orbit. Instead, they are looking for alternatives to continue to take advantage of low Earth orbit’s promise as a unique research laboratory and to extend the continuous, 25-year human presence some 250 miles (402 kilometers) above the Earth’s surface.

In December 2021, NASA announced three awards to help develop privately owned, commercially operated space stations in low-Earth orbit.

For years, NASA has successfully sent supplies to the International Space Station using commercial partners, and the agency recently began similar business arrangements with SpaceX and Boeing for transporting crew aboard the Dragon and Starliner spacecraft, respectively.

A conical white spacecraft with two rectangular solar panels in space, with the Earth in the background.
SpaceX’s Dragon capsule docks at the ISS.
NASA TV via AP

Based on the success of these programs, NASA invested more than US$400 million to stimulate the development of commercial space stations and hopefully launch and activate them before the ISS is decommissioned.

Dawn of commercial space stations

In September 2025, NASA issued a draft announcement for Phase 2 partnership proposals for commercial space stations. Companies that are selected will receive funding to support critical design reviews and demonstrate stations with four people in orbit for at least 30 days.

NASA will then move forward with formal design acceptance and certification to ensure that these stations meet NASA’s stringent safety requirements. The outcome will allow NASA to purchase missions and other services aboard these stations on a commercial basis – similar to how NASA gets cargo and crew to the ISS today.

Which of these teams will be successful, and on what timescale, remains to be seen.

While these stations are being built, Chinese astronauts will continue to live and work aboard their Tiangong space station, a three-person, permanently crewed facility orbiting approximately 250 miles (402 km) above the Earth’s surface. Consequently, if the ISS’s occupied streak comes to an end, China and Tiangong will take over as the longest continually inhabited space station in operation: It’s been occupied for approximately four years and counting.

Photos and videos from the ISS allow you to see Earth from above.

In the meantime, enjoy the view

It will be several years before any of these new commercial space stations circle the Earth at around 17,500 miles per hour (28,000 kilometers per hour) and several years before the ISS is deorbited in 2030.

So while you have a chance, take a look up and enjoy the view. On most nights when the ISS flies over, it is simply magnificent: a brilliant blue-white point of light, usually the brightest object in the sky, silently executing a graceful arc across the sky.

Our ancestors could hardly have imagined that one day, one of the brightest objects in the night sky would have been conceived by the human mind and built by human hands.

The Conversation

John M. Horack receives extramural research funding from NASA, Voyager Technologies, and other spaceflight-related sources, as part of his work as a Professor at The Ohio State University.

ref. NASA will say goodbye to the International Space Station in 2030 − and welcome in the age of commercial space stations – https://theconversation.com/nasa-will-say-goodbye-to-the-international-space-station-in-2030-and-welcome-in-the-age-of-commercial-space-stations-264936

Detroit’s Gordie Howe bridge is poised to open as truck traffic between US-Canada slows – and low-income residents decide whether to stay or go

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Paul Draus, Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan-Dearborn

The Gordie Howe International Bridge connects Detroit, Mich., and Windsor, Ontario. John Coletti/Photodisc via Getty Images

Watching the space between two nations shrink became a regular pastime for Detroiters over the past decade as the segments of the Gordie Howe International Bridge gradually grew, extending meter by meter from Ontario on one side and Michigan on the other.

The gap finally closed in July 2024 with the two halves coming together in a long-awaited kiss.

The official grand opening of the bridge was originally scheduled for fall of 2025, but it seems now likely to be delayed into 2026.

Canadian and American flags are held by cranes on either side of a large suspension bridge.
Completion of the Gordie Howe International Bridge is months behind schedule.
Steven Kriemadis/iStock/Getty Images Plus via Getty Images

I’m a sociologist who has worked alongside neighborhood revitalization projects in Detroit for the past 15 years. I’ve observed the bridge project – and the many tensions around it – from the perspective of adjacent communities of Delray and Mexicantown, communities that are largely hometo low-income Latino, Black and white residents.

The costs and benefits of this binational behemoth are complex and intertwined.

Clearing a chokehold

Boosters on both sides of the border have spoken frequently of the bridge’s expected benefits.

Detroit and Windsor would finally be free of the perpetual chokehold produced by the privately owned Ambassador Bridge.

Auto parts will flow more freely over the border, according to the Cross-Border Institute at the University of Windsor. And the Detroit Greenways Coalition is celebrating that its advocacy led to the inclusion of free pedestrian and bike lanes.

People living close to the existing bridge will gain some relief from truck traffic and pollution. But this burden won’t simply disappear – it will be shifted nearby, where others will have to cope with increased traffic flowing over six lanes 24 hours a day.

Large signs affixed to a bridge over a highway, in white lettering on green signs, show the exits for the Ambassador Bridge and the closed Gordie Howe International Bridge.
Signs for the Ambassador Bridge and soon-to-be opened on-ramp to the Gordie Howe International Bridge.
Valaurian Waller/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

A political football

The costs and benefits of the bridge were contested from the beginning.

In the early days, the debate concentrated on who would own the bridge and who would pay for it.

Once just a concept known by the acronym DRIC, or Detroit River International Crossing, the project became real under former Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder. In July 2018, representatives from both Ottawa and Washington broke ground on the bridge situated in an area of Detroit empty enough to contain its significant footprint and bear its weight without fear of sinkholes from underground salt mines.

“Every Michigander should thank every Canadian,” said Snyder at the time, alluding to the agreement that Canadian taxpayers alone would pay for the bridge’s construction in exchange for collecting all the tolls.

The bridge’s designers attempted to honor the cultural and natural history of the region. It was named after the legendary Canadian hockey player who was also a longtime stalwart for the Detroit Red Wings. The bridge’s towers are adorned with murals by First Nations artists.

But serious questions remain.

Today the debates center on whether the Trump administration’s increased tariffs and trade conflicts with Canada could negatively affect the value of the bridge – and if it will ever pay for itself. Even before President Donald Trump took office for the second time, truck traffic on the Ambassador Bridge was down, falling 8% from 2014 to 2024.

One bridge was always a bad idea, (nearly) everyone agreed

Residents and politicians have long agreed that having a single, privately owned bridge connecting Detroit and Windsor was a bad idea. This felt especially apparent after the 9/11 terrorist attacks laid bare the possibility of suddenly losing critical infrastructure.

For many years, travelers’ only other connection between Canada and Detroit has been a tunnel that runs underneath the Detroit River. However, the tunnel doesn’t offer direct access to interstate highways, making it less suitable for commercial trucks.

Adding another bridge makes it harder to disrupt trade and transport.

But the project has had one stalwart critic. Matty Moroun, the trucking billionaire who purchased the Ambassador Bridge in 1979, ferociously protected his asset against potential competition. He actively sought to thwart the construction, launching numerous lawsuits against the state of Michigan and the Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority, the entity managing construction of the new bridge.

Those lawsuits continued even after Moroun’s death in 2020, as his heirs asserted significant damages to the value of their property.

Was enough done for nearby homeowners?

Others have criticized the attempts to compensate the residents of Delray, a once-vibrant neighborhood that has been impacted by industrialization since the 1960s.

Benefits negotiated for residents and homeowners affected by the construction have not increased as the project’s costs ballooned and the timeline to complete it stretched out.

The cost of the Gordie Howe bridge is now estimated at around $6.4 billion Canadian – or about $US4.7 billion. That is $700 million more than the original projected cost. The project is at least 10 months behind schedule.

Construction materials stacked behind a brick house.
Materials for an on-ramp construction to the new Gordie Howe International Bridge are stored in a residential neighborhood in Southwest Detroit on Aug. 26, 2025.
Valaurian Waller/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Simone Sagovac, director of the SW Detroit Community Benefit Coalition, said they did not anticipate the immense scale of the development and its continued effects on the community.

“That scale affected health and quality of life significantly every day, with years of continuous industrial dust causing sinus problems, headaches, and increasing asthma, and then there will be thousands of daily truck impacts to come,” Sagovac wrote to me in an email.

A baseline health impact assessment, issued in 2019 by University of Michigan researchers working closely with the coalition, expressed concern about the heightened airborne pollution that would likely activate asthma, especially in children. Matching the findings of so many other epidemiological studies, the assessment found that residents living within 500 feet (152 meters) of a truck route reported a significantly higher likelihood of experiencing asthma or allergies affecting their breathing.

Sagovac wrote that the project took 250 homes, 43 businesses and five churches by eminent domain, and “saw the closing of more after.” One hundred families left the neighborhood via a home swap program funded as a result of the benefits agreement administered by a local nonprofit. Two hundred and seventy families remain, but most businesses have left the area over decades of decline.

The families that remain are often long-term residents wanting or needing a cheap place to live and willing to put up with dust, noise and smells from nearby factories and a sewage treatment plant.

“They constantly face illegal dumping and other unanswered crimes, and will face the worst diesel emissions exposure and other trucking and industry impacts,” Sagovac wrote.

Heather Grondin, chief relations officer of the Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority, wrote in an emailed statement
that they have taken steps to minimize impacts from construction and that they regularly meet with the community to hear concerns.

“Construction traffic is using designated haul routes to minimize community impacts, traffic congestion and wear and tear on existing infrastructure while maximizing public and construction safety,” Grondin wrote.

According to Grondin, cars will be forced to follow a “no idling” rule on the American side to minimize pollution. Other aspects of the Community Benefits Plan included $20,000 in free repairs for 100 homes, planting hundreds of trees and investing in programs addressing food insecurity and the needs of young people and seniors, Grondin wrote.

A large cable bridge spans across a vast body of water. Dark clouds with speckled light appear in the background.
It costs $9 to cross the Ambassador Bridge in a car. Tolls on the Gordie Howe bridge (pictured) haven’t been announced yet.
Paul Draus, CC BY-ND

An updated Health Impacted Assessment is expected to be released later in 2025.

History lost

Lloyd Baldwin, a historian for the Michigan Department of Transportation, was tasked with evaluating whether local landmarks like the legendary Kovacs Bar needed to be preserved.

“Kovacs Bar was one among many working-class bars in the Delray neighborhood but stands out for its roughly eight-decade association as a gathering place for the neighborhood and downriver Hungarian-American community,” Baldwin wrote in one such report.

The bar was nonetheless demolished in November 2017.

This was not MDOT’s only loss. While the agency made some sincere efforts to leverage other benefits for residents who remained, dynamic factors at many levels were out of the agency’s control.

For one thing, the numerous lawsuits filed by the bridge company over parcels of contested land limited MDOT’s ability to talk openly to the public about the land acquisition process.

In the period of legal limbo, Baldwin said, “the neighborhood imploded.”

Baldwin gave the example of the Berwalt Manor Apartments, built in the 1920s and located on Campbell Street near the bridge entrance. MDOT committed to preserve the historic building and proposed to mitigate the environmental impacts on mostly low-income residents by paying for new windows and HVAC units once the bridge was built.

But the speed of development outstripped the pace of community compensation. The building passed through probate court in 2018 and has since changed hands multiple times, so it is now unclear whether there are any low-income residents left to benefit from upgrades.

Benefits yet to be measured

On the brighter side, environmentalists have pointed to the expansion and connection of bicycle trails and bird migration corridors as long-term benefits of the Gordie Howe bridge.

On the Canadian side, the bridge construction falls largely outside of Windsor’s residential neighborhoods, so it caused less disruption. As part of the project,bike lanes, enhanced landscaping, and gathering spaces were added to an approach road called Sandwich Street.

Cross-border tourism spurred on by a proposed system of greenways called the “Great Lakes Way” may provide new opportunities for people and money to flow across the Detroit River, improving the quality of life for communities that remain.

But if the trade war between the Trump administration and Canada continues, observers may question whether the bridge is a graceful gift of infrastructure to two nations or one of the world’s longest and skinniest white elephants.

The Conversation

Paul Draus is affiliated with the Downriver Delta CDC and Friends of the Rouge. The Fort Street Bridge Park, a project that Draus is affiliated with, received a donation for a public sculpture from the Windsor Detroit Bridge Authority in 2020.

ref. Detroit’s Gordie Howe bridge is poised to open as truck traffic between US-Canada slows – and low-income residents decide whether to stay or go – https://theconversation.com/detroits-gordie-howe-bridge-is-poised-to-open-as-truck-traffic-between-us-canada-slows-and-low-income-residents-decide-whether-to-stay-or-go-260280

Les richesses de la Gaza antique exposées à l’Institut du monde arabe

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Christian-Georges Schwentzel, Professeur d’histoire ancienne, Université de Lorraine

Détail d’une mosaïque byzantine, site de Jabaliya. J.-B. Humbert/IMA

La cité de Gaza, fondée il y a environ 3 500 ans, fut, dans l’Antiquité, l’un des principaux carrefours commerciaux entre Orient et Occident. C’est cette position stratégique exceptionnelle et l’extraordinaire richesse qui en découlait que révèle l’exposition « Trésors sauvés de Gaza : 5 000 ans d’histoire », présentée à l’Institut du monde arabe, à Paris, jusqu’au 2 novembre 2025.


L’exposition « Trésors sauvés de Gaza : 5 000 ans d’histoire » met en lumière les divers et nombreux sites historiques de Gaza qui ont récemment été détruits par des bombardements.

On y découvre un choix de 130 objets, datant du VIIIᵉ siècle avant notre ère au XIIIᵉ siècle de notre ère, qui témoignent de la foisonnante imbrication des cultures dans l’antique cité de Palestine, forte de ses échanges avec l’Égypte, l’Arabie, la Grèce et Rome.

Mais cette prospérité suscita la convoitise des États voisins et d’envahisseurs étrangers. Gaza s’est ainsi trouvée, dans l’Antiquité, au cœur de guerres d’une violence inouïe dont témoignent les auteurs anciens.

Le débouché maritime de la route des aromates

À Gaza arrivaient les aromates, encens et myrrhe, transportés à dos de chameaux, dans des amphores, depuis le sud de la péninsule Arabique. L’encens est une résine blanche extraite d’un arbre, dit boswellia sacra, qu’on trouve en Arabie du sud. On pratiquait une incision dans le tronc de l’arbre dont s’écoulait la sève qu’on laissait ensuite durcir lentement.

La myrrhe provenait également du sud de l’Arabie. C’est une résine orange tirée d’un arbuste, nommé commiphora myrrha.

Le siège de Gaza par Alexandre le Grand, peinture de Tom Lovell (1909-1997).

Les Nabatéens, peuple arabe antique, qui contrôlaient le sud de la Jordanie actuelle, le nord-ouest de l’Arabie et le Sinaï, convoyaient ces produits vers Gaza, en partenariat avec d’autres peuples arabes, notamment les Minéens, dont le royaume se trouvait dans l’actuel Yémen. Au IIIᵉ siècle avant notre ère, les papyrus des archives de Zénon de Caunos, un fonctionnaire grec, évoquent l’« encens minéen » vendu à Gaza.

Il y avait également des épices qui arrivaient à Gaza depuis le sud de l’Inde après avoir transité par la mer Rouge. Zénon mentionne le cinnamome et la casse qui sont deux types de cannelle. Le nard, dit parfois « gangétique », c’est-à-dire originaire de la vallée du Gange, provenait lui aussi du sous-continent indien.

Le nard entrait dans la composition d’huiles parfumées de grande valeur, comme en témoigne un passage de l’évangile selon Jean. Alors que Jésus est en train de dîner, à Béthanie, dans la maison de Lazare, intervient Marie, plus connue sous le nom de Marie-Madeleine.

« Marie prit alors une livre d’un parfum de nard pur de grand prix ; elle oignit les pieds de Jésus, les essuya avec ses cheveux et la maison fut remplie de ce parfum. » (Jean, 12, 3)

Flacon en forme de dromadaire accroupi, chargé de quatre amphores, découvert à Gaza, VIᵉ siècle de notre ère.
Wikipédia, Fourni par l’auteur

Parfums d’Orient

Depuis Gaza, les aromates étaient ensuite acheminés par bateau vers les marchés du monde grec et de Rome. L’Occident ne pouvait alors se passer de l’encens et de la myrrhe utilisés dans un cadre religieux. On en faisait deux types d’usage sacré : sous la forme d’onctions ou de fumigations. On produisait des huiles dans lesquelles on faisait macérer les aromates ; on enduisait ensuite de la substance obtenue les statues ou objets de culte. On faisait aussi brûler les aromates dans les sanctuaires pour rendre hommage aux dieux.

Résine d’encens.
Wikimédia, Fourni par l’auteur

Ces pratiques étaient devenues aussi courantes que banales à partir du IVᵉ siècle avant notre ère. Il était impensable de rendre un culte sans y associer des parfums venus d’Orient. Les fragrances qu’exhalaient les aromates étaient perçues comme le symbole olfactif du sacré. Outre cet usage cultuel, les aromates pouvaient aussi entrer dans la composition de cosmétiques et de produits pharmaceutiques.

La convoitise d’Alexandre le Grand

Mais la richesse de Gaza suscita bien des convoitises. Dans la seconde moitié du IVᵉ siècle avant notre ère, le Proche-Orient connaît un bouleversement majeur en raison des conquêtes d’Alexandre le Grand, monté sur le trône de Macédoine, royaume du nord de la Grèce, en 336 avant notre ère. Deux ans plus tard, Alexandre se lance à la conquête de l’Orient.

Après une série de succès fulgurant, en 332 avant notre ère, le Macédonien arrive sous les murailles de Gaza qu’il encercle. Bétis, l’officier qui commande la ville, mène une résistance acharnée, mais il ne dispose que de « peu de soldats », écrit l’historien romain Quinte-Curce
(Histoire d’Alexandre le Grand, IV, 6, 26).

Alexandre fait alors creuser des tunnels sous le rempart. « Le sol, naturellement mou et léger, se prêtait sans peine à des travaux souterrains, car la mer voisine y jette une grande quantité de sable, et il n’y avait ni pierres ni cailloux qui empêchent de creuser les galeries », précise Quinte-Curce. Les nombreux tunnels aménagés sous la ville, jusqu’à nos jours, témoignent encore de cette caractéristique du sol de Gaza et sa région.

Après un siège de deux mois, une partie de la muraille s’effondre dans la mine creusée par l’ennemi. Alexandre s’engouffre dans la brèche et s’empare de la ville.

« Bétis, après avoir combattu en héros et reçu un grand nombre de blessures, avait été abandonné par les siens : il n’en continuait pas moins à se défendre avec courage, ayant ses armes teintes tout à la fois de son sang et de celui de ses ennemis. »

Affaibli, le commandant de Gaza est finalement capturé et amené à Alexandre. Avec une extrême cruauté, le vainqueur lui fait percer les talons. Puis il y fait passer une corde qu’il relie à son char, avant d’achever Bétis en traînant son corps autour de la ville, jusqu’à ce qu’il l’ait réduit en lambeaux. Quant aux habitants de Gaza qui ont survécu au siège, ils sont vendus comme esclaves.

Lors du pillage qui s’ensuit, Alexandre s’empare d’une grande quantité de myrrhe et d’encens. L’auteur antique Plutarque raconte que le vainqueur, très fier de son butin, en envoya une partie à sa mère, la reine Olympias, restée en Macédoine, et à Léonidas qui avait été son instructeur militaire dans sa jeunesse (Plutarque, Vie d’Alexandre, 35).

Monnaie (tétradrachme) d’argent de Ptolémée III, frappée à Gaza, 225 avant notre ère.
Fourni par l’auteur

La renaissance de Gaza

Après la mort d’Alexandre, la ville est reconstruite et placée sous la domination des Ptolémées, successeurs d’Alexandre en Égypte et au Proche-Orient. Les souverains ptolémaïques collaborent alors avec l’élite des marchands de Gaza et les transporteurs nabatéens. Cette politique est largement bénéfique : elle enrichit à la fois les Gazéens, les Nabatéens et les Ptolémées qui prélèvent des taxes sur les produits acheminés dans la ville.

Au cours du IIᵉ siècle avant notre ère, Gaza devient la capitale d’un petit État indépendant, allié du royaume nabatéen. Suivant le modèle des cités grecques, les Gazéens élisent à leur tête un commandant militaire qui porte le titre de « stratège ».

Nouveau siège, nouvelle destruction

C’est alors que le roi juif Alexandre Jannée, qui appartient à la dynastie des Hasmonéens régnant sur la Judée voisine, décide d’annexer Gaza. En 97 avant notre ère, il attaque la ville qu’il assiège. Un certain Apollodotos exerce la fonction de « stratège des Gazéens », écrit Flavius Josèphe (Antiquités Juives, XIII, 359). Face à la menace, il appelle à l’aide Arétas II, le puissant souverain nabatéen, qui règne depuis Pétra, au sud de la Jordanie actuelle, sur une large confédération de peuples arabes. C’est pour cette raison qu’il porte le titre de « roi des Arabes », et non pas des seuls Nabatéens, selon Flavius Josèphe.

Dans l’espoir d’une arrivée prochaine d’Arétas II, les habitants de Gaza repoussent avec acharnement les assauts de l’armée d’Alexandre Jannée.

« Ils résistèrent, écrit Flavius Josèphe, sans se laisser abattre par les privations ni par le nombre de leurs morts, prêts à tout supporter plutôt que de subir la domination ennemie. » (« Antiquités juives », XIII, 360)

« Les soldats massacrèrent les gens de Gaza »

Mais Arétas II arrive trop tard. Il doit rebrousser chemin, après avoir appris la prise de la ville par Alexandre Jannée. Apollodotos a été trahi et assassiné par son propre frère qui a pactisé avec l’ennemi. Grâce à cette trahison, Alexandre Jannée, vainqueur, peut pénétrer dans la ville où il provoque un immense carnage.

« Les soldats, se répandant de tous côtés, massacrèrent les gens de Gaza. Les habitants, qui n’étaient point lâches, se défendirent contre les Juifs avec ce qui leur tombait sous la main et en tuèrent autant qu’ils avaient perdu de combattants. Quelques-uns, à bout de ressources, incendièrent leurs maisons pour que l’ennemi ne puisse faire sur eux aucun butin. D’autres mirent à mort, de leur propre main, leurs enfants et leurs femmes, réduits à cette extrémité pour les soustraire à l’esclavage. » (Flavius Josèphe, « Antiquités juives », XIII, 362-363)

Monnaie de bronze de Cléopâtre VII frappée à Gaza, 51 avant notre ère.
Fourni par l’auteur

Trente ans plus tard, la ville renaîtra à nouveau de ses cendres, lorsque les Romains, vainqueurs de la Judée hasmonéenne, rendent Gaza à ses anciens habitants. Puis la ville est placée, pendant quelques années, sous la protection de la reine Cléopâtre, alliée des Romains, qui y frappe des monnaies. La cité retrouve alors son rôle commercial de premier plan et redevient pour plusieurs siècles l’un des grands creusets culturels du Proche-Orient.


Christian-Georges Schwentzel vient de publier les Nabatéens. IVᵉ siècle avant J.-C.-IIᵉ siècle. De Pétra à Al-Ula, les bâtisseurs du désert, aux éditions Tallandier.

The Conversation

Christian-Georges Schwentzel ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Les richesses de la Gaza antique exposées à l’Institut du monde arabe – https://theconversation.com/les-richesses-de-la-gaza-antique-exposees-a-linstitut-du-monde-arabe-265405

Trump isn’t cutting Pell Grants, after all − but other changes could complicate financial aid for some students

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jennifer L. Steele, Professor of Education, American University

Amid a complicated federal financial aid system, Pell Grants are the largest source of federal support for university students. iStock/Getty Images Plus

As an education researcher who has studied the economic returns of higher education, I know that college degrees remain cost-effective investments for most students.

But college tuition has risen at roughly twice the rate of inflation during the past two decades, and federal student debt climbed 500% to US$1.6 trillion during that same period.

The Biden administration sought to address this problem with plans that accelerated student loan forgiveness for lower-income borrowers with small balances, allowing debt cancellation after 10 years of repayment, instead of 20 or 25.

However, the courts blocked those efforts, and the Trump administration has taken a sharply different approach.

Guided by evidence that higher borrowing limits contribute to tuition increases, the tax breaks and spending cuts bill that President Donald Trump signed into law in July 2025 brings changes to the federal financial aid system that prospective higher education students should understand.

The Pell Grant – a need-based higher education grant from the U.S. Department of Education that, unlike a loan, does not need to be repaid – lies at the heart of the federal financial aid system.

While the Trump administration is slightly expanding people’s eligibility for Pell Grants, the new policies also aim to reduce the national student loan spiral by reducing limits on how much some students can borrow for their educations.

A young Black man wearing a blue blazer holds a yellow sign that says 'Cancel student debt' and walks with other people who hold signs.
Wisdom Cole, the national director of the NAACP Youth and College Division, marches with others in Washington, D.C., after the Supreme Court struck down President Joe Biden’s student debt relief program in June 2023.
Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

Rising college costs and government involvement

The average annual cost of tuition, fees, room and board for a student at a four-year college in the U.S. in the 2022-23 school year was $30,884, according to the latest available Department of Education data.

But the cost of tuition alone varies dramatically between in-state rates for public colleges, which receive state funding, and private nonprofit colleges, which do not.

While the average annual tuition was $9,750 per year for in-state students at public four-year colleges in 2022-23, it reached $38,421 at private nonprofit colleges, even if a student lived at home and did not pay for room and board.

These prices are roughly two to 200 times those of 42 other countries across six continents that have high-quality education data – not including seven countries, including Sweden and Saudi Arabia, that essentially have free tuition.

While many countries around the world subsidize tuition directly, the U.S. government focuses assistance toward individual students based on their financial need.

It does this through a combination of federal grants, loans and subsidies for campus jobs, all administered by the Department of Education.

In 2019-20, about 40% of the nation’s 17 million undergraduates received federal grants – mostly Pell Grants, according to the latest federal data.

Meanwhile, 34% of undergraduates and 39% of the country’s 3 million graduate students received federal loans during this same time period.

Roughly 5% of undergraduates received subsidized on-campus jobs through federal work study in the 2019-20 school year.

Changes ahead for Pell Grants

The U.S. government first awarded Pell Grants to students in 1973. They are designed to make college affordable for families, as determined by their income, family size and savings.

Historically, Pell Grants have focused just on undergraduates.

In 2022-23, about 75% of Pell funds went to students from families earning less than $40,000 per year.

Still, a family of four earning as much as $92,000 a year in 2024 would also qualify for a small Pell Grant in some circumstances.

A version of the Trump administration’s budget proposal for October 2025 through September 2026 called for reducing the maximum federal Pell Grant award to $5,710 a year from $7,395.

This caused some observers to worry that the Trump administration would try to scale back federal Pell Grants, which offer $740 to $7,395 per year to students in the 2025-26 school year.

Instead, the budget bill shores up overall Pell Grant funding and holds grant amounts level with those of previous years. It also creates a new type of Pell Grant to support workers seeking short-term retraining in a particular industry.

The budget bill also introduces another new grant called the Workforce Pell Grant. Starting July 1, 2026, this program will make small Pell Grants available for students pursuing career training programs of eight to 15 weeks toward recognized credentials in “in-demand industry sectors or occupations,” even if students already have bachelor’s degrees.

Controversially, a new House of Representatives appropriations bill proposes to rename the Workforce Pell Grants as
Trump Grants.”

But whether or not Congress approves the renaming, the grants will for the first time make Pell funds available to people who need short-term training to stay current in the labor market.

This is particularly important as long-term unemployment rises among the college-educated, driven by federal layoffs as well as the growth of artificial intelligence.

The role played by federal student loans

Despite some of their advantages, Pell Grants cover only about a quarter of the total cost of college attendance. As a result, 83% of Pell Grant recipients also receive other forms of aid – mostly through federal direct loans, which must be repaid.

The average undergraduate direct loan borrower graduated with about $26,000 in federal debt in 2019-20.

Assuming the 6.08% interest rate on federal loans at that time, it would have cost a graduate $290 a month to repay the loans under the standard 10-year payment plan.

Even so, about 10% of student loan borrowers default, meaning they stop paying on their loans entirely.

Loan default rates are higher among students who attended less-selective colleges and those who did not finish their degrees.

Under existing rules that are not changing under the Trump administration, undergraduates will still be able to borrow up to roughly $10,000 per year in federal direct loans, depending on how far along they are in school.

Graduate students, meanwhile, will still be able to borrow up to $20,500 per year.

New limits for part-time and graduate students

One important change following the Trump budget bill’s passage is that the Department of Education will pro-rate, or reduce, Pell Grant limits for students enrolled part time.

This means tuition at some higher-priced colleges may become unaffordable for part-time students.

This change will force some students to choose between enrolling part time in a low-tuition program or full time in a higher-tuition program.

The other change to federal borrowing limits pertains to graduate students.

The budget bill lowers the lifetime borrowing limit for graduate study from $138,500 to $100,000.

For students pursuing professional degrees such as law and medicine, the limit rises to $200,000.

But the law does away with a program for graduate students called PLUS Loans that now serves about 11% of graduate students, including about 40% of students seeking professional doctorates.

These changes may make it more expensive for graduate students to receive a degree, which could steer them toward lower-priced programs.

A woman with dark hair and a black graduation cap with yellow flowers is seen in front of a crowd of people seated also wearing black caps.
An MIT graduate lines up to get her diploma in May 2025 in Cambridge, Mass.
Suzanne Kreiter/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

The effect for prospective students

As prospective students weigh their options, they should remember that most facets of federal financial aid remain unchanged.

Key changes aim at limiting high debt levels, specifically for part-time and graduate students and those attending high-tuition colleges when lower-priced institutions are readily available.

These changes may reroute some students from private to in-state colleges and from part-time to full-time study. Faced with increased price competition, some colleges may feel pressure to scale back costs through cuts to programs, services and amenities. For prospective students, such moves could reduce colleges’ luxuries but improve their affordability in the long run.

The Conversation

Jennifer L. Steele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump isn’t cutting Pell Grants, after all − but other changes could complicate financial aid for some students – https://theconversation.com/trump-isnt-cutting-pell-grants-after-all-but-other-changes-could-complicate-financial-aid-for-some-students-265136

A contemporary history of Britain’s far right – and how it helps explain why so many people went to the Unite the Kingdom rally in London

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aaron Edwards, Honorary Research Fellow, University of Leicester

The recent “Unite the Kingdom” rally in London shows how easy it is for the radical right to mobilise a mass protest by repackaging a perennial issue as a moral panic. It did so by fusing together fears of migration and crime with a rising distrust in government.

There were calls for “remigration”, mass deportation and even the dissolution of parliament as well as violent clashes with police. There was also a level of confusion among some of the thousands of people who attended as to whether they were protesting for freedom of speech or lending their voices to a racist cause.

Although the scale of the demonstration was surprising to many, far-right activism has a long history in the UK.

In the contemporary era, it dates back to the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s. But it was the increase in immigration in the 1950s – the Windrush era – that saw a new generation of far-right activists emerge.

In the years that followed, Britain’s far right switched its focus from antisemitism to opposing migration from the country’s colonies and former colonies. This was captured best, perhaps, in the infamous “rivers of blood” speech delivered by Conservative MP Enoch Powell in 1968.

By the 1980s, the British National Party (BNP) emerged, growing to make considerable electoral headway in the 1990s and 2000s before its base ultimately crumbled due to its toxic image.

In its wake, the far-right morphed into street protest movements like the English Defence League (EDL) and the Football Lads Alliance. Extremist “direct action” groups like Combat-18, a neo-Nazi group that grew out of the BNP in the 1990s, would also be replaced by National Action and the Patriotic Alternative.

These violent fringe groups were banned but others have replaced them and grown in influence. They include the cultural nationalist movement coalescing around former EDL leader Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, known popularly as “Tommy Robinson” – the man behind the Unite the Kingdom rally in London.

Extremism expert Chris Allen has noted how the re-emergence of radical right protest activism had its medium-term origins in the 2016 Brexit referendum. This relates to how some pro-Leave politicians promoted issues that had “a clear resonance with the traditional and contemporary radical-right” – such as border security and sovereignty.

Rightwing extremist activity ranged from the murder of Jo Cox MP a week prior to the Brexit referendum to street agitation whipped up by other fringe far-right groups, like Britain First. According to the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, these groups attempted to “dominate the narrative on key political and social issues, including immigration, Brexit and Islam”.

The anxiety around immigration had already found its way into mainstream political discourse on the doorsteps during the 2015 general election. Narrative tropes about “taking back control of our borders” became part of everyday political rhetoric. In the aftermath of the election of that year, prime minister David Cameron made cracking down on immigration a priority.

As antagonism towards the EU began to recede in the years after the Brexit referendum, the fear of irregular immigration came much more to the fore. So too did a rise in racism and race-related hate crimes.

Many of these hate crimes happened in the wake of Islamist terror attacks in 2017, though the arrival of the COVID pandemic superseded fears surrounding terrorism. And as the UK re-emerged from COVID lockdowns, little consideration was given by the British state to the growing security challenge posed by irregular immigration.

It was in this context that a tipping point was reached. In July 2024, after the murder of three children in Southport, radical-right social media influencers and other bad actors stirred up riots across 27 towns and cities in England and Northern Ireland. Thousands of people were radicalised by the language of a moral panic, played out in the new domain of social media.

Illegal immigration as a form of moral panic

Sociologist Stanley Cohen coined the term “moral panic” in his important 1972 book Folk Devils and Moral Panics. He described how a “condition, episode, person or group…emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests” and is then presented in a stereotyped fashion by the media.

Perhaps the most famous of these moral panics came in the immediate aftermath of a huge 1964 brawl in the seaside town of Clacton between mods and rockers, two rival youth counter-cultures. Cohen’s argument was that the reaction ended up being wildly disproportionate to the severity of the original incident. Local authorities in towns and cities as far away as Belfast were forced to issue statements reassuring the public they did not have a “hooligan problem”.

In 2002, Cohen demonstrated how the same phenomenon was being playing out in relation to immigration. He remarked that the once morally untouchable category of political refugee was becoming “deconstructed”. In Cohen’s opinion, British governments were starting from a broad consensus that “we must keep out as many refugee-type foreigners as possible” and that “these people always lie to get themselves accepted”. To be accepted, they must be “eligible” and “credible”.

It was in the ensuing decades, one could argue, that moral panics centring on the triumvirate of migration, crime and security began to emerge in Germany, Italy and the UK.

The British tabloid media led this new moral panic, greatly aided by two intersecting and overlapping empirical realities: the rising tide of concern over increasing immigration in the UK – and Europe more broadly – and the repackaging of ethnically competitive politics as a new form of everyday reality. In the far-right worldview, politics is about the zero-sum nature of power relations between different ethnic groups.

Old tropes, new moral panics

What we are now seeing is a new politicisation of a long-running issue. Humanitarian responses to asylum seekers have been replaced with the trappings of a moral panic about irregular immigration.

Moral panics do not, as Cohen reminds us, necessarily reflect the reality of the situation, only the anxiety of those who spread it. That does not mean there are no serious concerns underpinning these issues, only that they have been magnified and, importantly, amplified by the far-right’s sophisticated embrace of new technology. This situation is, at its core, a crisis in confidence between a section of the population and the government.

As we move towards towards the next UK election, further disillusionment is more likely to manifest itself in increased electoral support for parties like Reform UK and Advance UK, particularly if they continue to play to hardline supporters. In a recent YouGov survey, 44% of those surveyed said Reform’s immigration policy, which includes mass deportation was about right or not tough enough.

While radical-right demonstrations promoting the totemic policy of “remigration” remain largely peaceful, there is a danger that the mainstreaming of such extremist rhetoric will only serve as a driver towards radicalisation for a new generation of far-right extremists.


Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.

Sign up for our weekly politics newsletter, delivered every Friday.


This article contains references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and this may include links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

Aaron Edwards does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A contemporary history of Britain’s far right – and how it helps explain why so many people went to the Unite the Kingdom rally in London – https://theconversation.com/a-contemporary-history-of-britains-far-right-and-how-it-helps-explain-why-so-many-people-went-to-the-unite-the-kingdom-rally-in-london-265805

Why slugs are so hard to control – and how scientists are working to keep them in check

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sergei Petrovskii, Professor of Applied Mathematics , University of Leicester

Most people aren’t keen on sharing their salad with a slug. Lisa-S/Shutterstock

Almost everyone who has a garden knows what a nuisance slugs can be. They are also one of the most destructive crop pests in the UK. Studies show that yields of many major crops, such as wheat, are severely reduced by their feeding.

But recent research into slug movements may help farmers with their slug prevention strategies

A 2014 report from the Agriculture and Horticulture Development Board estimated that slugs would cost the industry up to £100 million per year in the UK alone, in the absence of effective control. And contamination makes produce undesirable to consumers – nobody wants to find a slug in their lettuce.

Making a living by growing food is already difficult because of labour shortages and rising costs, climate change and other challenges. The slug problem has been in the spotlight for a long time, but development of affordable and reliable solutions has proven to be difficult.

Good pesticides are available, but several aspects of slug behaviour means they can be hit and miss. For example, most pesticides target only slugs that are active on or very close to the surface. However, a large proportion of the slug population can be found at different depths in the soil. This is because they move up and down the soil depending on the weather, soil characteristics and several other factors.

During harsh weather they can become less active, remaining deeper in the soil or hiding themselves in concealed or hard-to-reach places under stones or in dense vegetation such as tussocky grass. This gives a false impression they have disappeared, but they can re-emerge fast and in large numbers once the weather improves.

Some of the chemical pesticides (such as metaldehyde) that work well on slugs are banned under UK legislation due to concerns about their damaging effect on the environment, in particular on rivers and lakes. Biological products, for example some nematodes, seem to work well but farmers consider them too expensive to be commercially viable. Nematodes are microscopic creatures also known as roundworms and some species can infect and kill molluscs such as slugs. They are a good option for gardeners, however, who normally need to apply a lot less because they have a smaller space to protect.

Tracking slug groups

One possible solution to the problem lies in studies showing that the distribution of slugs over an arable field is uneven. Previous studies of slugs in major crops including wheat and oilseed rape, as well as cover crops and fields left fallow, noticed large numbers of slugs tend to congregate together in patches interspersed with areas where slug numbers are sparse. Indeed our 2020 paper showed this was true in all the arable fields we studied.

Spatial distributions of animals in their natural environment are rarely uniform. You might expect animals to congregate in areas with a higher density of food. But in many cases animals form “patches” even in environments where features like food are evenly spread out. Researchers are unsure why this is.

If we can predict where those patches with the high density of the slugs will occur, farmers could concentrate pesticides and nematodes in those areas, which would be a lot more affordable and better for the environment. A separate 2020 study that two of us (Keith and Natalia) worked on found this could help farmers reduce pesticide use by about 50%.

Two slug sliding over decking.
Slugs can be a headache for farmers and gardeners.
Foxxy63/Shutterstock

However, this would only be feasible if the location of patches of high slug density doesn’t change much. Until recently information about slug patch formation and stability was scarce. Our 2022 study, however, reported stable slug patches formed in all the crops that we investigated. And these patches always formed in the same places throughout the growing season.

As part of a previous research project we put radio-tags on slugs to track their movements in the field. That paper found slugs exhibited collective behaviour which means they move differently when they move in a group. The changes are subtle. Their average speed and basic zigzagging of their movement paths doesn’t change much. Although, looking in detail, they make steeper turns when they “zig” and “zag” and individual slugs develop a slight bias in their direction of turn. They also tend to rest more when they’re together.

We used the data from the radio-tags to make a digital model of the slug populations we studied. This allowed us to look into factors that would be difficult or even impossible to investigate in the field.

Whether you like slugs or loathe them, we need to understand them if we want to help farmers grow our food in the future.

The Conversation

Keith Walters currently receives research funding from Innovate UK. In the past he has received research grants from UK government, research councils, industry levy bodies and a range of other sources.

Natalia Petrovskaya and Sergei Petrovskii do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why slugs are so hard to control – and how scientists are working to keep them in check – https://theconversation.com/why-slugs-are-so-hard-to-control-and-how-scientists-are-working-to-keep-them-in-check-259189

Blood, bruises and belief: how England’s women’s rugby team embody physical and mental endurance

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Owton, Senior Lecturer in Sport and Exercise Psychology, The Open University

France v England Women’s Rugby World Cup Semi Final 2025 Photo by Alex Davidson – World Rugby/World Rugby via Getty Images

As women’s sport surges on the global stage, hosts England have lit up the Women’s Rugby World Cup. But the tackles, speed and power fans see on the field are only part of the story. What we don’t see is what it takes – both physically and psychologically – to wear England’s emblem, the Red Rose.

The psychology of rugby shapes every performance. Behind the scenes lie early mornings, lonely and punishing rehab sessions, playing through pain, brutal setbacks, private doubts and personal sacrifices.

Before the whistle blows and the crowd roars, players stretch aching muscles, re-tape old injuries and mentally lock in. The changing room becomes a crucible – a place of intense pressure and transformation – where focus sharpens, rituals are repeated and the “game face” goes on.

That game face is more than a stare. It’s the product of years of physical and psychological battles. It’s the mindset that lets an athlete walk into the arena with purpose and conviction, no matter what pain or setbacks they’ve endured.

Consider Emily Scarratt, one of England’s most celebrated players. In 2023 a surgeon advised her to retire after a complex neck injury threatened her career. Opting for an artificial disc replacement near her windpipe was risky – any operation that close to the airway and spinal cord carries the danger of nerve damage or breathing complications – and career-defining because the operation’s success or failure would determine whether she could ever play again.

Her February 2024 return wasn’t just about regaining fitness. It was also about showing the mental steel that “game face” represents, blocking out fear and doubt to perform at the sport’s highest level. At 35, she became the first England player to feature in five Rugby World Cups.

Abi Burton’s comeback is equally astonishing. Just three years ago she was diagnosed with autoimmune encephalitis – a rare condition in which the immune system attacks the brain, causing inflammation and severe neurological symptoms – and placed in a medically induced coma. She woke four weeks later unable to walk, talk, read or write and more than 19 kg lighter. After years of rehabilitation, she made her World Cup debut against Samoa in 2025.

Rosie Galligan’s road back was just as brutal. She nearly lost her legs to meningitis in 2019, then fractured an ankle in early 2020, which sidelined her for over a year. Told by medical specialists and coaches more than once that she might never play again, she fought back to the delayed 2022 World Cup and is now a standout player for 2025.

These headline comebacks highlight something the public rarely sees: the daily grind of resilience. Managing concussions and torn ligaments, coping with the psychological toll of repeated setbacks; just staying in the game takes an immense toll and can lead to player burnout without strong support. Ellie Kildunne, ruled out of the quarter-final with head-injury symptoms, has spoken openly about the mental strength needed to survive the toughest moments, calling the internal battles “the hardest to win”.

So, while England may look clinical and composed on the pitch, every performance requires extraordinary emotional and mental strength. And the players are not doing it alone. Behind every recovery and every small gain is a network of coaches, physiotherapists, psychologists, doctors and support staff working to keep the foundations solid.

None of this happens by accident. It’s the result of years of sustained investment in the women’s game: not just in players, but in the infrastructure around them. Since 2009, nearly £50 million in National Lottery funding has gone into girls’ and women’s rugby.

The Impact 25 legacy programme – World Rugby’s initiative to grow the women’s game before, during and long after the 2025 tournament – is injecting a further £12 million to expand grassroots pathways: community-level coaching, clubs and player-development routes that help girls progress from school or local teams into elite rugby across England and the home nations.

Elsewhere the contrast is stark. Teams such as Samoa have had to fundraise just to get players on the pitch: a sharp reminder of the global inequalities that persist in women’s sport. While England can rotate two professional squads, other national teams are simply trying to cover basic costs.

England’s story shows what’s possible when talent is matched with belief and when belief is backed with resources and support. England’s success hasn’t come easy: it’s the product of years of grit, resilience and bold investment. If women’s rugby is to grow globally, England’s blueprint may be a powerful place to start.

The Conversation

Helen Owton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Blood, bruises and belief: how England’s women’s rugby team embody physical and mental endurance – https://theconversation.com/blood-bruises-and-belief-how-englands-womens-rugby-team-embody-physical-and-mental-endurance-264800