What past education technology failures can teach us about the future of AI in schools

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Justin Reich, Professor of Digital Media, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)

Teachers need to be scientists themselves, experimenting and measuring the impact of powerful AI products on education. Hyoung Chang via Getty Images

American technologists have been telling educators to rapidly adopt their new inventions for over a century. In 1922, Thomas Edison declared that in the near future, all school textbooks would be replaced by film strips, because text was 2% efficient, but film was 100% efficient. Those bogus statistics are a good reminder that people can be brilliant technologists, while also being inept education reformers.

I think of Edison whenever I hear technologists insisting that educators have to adopt artificial intelligence as rapidly as possible to get ahead of the transformation that’s about to wash over schools and society.

At MIT, I study the history and future of education technology, and I have never encountered an example of a school system – a country, state or municipality – that rapidly adopted a new digital technology and saw durable benefits for their students. The first districts to encourage students to bring mobile phones to class did not better prepare youth for the future than schools that took a more cautious approach. There is no evidence that the first countries to connect their classrooms to the internet stand apart in economic growth, educational attainment or citizen well-being.

New education technologies are only as powerful as the communities that guide their use. Opening a new browser tab is easy; creating the conditions for good learning is hard.

It takes years for educators to develop new practices and norms, for students to adopt new routines, and for families to identify new support mechanisms in order for a novel invention to reliably improve learning. But as AI spreads through schools, both historical analysis and new research conducted with K-12 teachers and students offer some guidance on navigating uncertainties and minimizing harm.

We’ve been wrong and overconfident before

I started teaching high school history students to search the web in 2003. At the time, experts in library and information science developed a pedagogy for web evaluation that encouraged students to closely read websites looking for markers of credibility: citations, proper formatting, and an “about” page. We gave students checklists like the CRAAP test – currency, reliability, authority, accuracy and purpose – to guide their evaluation. We taught students to avoid Wikipedia and to trust websites with .org or .edu domains over .com domains. It all seemed reasonable and evidence-informed at the time.

The first peer-reviewed article demonstrating effective methods for teaching students how to search the web was published in 2019. It showed that novices who used these commonly taught techniques performed miserably in tests evaluating their ability to sort truth from fiction on the web. It also showed that experts in online information evaluation used a completely different approach: quickly leaving a page to see how other sources characterize it. That method, now called lateral reading, resulted in faster, more accurate searching. The work was a gut punch for an old teacher like me. We’d spent nearly two decades teaching millions of students demonstrably ineffective ways of searching.

Today, there is a cottage industry of consultants, keynoters and “thought leaders” traveling the country purporting to train educators on how to use AI in schools. National and international organizations publish AI literacy frameworks claiming to know what skills students need for their future. Technologists invent apps that encourage teachers and students to use generative AI as tutors, as lesson planners, as writing editors, or as conversation partners. These approaches have about as much evidential support today as the CRAAP test did when it was invented.

There is a better approach than making overconfident guesses: rigorously testing new practices and strategies and only widely advocating for the ones that have robust evidence of effectiveness. As with web literacy, that evidence will take a decade or more to emerge.

But there’s a difference this time. AI is what I have called an “arrival technology.” AI is not invited into schools through a process of adoption, like buying a desktop computer or smartboard – it crashes the party and then starts rearranging the furniture. That means schools have to do something. Teachers feel this urgently. Yet they also need support: Over the past two years, my team has interviewed nearly 100 educators from across the U.S., and one widespread refrain is “don’t make us go it alone.”

3 strategies for prudent path forward

While waiting for better answers from the education science community, which will take years, teachers will have to be scientists themselves. I recommend three guideposts for moving forward with AI under conditions of uncertainty: humility, experimentation and assessment.

First, regularly remind students and teachers that anything schools try – literacy frameworks, teaching practices, new assessments – is a best guess. In four years, students might hear that what they were first taught about using AI has since proved to be quite wrong. We all need to be ready to revise our thinking.

Second, schools need to examine their students and curriculum, and decide what kinds of experiments they’d like to conduct with AI. Some parts of your curriculum might invite playfulness and bold new efforts, while others deserve more caution.

In our podcast “The Homework Machine,” we interviewed Eric Timmons, a teacher in Santa Ana, California, who teaches elective filmmaking courses. His students’ final assessments are complex movies that require multiple technical and artistic skills to produce. An AI enthusiast, Timmons uses AI to develop his curriculum, and he encourages students to use AI tools to solve filmmaking problems, from scripting to technical design. He’s not worried about AI doing everything for students: As he says, “My students love to make movies. … So why would they replace that with AI?”

It’s among the best, most thoughtful examples of an “all in” approach that I’ve encountered. I also can’t imagine recommending a similar approach for a course like ninth grade English, where the pivotal introduction to secondary school writing probably should be treated with more cautious approaches.

Third, when teachers do launch new experiments, they should recognize that local assessment will happen much faster than rigorous science. Every time schools launch a new AI policy or teaching practice, educators should collect a pile of related student work that was developed before AI was used during teaching. If you let students use AI tools for formative feedback on science labs, grab a pile of circa-2022 lab reports. Then, collect the new lab reports. Review whether the post-AI lab reports show an improvement on the outcomes you care about, and revise practices accordingly.

Between local educators and the international community of education scientists, people will learn a lot by 2035 about AI in schools. We might find that AI is like the web, a place with some risks but ultimately so full of important, useful resources that we continue to invite it into schools. Or we might find that AI is like cellphones, and the negative effects on well-being and learning ultimately outweigh the potential gains, and thus are best treated with more aggressive restrictions.

Everyone in education feels an urgency to resolve the uncertainty around generative AI. But we don’t need a race to generate answers first – we need a race to be right.

The Conversation

Justin Reich has received funding from Google, Microsoft, Apple, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Chan/Zuckerberg Initiative, the Hewlett Foundation, education publishers, and other organizations that are involved in technology and schools.

ref. What past education technology failures can teach us about the future of AI in schools – https://theconversation.com/what-past-education-technology-failures-can-teach-us-about-the-future-of-ai-in-schools-265172

As an OB-GYN, I see firsthand how misleading statements on acetaminophen leave expectant parents confused, fearful and lacking in options

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Tami S. Rowen, Associate Professor of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Gynecologic Surgery, University of California, San Francisco

About 20% of patients report experiencing a fever during pregnancy. John Fedele/Tetra images via Getty Images Plus

When President Donald Trump adamantly proclaimed in a press conference on Sept. 22, 2025, that pregnant women should not take Tylenol, I immediately thought about my own experiences during my second labor. While pushing for nearly three hours, I developed an infection in my uterus called chorioamnionitis, which occurs when bacteria infect the uterus, placenta and sometimes the baby’s bloodstream. I had a fever, and my baby’s heart rate was significantly elevated.

I remember feeling delirious; my colleague and friend, while delivering my baby, said she had never seen me in such a state. I couldn’t focus on pushing. I felt faint, and I worried about my baby.

And I remember the incredible relief that acetaminophen, the active ingredient in Tylenol, brought me when it lowered my fever and decreased my and my baby’s heart rate. After taking it, I was able to push with confidence and welcome my healthy daughter, who is now 7 and thriving.

As a practicing obstetrician and medical researcher with nearly two decades of experience taking care of pregnant patients, I have to make a dozen decisions about acetaminophen use on any given day when I am working in the hospital. I have examined the data as a researcher, clinician and educator. Central to our jobs is balancing the risks and benefits of any treatments.

The president’s words will not change how I practice, but I worry they will sow confusion in my patients and create fear of potential lawsuits for all practicing health care providers.

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the leading organization that guides medical decisions on pregnancy and childbirth, has reiterated the safety and efficacy of acetaminophen use during pregnancy in light of the confusion surrounding Trump’s claims.

Mixed messages

I first looked into the data on the possible links between acetaminophen and developmental disorders a few years ago when I received a call from a woman who had recently learned she was pregnant and had caught the flu from her toddler child. She was concerned that Tylenol was dangerous for her developing baby.

Some studies do suggest links between acetaminophen use in pregnancy and neurodevelopmental disorders such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder and autism. But they lack a crucial distinction.

For one, they cannot pin down whether acetaminophen use during pregnancy itself was associated with the neurodevelopmental conditions in the child, or whether the fevers and other symptoms that led people to use the painkiller were playing a role in the outcome. Secondly, because those studies are based on statistical associations rather than controlled experiments, they cannot show cause and effect.

Since it is both unethical and nonfeasible to perform a controlled study evaluating the actual risks of acetaminophen use, the best proxy to control for environmental or genetic factors is to look at maternal exposure to acetaminophen and outcomes of more than one child in individual families.

That’s exactly what was done in a 2024 Swedish study that analyzed nearly 2.5 million children born from 1995 to 2019 in Sweden to mothers who had documented use of any medication during pregnancy. When looking at individual children, the researchers found up to a 5% increase in autism for those exposed to acetaminophen during pregnancy. However, when siblings were included in the analysis – controlling for environmental, medical and genetic factors that could have contributed – the small, elevated risk disappeared.

A young boy and older girl stand together smiling in front of a house.
A 2024 Swedish study found that when siblings were taken into account, the association between acetaminophen use and autism became insignificant.
MoMo Productions/DigitalVision via Getty Images

Fever during pregnancy is dangerous for mother and baby

There are many important reasons why doctors like me may recommend acetaminophen to a pregnant patient. One pregnant patient I treated who had the flu was so sick that she was septic, meaning an infection had spread throughout her body. Her 103-degree fever and dangerously low blood pressure threatened her and her fetus’s life.

My colleagues and I did not hesitate to treat her with acetaminophen. Our goal was to bring down not only her body temperature but also the fetus’s heart rate, since a high heart rate can place dangerous stress on the fetus. I shudder at the thought of what would have happened to her and her baby had she been denied this medication, or had she been afraid to use it as a result of hearing a statement from Trump and his health officials.

Fevers are very common during pregnancy, with about 20% of patients reporting they experienced one.

In fact, the evidence for a connection between fevers during pregnancy and autism is actually far stronger than any study connecting acetaminophen and autism. Recurrent fevers during pregnancy can increase the risk of autism by up to 300%, particularly in pregnant patients with severe or prolonged infections. This is especially true if a patient is hospitalized, as are most of my patients whose cases are serious enough to require hospitalization.

A man and woman, both dressed in protective gowns, hold up a newborn baby.
Repeated fevers during pregnancy can greatly increase the risk of autism in the child.
Iuliia Burmistrova/Moment via Getty Images

Pain during pregnancy

Beyond fevers, which can occur throughout pregnancy as well as during delivery, as I experienced myself, pregnant patients may seek to manage pain, which can occur for any number of reasons over the course of nine months. Pregnant people suffer from kidney stones, appendicitis or dental cavities that require root canal, just like people who are not pregnant. Up to 70% of pregnant people experience back pain, which can leave them unable to perform normal daily activities and care for their children. Should they be denied pain relief and told to tough it out?

The safest and most strongly recommended pain reliever for them is acetaminophen.

Other pain-relieving options such as nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, or NSAIDs, such as ibuprofen, are generally off-limits during pregnancy because they can lead to closure of an important heart valve in the fetus as well as low amniotic fluid and other complications. Opioids carry the risk of the fetus developing an addiction and withdrawal, not to mention the risk of addiction in the mother.

The ability to guide people in pregnancy, childbirth and beyond is, for me, the most intimate and fulfilling part of medicine. The anxiety and fear that people bring to my office and to the delivery room about the many uncertainties associated with pregnancy and childbirth is palpable and legitimate.

That’s why it is critical that all recommendations are sound and evidence-based, with a clear understanding of the nuances and limitations of research studies. I know every time I look at my children I think of everything I can do to keep them safe, and I wonder what I could have done in the past to prevent any problems we currently face. We owe it to parents like me and all future parents to give them the most honest and scientific information possible.

The Conversation

Tami S. Rowen is an advisor for Roon, a health education company, and a health consultant for MCG, a health guidelines company.

ref. As an OB-GYN, I see firsthand how misleading statements on acetaminophen leave expectant parents confused, fearful and lacking in options – https://theconversation.com/as-an-ob-gyn-i-see-firsthand-how-misleading-statements-on-acetaminophen-leave-expectant-parents-confused-fearful-and-lacking-in-options-265947

My voyage to explore how Pacific island sailors find their way at sea without technology

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maria Ahmad, PhD Candidate, Cognitive Neuroscience, Psychology and Language Sciences, UCL

Indigenous Marshallese sailor Clansey Takia. Chewy Lin, CC BY-NC-ND

One of the biggest navigation challenges is knowing where you are in the open ocean without tools or devices. This remarkable skill is exemplified by the ancient techniques once used by expert navigators of the Marshall Islands, a chain of
low-lying coral islands and atolls situated between Hawaii and the Philippines.

Together with a cognitive neuroscientist, philosopher, Marshallese anthropologist and two Indigenous sailors, I was part of a sailing expedition that aimed to explore how Marshallese sailors use their environment to find their way at sea. Aboard Stravaig, a 42ft (12m) trimaran (a boat with three hulls), the winds and waves carried us 60 miles from Majuro atoll to Aur atoll.

In the six years I lived in the Marshall Islands, I had never travelled past Eneko, a small islet within the lagoon of Majuro. I was always drawn to the reef where the lagoon meets the ocean, watching the white surf appear as the waves broke against the barrier that protected the atoll.

It was the knowledge of those waves that the ri meto (the person of the sea, a title given to a navigator by the chief), would dedicate their lives to mastering. By sensing subtle changes in ocean swells, the ri meto could detect the direction and distance to islands that lay thousands of miles beyond the horizon.

With this ancient knowledge, the ri meto mastered one of the most extraordinary skills known to humans: navigating the Pacific. But the devastating history of the Marshall Islands has extinguished the practice and currently, there is no officially appointed ri meto.

Alson Kelen is the apprentice of the last-known ri meto. His parents were displaced from the northern Bikini atoll during the US lead nuclear programme that detonated 67 atomic and thermonuclear bombs in the Marshall Islands during the 1940s and 50s.

Beyond the catastrophic destruction and suffering, it disrupted the inter-generational transfer of traditional knowledge, including navigation. As part of revival efforts by professor of anthropology Joseph Genz, Kelen captained the jitdaam kapeel, a traditional Marshallese canoe, from Majuro to Aur in 2015, relying solely on the traditional navigational skills he had learned as an apprentice.

Aur Tabal Atoll in the Marshall Islands
Aur Tabal atoll in the Marshall Islands.
Chewy Lin, CC BY-NC-ND

Inspired by this, I was curious about the role that neuroscience played in understanding wayfinding at sea. Research in spatial navigation has revealed how the brain’s neural and cognitive processes help us find our way. Most of this research focuses on land-based navigation, either in lab settings or controlled environments using video games or virtual reality headsets. But the cognitive demands at sea are considerably greater with constantly changing factors, such as swells, winds, clouds and stars.

Neuroscience of navigation

As the director of Waan Aelon in Majel, a local canoe building and sailing school, Kelen chose two highly skilled traditional sailors to join us on our research expedition.

As we approached the channel, the steady waves of the lagoon gave way to the heavier ocean swells hitting the hull. The crew tightened the ropes and the sails were hoisted. All of a sudden, I felt the dominant eastern swell lift the boat. We had left the calm of the lagoon and were bound for Aur Atoll.

For the next two days, Stravaig was our lab on the ocean. For more than 40 hours we were collecting cognitive and physiological data from nine crew members, along with constant environmental data from our ever-changing surroundings.

Prof. Hugo Spiers sets up accelerometer
Hugo Spiers, professor of cognitive neuroscience, sets up the accelerometer used for recording changes in wave patterns.
Chewy Lin, CC BY-NC-ND

We asked everyone to keep track of their estimated location throughout the voyage. Only two crew members (the captain and first mate) had access to GPS at intervals; others relied solely on the environment and memory. At hourly intervals, each crew member would mark their estimated position on a map, along with their predictions of how much time and distance remained till the first signs of land and eventually landfall itself. They also noted any environmental stimuli, such as the waves, winds or the position of the sun they were using.

The crew also rated four key emotions throughout the journey: happiness, tiredness, worry and seasickness. Each crew member wore an Empatica smartwatch, which recorded changes in their heart rate.

An accelerometer was mounted onto the top deck to record the movement of the boat as the wave patterns changed. A separate mounted 360° GoPro camera captured changes in the sails, clouds, sun, moon and movement of crew on deck.

Just before the last piece of land dipped under the horizon, each crew member pointed to five atolls: Jabwot, Ebeye, Erikub, Aur Tabal, Arno and Majuro. A covered compass was used to record the bearings. This was repeated across the journey to test orientation skills without reference to land.

By the end of this voyage, we had a rich collection of data that mixes subjective experiences with objective measurements of the environment. Every estimation plotted on a map, every emotion, every changing heart rate was recorded in conjunction with changes in wave patterns, the wind, the sky and the GPS beneath it all. This new data forms the foundation for a model that could begin to explain the cognitive process of wayfinding at sea, whilst also offering a glimpse into this ancient human ability, one that the ri meto mastered long ago.


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The Conversation

This research project is lead by Prof. Hugo Spiers Professor of Cognitive Neuroscience, University College London. The research team includes: Alson Kelen Director of Waan Aelon in Majel, Prof. Joseph Genz Anthropologist at the University of Hawai’i at Hilo, Prof. John Huth Donner Professor of Science Harvard University Physics Department, Prof. Gad Marshall Professor of Neurology, Harvard Medical School, Prof. Shahar Arzy Professor of Neurology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Dr. Pablo Fernandez Velasco, British Academy postdoctoral fellow, University of Stirling, Jerolynn Neikeke Myazoe Graduate Student, University of Hawai’i at Hilo, Clansey Takia Indigenous Sailing and Canoe building instructor WAM, Binton Daniel Indigenous Sailing and Canoe building instructor WAM, Chewy C. Lin Documentary film-maker and Dishad Hussain Director at Imotion Films.

This project has been supported by the Royal Institute of Navigation, University College London and the Centre for the Sciences of Place and Memory at the University of Stirling (funded by the Leverhulme Trust), Royal Veterinary College, Glitchers, Neuroscience & Design, Empatica, Imotion and Brunton.

ref. My voyage to explore how Pacific island sailors find their way at sea without technology – https://theconversation.com/my-voyage-to-explore-how-pacific-island-sailors-find-their-way-at-sea-without-technology-261032

Cuba’s leaders see their options dim amid blackouts and a shrinking economy

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Joseph J. Gonzalez, Associate Professor of Global Studies, Appalachian State University

Cubans gather amid a blackout in Havana on Sept. 10, 2025. Yamil Lage/AFP via Getty Images

The lights went out in Cuba again.

For the fifth time in a year, all of Cuba plunged into darkness on Sept. 10, 2025. Even critical emergency services like hospitals suffered during the nearly 24-hour power outage.

That’s because Cuba’s power grid is old and hard to maintain, and the country cannot afford to import all the oil it needs to keep the lights on.

As a scholar of Cuban society and politics, I believe that the ongoing blackouts point to larger economic problems facing the country. While much of that is due to the continuing effects of the U.S. embargo, which since 1960 has obstructed American trade and tourism with the Caribbean island, Cuba’s leaders also deserve a share of the blame for their economic mismanagement.

Indeed, while other nominally communist countries, such as Vietnam and China, have facilitated the development of a private sphere in their economies in the past several decades, officials in Havana have in practice restricted such growth so as not to threaten state enterprises.

The result has been a less vibrant, less productive network of private enterprises unable to provide the economic growth that Cuba so desperately needs. All the while, Cuba’s communist government faces an existential threat as it struggles to maintain power in the face of popular discontent.

The external factors of the crisis

Since 2020, Cuba’s gross domestic product has shrunk by almost 11%, with economists forecasting a further decline of 1%-2% in 2025.

There are a number of reasons for this decline.

Tourism, Cuba’s lifeblood, has not rebounded since the COVID-19 pandemic. Meanwhile, Venezuela, which subsidized Cuba for a decade in the 2000s, particularly with oil exports, no longer has the capacity to do so. Further, persistent energy shortages in Cuba have led to steep declines in agricultural and industrial production.

Men and women carrying containers approach a water truck.
Cubans wait to fill their water containers from a water truck in Havana on Sept. 29, 2025.
Yamil Lage/AFP via Getty Images

From a broader perspective, the U.S. embargo also continues to harm the Cuban economy. For more than 60 years, Cubans have been unable to sell their products to the United States – and Americans have been unable to travel to or do business with Cuba outside of very limited categories.

Estimates vary as to what extent the embargo damages the Cuban economy, but it seems certain that the “blockade,” as Cubans call it, deprives the nation of at least hundreds of millions, if not billions, of U.S. dollars in trade every year, most particularly in agriculture and tourism.

Steps toward domestic reform

While external factors have taken a toll, the persistent economic difficulties facing Cubans are also self-inflicted by the government.

Cuba’s leaders have pursued a slow, narrow and sometimes arbitrary path toward economic privatization – especially when contrasted with other officially communist countries in Asia.

Following Fidel Castro’s departure from public life in 2008, Cuba’s subsequent leader, and Fidel’s brother, Raul Castro, announced a series of gradual steps intended to encourage private enterprise that had long been curtailed by the government.

Under Raul, the state allowed Cubans to own, buy and sell their homes; they could also create their own businesses, and even employ others to whom they were not related – practices prohibited under Fidel Castro.

The government also allowed more foreigners to invest in Cuba, principally in tourist infrastructure, provided they confined themselves to minority stakes.

Cubans were also permitted for the first time in decades to own their own land, grow food and sell it at markets, setting their own prices within limits. Collective farms, the bane of Soviet agriculture that had once inspired Fidel’s revolutionary visions, were no longer the norm.

By 2017, about 13% of the workforce held licenses to start businesses, while the private sector employed about one-third of all workers.

In the years immediately following these reforms, Cuba posted some gains in industrial and food production and GDP. Indeed, during the mid-2000s, Cuba posted impressive growth rates, sometimes in excess of 10%.

Domestic progress stalled

Unfortunately for Cubans, the upward trend did not continue.

And that is in no small measure due to Cuba’s prosperity in the 2000s being built on Venezuelan subsidies, not by Cuban entrepreneurs.

Venezuela’s late president, and longtime Castro admirer, Hugo Chavez, began to subsidize Fidel Castro’s government shortly after taking power in 1999.

A petrostate, Venezuela provided much-needed oil to Cuba on favorable terms, while also paying the Cuban nation for doctors to work in Venezuela’s hospitals and clinics, providing Cuba with the hard currency it needed to pay for imports.

Researchers estimate that the Venezuelan government subsidized the Cuban economy by as much as US$9 billion per year until 2016.

Venezuelan oil allowed Cuba to paper over a starker reality: Despite reforms, Cuba’s entrepreneurs remained hamstrung by a cumbersome and often corrupt state policy.

Thanks to ever-changing regulations, the majority of private businesses have remained small and dedicated to personal services, such as restaurants, hairdressing, seamstressing and repairs.

On a larger scale, Cuba’s state bureaucrats see competition with government-owned businesses, especially in tourism, as a threat to their power and privileges. Taxes also remain inequitably high for private firms.

Meanwhile, the larger private businesses that are now occasionally permitted are almost always, according to a number of my Cuban-based sources, connected to friends or family members of the political elite, not average Cubans.

There have been successes, to be sure. The private sector now accounts for more retail sales by volume than state enterprises.

But the percentage of the workforce employed by the private sector remains about what it was in 2019, while private enterprise accounts for only about 15% of Cuba’s GDP.

The unsustainable present

Confronting multiple crises, Cuba’s leaders continue to blame the U.S. embargo and policy from Washington that has become only more bellicose under President Donald Trump. No doubt drawing optimism from having weathered severe crises before, the Cuban government seems committed to a state of defiance.

But the evidence this time around suggests Havana’s leaders should be less sanguine.

Despite increasing costs, Cubans enjoy widespread access to [the internet] and they know just how bad and how inequitable things are.

For all the government’s rhetoric and commitment to a decades-old revolution, Cubans see a much-vaunted medical system that is failing, unable to provide drugs, procedures — or even electricity. They know that crime is on the rise, while inflation reduces the value of the Cuban peso relative to the dollar every week

A man holds a light as others gather
Cubans play dominoes on the street during a blackout in Havana on Sept. 10, 2025.
Yamil Lage/AFP via Getty Images

Cubans see and hear of their well-connected countrymen, with links to state enterprises, flaunting their wealth. Cubans may also know that their military holds as much as US$18 billion abroad — about 16% of Cuba’s GDP in 2024.

What they certainly know and experience is the reality of being forced to live without power, with no possibility of improvement in sight.

Limited choices going forward

Historically, Cuba has been pulled from crises by foreign patrons willing to subsidize its revolution.

But Russia’s strategic position, China’s global priorities and Venezuela’s hardships all make that unlikely right now. And with the U.S. now pursuing a policy of maximum pressure against noncompliant governments in Latin America, Havana can rest assured that it will see little breathing room from its powerful neighbor and long-time antagonist.

That leaves the Cuban government with only a few options.

It could choose to continue trying to restrict its citizens’ access to the internet. Unfortunately for the state, the internet is the lifeblood of the private sector.

Cuba’s leaders could also choose to rely on the loyalty of its security forces and their ability to intimidate and abuse their fellow Cubans. That has worked in the past, but given Havana’s scarce resources and its limited capacity to reward its henchmen, it is not clear that the government can afford to adopt this approach indefinitely.

Of course, Cuba’s leaders could take steps toward further reform the private sector and eliminate the waste and corruption that have increasingly defined the Cuban state.

Such a course would require the government to permit all Cubans, not just a well-connected few, to compete with state enterprises. It would also mean allowing for a greater degree of foreign investment, which has remained stunted due to government policy.

If the past offers any guide, however, Havana will instead continue to rely on its formidable security apparatus to repress is citizens, while privatizing in ways that do not threaten the power and privileges of the elite.

The Conversation

Joseph J. Gonzalez does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cuba’s leaders see their options dim amid blackouts and a shrinking economy – https://theconversation.com/cubas-leaders-see-their-options-dim-amid-blackouts-and-a-shrinking-economy-266203

Comment un médicament essentiel de la médecine moderne a été découvert sur l’île de Pâques

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Ted Powers, Professor of Molecular and Cellular Biology, University of California, Davis

Le peuple Rapa Nui est pratiquement absent de l’histoire de la découverte de la rapamycine telle qu’elle est généralement racontée. Posnov/Moment/Getty

La découverte en 1964, sur l’île de Pâques, de la rapamycine, un nouvel antibiotique, a marqué le début d’une success story pharmaceutique à plusieurs milliards de dollars. Pourtant, l’histoire a complètement occulté les individus et les dynamiques politiques qui ont rendu possible l’identification de ce « médicament miracle ».


Baptisé du nom autochtone de l’île, Rapa Nui, la rapamycine a initialement été employée comme immunosuppresseur, afin de prévenir le rejet des greffes d’organes et d’améliorer le taux de succès de l’implantation de stents, de petits treillis métalliques destinés à étayer les artères dans le cadre de la lutte contre la maladie coronarienne (laquelle se traduit par rétrécissement progressif des artères qui nourrissent le cœur, ndlr).

Son usage s’est depuis étendu au traitement de divers types de cancers, et les chercheurs explorent aujourd’hui son potentiel dans le contexte de la prise en charge du diabète,

des maladies neurodégénératives, voire de la lutte contre les méfaits du vieillissement. Ainsi, des études mettant en évidence la capacité de la rapamycine à prolonger la durée de vie ou à combattre les maladies liées à l’âge semblent paraître presque quotidiennement depuis quelque temps… Une requête sur PubMed, le moteur de recherche recense plus de 59 000 articles mentionnant la rapamycine. Il s’agit de l’un des médicaments qui fait le plus parler de lui dans le domaine médical.

Cependant, bien que la rapamycine soit omniprésente en science et en médecine, la façon dont elle a été découverte demeure largement méconnue du public. En tant que scientifique ayant consacré sa carrière à l’étude de ses effets sur les cellules, j’ai ressenti le besoin de mieux comprendre son histoire.

À ce titre, les travaux de l’historienne Jacalyn Duffin portant sur la Medical Expedition to Easter Island (METEI), une expédition scientifique mise sur pied dans les années 1960, ont complètement changé la manière dont nombre de mes collègues et moi-même envisageons désormais notre domaine de recherche.

La découverte du complexe héritage de la rapamycine soulève en effet d’importantes questions sur les biais systémiques qui existent dans le secteur de la recherche biomédicale, ainsi que sur la dette des entreprises pharmaceutiques envers les territoires autochtones d’où elles extraient leurs molécules phares.

Pourquoi un tel intérêt pour la rapamycine ?

L’action de la rapamycine s’explique par sa capacité à inhiber une protéine appelée target of rapamycin kinase, ou TOR. Cette dernière est l’un des principaux régulateurs de la croissance et du métabolisme cellulaires. De concert avec d’autres protéines partenaires, TOR contrôle la manière dont les cellules répondent aux nutriments, au stress et aux signaux environnementaux, influençant ainsi des processus majeurs tels que la synthèse protéique et la fonction immunitaire.

Compte tenu de son rôle central dans ces activités cellulaires fondamentales, il n’est guère surprenant qu’un dysfonctionnement de TOR puisse se traduire par la survenue de cancers, de troubles métaboliques ou de maladies liées à l’âge.

Structure chimique de la rapamycine
Structure chimique de la rapamycine.
Fvasconcellos/Wikimedia

Un grand nombre des spécialistes du domaine savent que cette molécule a été isolée au milieu des années 1970 par des scientifiques travaillant au sein du laboratoire pharmaceutique Ayerst Research Laboratories, à partir d’un échantillon de sol contenant la bactérie Streptomyces hydroscopicus. Ce que l’on sait moins, c’est que cet échantillon a été prélevé dans le cadre d’une mission canadienne appelée Medical Expedition to Easter Island, ou METEI, menée à Rapa Nui – l’Île de Pâques – en 1964.

Histoire de la METEI

L’idée de la Medical Expedition to Easter Island (METEI) a germé au sein d’une équipe de scientifiques canadiens composée du chirurgien Stanley Skoryna et du bactériologiste Georges Nogrady. Leur objectif était de comprendre comment une population isolée s’adaptait au stress environnemental. Ils estimaient que la prévision de la construction d’un aéroport international sur l’île de Pâques offrait une occasion unique d’éclairer cette question. Selon eux, en accroissant les contacts de la population de l’île avec l’extérieur, l’aéroport risquait d’entraîner des changements dans sa santé et son bien-être.

Financée par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé, et soutenue logistiquement par la Marine royale canadienne, la METEI arriva à Rapa Nui en décembre 1964. Durant trois mois, l’équipe fit passer à la quasi-totalité des 1 000 habitants de l’île toute une batterie d’examens médicaux, collectant des échantillons biologiques et procédant à un inventaire systématique de la flore et de la faune insulaires.

Dans le cadre de ces travaux, Georges Nogrady recueillit plus de 200 échantillons de sol, dont l’un s’est avéré contenir la souche de bactéries Streptomyces productrice de rapamycine.

Affiche du mot METEI écrit verticalement entre l’arrière de deux têtes de moaï, avec l’inscription « 1964-1965 RAPA NUI INA KA HOA (N’abandonnez pas le navire) »
Logo du METEI.
Georges Nogrady, CC BY-NC-ND

Il est important de comprendre que l’objectif premier de l’expédition était d’étudier le peuple de Rapa Nui, dans un contexte qui était vu comme celui d’un laboratoire à ciel ouvert. Pour encourager les habitants à participer, les chercheurs n’ont pas hésité à recourir à la corruption, leur offrant des cadeaux, de la nourriture et diverses fournitures. Ils ont également eu recours à la coercition : à cet effet, ils se sont assuré les services d’un prêtre franciscain en poste de longue date sur l’île pour les aider au recrutement. Si leurs intentions étaient peut-être honorables, il s’agit néanmoins là d’un exemple de colonialisme scientifique dans lequel une équipe d’enquêteurs blancs choisit d’étudier un groupe majoritairement non blanc sans son concours, ce qui crée un déséquilibre de pouvoir. Un biais inhérent à l’expédition existait donc dès la conception de la METEI.

Par ailleurs, plusieurs des hypothèses de départ avaient été formulées sur des bases erronées. D’une part, les chercheurs supposaient que les habitants de Rapa Nui avaient été relativement isolés du reste du monde, alors qu’il existait en réalité une longue histoire d’interactions avec des pays extérieurs, comme en témoignaient divers récits dont les plus anciens remontaient au début du XVIIIe siècle, et dont les publications s’étalaient jusqu’à la fin du XIXe siècle.

D’autre part, les organisateurs de la METEI partaient du postulat que le bagage génétique de la population de Rapa Nui était homogène, sans tenir compte de la complexe histoire de l’île en matière de migrations, d’esclavage et de maladies (certains habitants étaient en effet les descendants de survivants de la traite des esclaves africains qui furent renvoyés sur l’île et y apportèrent certaines maladies, dont la variole). La population moderne de Rapa Nui est en réalité métissée, issue à la fois d’ancêtres polynésiens, sud-américains, voire africains.

Cette erreur d’appréciation a sapé l’un des objectifs clés du METEI : évaluer l’influence de la génétique sur le risque de maladie. Si l’équipe a publié un certain nombre d’études décrivant la faune associée à Rapa Nui, son incapacité à établir une base de référence est probablement l’une des raisons pour lesquelles aucune étude de suivi n’a été menée après l’achèvement de l’aéroport de l’île de Pâques en 1967.

Rendre crédit à qui de droit

Les omissions qui existent dans les récits sur les origines de la rapamycine sont le reflet d’angles morts éthiques fréquemment présents dans la manière dont on se souvient des découvertes scientifiques.

Georges Nogrady rapporta de Rapa Nui des échantillons de sol, dont l’un parvint à Ayerst Research Laboratories. Là, Surendra Sehgal et son équipe isolèrent ce qui fut nommé rapamycine, qu’ils finirent par commercialiser à la fin des années 1990 en tant qu’immunosuppresseur, sous le nom Rapamune. Si l’on connaît bien l’obstination de Sehgal, qui fut déterminante pour mener à bien le projet en dépit des bouleversements qui agitaient à cette époque la société pharmaceutique pour laquelle il travaillait – il alla même jusqu’à dissimuler une culture de bactéries chez lui – ni Nogrady ni la METEI ne furent jamais crédités dans les principaux articles scientifiques qu’il publia.

Bien que la rapamycine ait généré des milliards de dollars de revenus, le peuple de Rapa Nui n’en a tiré aucun bénéfice financier à ce jour. Cela soulève des questions sur les droits des peuples autochtones ainsi que sur la biopiraterie (qui peut être définie comme « l’appropriation illégitime par un sujet, notamment par voie de propriété intellectuelle, parfois de façon illicite, de ressources naturelles, et/ou éventuellement de ressources culturelles en lien avec elles, au détriment d’un autre sujet », ndlr), autrement dit dans ce contexte la commercialisation de connaissances autochtones sans contrepartie.

Des accords tels que la Convention des Nations unies de 1992 sur la diversité biologique et la Déclaration de 2007 sur les droits des peuples autochtones visent à protéger les revendications autochtones sur les ressources biologiques, en incitant tous les pays à obtenir le consentement et la participation des populations concernées, et à prévoir des réparations pour les préjudices potentiels avant d’entreprendre des projets.

Ces principes n’étaient cependant pas en vigueur à l’époque du METEI.

Gros plans de visages alignés portant des couronnes de fleurs dans une pièce sombre
Les habitants de Rapa Nui n’ont reçu que peu ou pas de reconnaissance pour leur rôle dans la découverte de la rapamycine.
Esteban Felix/AP Photo

Certaines personnes soutiennent que, puisque la bactérie productrice de rapamycine a été trouvée ailleurs que dans le sol de l’île de Pâques, ce dernier n’était ni unique ni essentiel à la découverte du médicament. D’autres avancent aussi qu’étant donné que les insulaires n’utilisaient pas la rapamycine et n’en connaissaient pas l’existence sur leur île, cette molécule ne constituait pas une ressource susceptible d’être « volée ».

Cependant, la découverte de la rapamycine à Rapa Nui a jeté les bases de l’ensemble des recherches et de la commercialisation ultérieures autour de cette molécule. Cela n’a été possible que parce que la population a été l’objet de l’étude montée par l’équipe canadienne. La reconnaissance formelle du rôle essentiel joué par les habitants de Rapa Nui dans la découverte de la rapamycine, ainsi que la sensibilisation du public à ce sujet, sont essentielles pour les indemniser à hauteur de leur contribution.

Ces dernières années, l’industrie pharmaceutique a commencé à reconnaître l’importance d’indemniser équitablement les contributions autochtones. Certaines sociétés se sont engagées à réinvestir dans les communautés d’où proviennent les précieux produits naturels qu’elles exploitent.

Toutefois, s’agissant des Rapa Nui, les entreprises qui ont directement tiré profit de la rapamycine n’ont pas encore fait un tel geste.

Si la découverte de la rapamycine a sans conteste transformé la médecine, il est plus complexe d’évaluer les conséquences pour le peuple de Rapa Nui de l’expédition METEI. En définitive, son histoire est à la fois celle d’un triomphe scientifique et d’ambiguïtés sociales.

Je suis convaincu que les questions qu’elle soulève (consentement biomédical, colonialisme scientifique et occultation de certaines contributions) doivent nous faire prendre conscience qu’il est nécessaire d’examiner de façon plus critique qu’ils ne l’ont été jusqu’à présent les héritages des découvertes scientifiques majeures.

The Conversation

Ted Powers ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Comment un médicament essentiel de la médecine moderne a été découvert sur l’île de Pâques – https://theconversation.com/comment-un-medicament-essentiel-de-la-medecine-moderne-a-ete-decouvert-sur-lile-de-paques-266381

Comment un médicament à un milliard de dollars a été découvert dans le sol de l’Île de Pâques (et ce que les scientifiques et l’industrie doivent aux peuples autochtones)

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Ted Powers, Professor of Molecular and Cellular Biology, University of California, Davis

Le peuple Rapa Nui est pratiquement absent de l’histoire de la découverte de la rapamycine telle qu’elle est généralement racontée. Posnov/Moment/Getty

La découverte en 1964, sur l’île de Pâques, de la rapamycine, un nouvel antibiotique, a marqué le début d’une success story pharmaceutique à plusieurs milliards de dollars. Pourtant, l’histoire a complètement occulté les individus et les dynamiques politiques qui ont rendu possible l’identification de ce « médicament miracle ».


Baptisé du nom autochtone de l’île, Rapa Nui, la rapamycine a initialement été employée comme immunosuppresseur, afin de prévenir le rejet des greffes d’organes et d’améliorer le taux de succès de l’implantation de stents, de petits treillis métalliques destinés à étayer les artères dans le cadre de la lutte contre la maladie coronarienne (laquelle se traduit par rétrécissement progressif des artères qui nourrissent le cœur, ndlr).

Son usage s’est depuis étendu au traitement de divers types de cancers, et les chercheurs explorent aujourd’hui son potentiel dans le contexte de la prise en charge du diabète,

des maladies neurodégénératives, voire de la lutte contre les méfaits du vieillissement. Ainsi, des études mettant en évidence la capacité de la rapamycine à prolonger la durée de vie ou à combattre les maladies liées à l’âge semblent paraître presque quotidiennement depuis quelque temps… Une requête sur PubMed, le moteur de recherche recense plus de 59 000 articles mentionnant la rapamycine. Il s’agit de l’un des médicaments qui fait le plus parler de lui dans le domaine médical.

Cependant, bien que la rapamycine soit omniprésente en science et en médecine, la façon dont elle a été découverte demeure largement méconnue du public. En tant que scientifique ayant consacré sa carrière à l’étude de ses effets sur les cellules, j’ai ressenti le besoin de mieux comprendre son histoire.

À ce titre, les travaux de l’historienne Jacalyn Duffin portant sur la Medical Expedition to Easter Island (METEI), une expédition scientifique mise sur pied dans les années 1960, ont complètement changé la manière dont nombre de mes collègues et moi-même envisageons désormais notre domaine de recherche.

La découverte du complexe héritage de la rapamycine soulève en effet d’importantes questions sur les biais systémiques qui existent dans le secteur de la recherche biomédicale, ainsi que sur la dette des entreprises pharmaceutiques envers les territoires autochtones d’où elles extraient leurs molécules phares.

Pourquoi un tel intérêt pour la rapamycine ?

L’action de la rapamycine s’explique par sa capacité à inhiber une protéine appelée target of rapamycin kinase, ou TOR. Cette dernière est l’un des principaux régulateurs de la croissance et du métabolisme cellulaires. De concert avec d’autres protéines partenaires, TOR contrôle la manière dont les cellules répondent aux nutriments, au stress et aux signaux environnementaux, influençant ainsi des processus majeurs tels que la synthèse protéique et la fonction immunitaire.

Compte tenu de son rôle central dans ces activités cellulaires fondamentales, il n’est guère surprenant qu’un dysfonctionnement de TOR puisse se traduire par la survenue de cancers, de troubles métaboliques ou de maladies liées à l’âge.

Structure chimique de la rapamycine
Structure chimique de la rapamycine.
Fvasconcellos/Wikimedia

Un grand nombre des spécialistes du domaine savent que cette molécule a été isolée au milieu des années 1970 par des scientifiques travaillant au sein du laboratoire pharmaceutique Ayerst Research Laboratories, à partir d’un échantillon de sol contenant la bactérie Streptomyces hydroscopicus. Ce que l’on sait moins, c’est que cet échantillon a été prélevé dans le cadre d’une mission canadienne appelée Medical Expedition to Easter Island, ou METEI, menée à Rapa Nui – l’Île de Pâques – en 1964.

Histoire de la METEI

L’idée de la Medical Expedition to Easter Island (METEI) a germé au sein d’une équipe de scientifiques canadiens composée du chirurgien Stanley Skoryna et du bactériologiste Georges Nogrady. Leur objectif était de comprendre comment une population isolée s’adaptait au stress environnemental. Ils estimaient que la prévision de la construction d’un aéroport international sur l’île de Pâques offrait une occasion unique d’éclairer cette question. Selon eux, en accroissant les contacts de la population de l’île avec l’extérieur, l’aéroport risquait d’entraîner des changements dans sa santé et son bien-être.

Financée par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé, et soutenue logistiquement par la Marine royale canadienne, la METEI arriva à Rapa Nui en décembre 1964. Durant trois mois, l’équipe fit passer à la quasi-totalité des 1 000 habitants de l’île toute une batterie d’examens médicaux, collectant des échantillons biologiques et procédant à un inventaire systématique de la flore et de la faune insulaires.

Dans le cadre de ces travaux, Georges Nogrady recueillit plus de 200 échantillons de sol, dont l’un s’est avéré contenir la souche de bactéries Streptomyces productrice de rapamycine.

Affiche du mot METEI écrit verticalement entre l’arrière de deux têtes de moaï, avec l’inscription « 1964-1965 RAPA NUI INA KA HOA (N’abandonnez pas le navire) »
Logo du METEI.
Georges Nogrady, CC BY-NC-ND

Il est important de comprendre que l’objectif premier de l’expédition était d’étudier le peuple de Rapa Nui, dans un contexte qui était vu comme celui d’un laboratoire à ciel ouvert. Pour encourager les habitants à participer, les chercheurs n’ont pas hésité à recourir à la corruption, leur offrant des cadeaux, de la nourriture et diverses fournitures. Ils ont également eu recours à la coercition : à cet effet, ils se sont assuré les services d’un prêtre franciscain en poste de longue date sur l’île pour les aider au recrutement. Si leurs intentions étaient peut-être honorables, il s’agit néanmoins là d’un exemple de colonialisme scientifique dans lequel une équipe d’enquêteurs blancs choisit d’étudier un groupe majoritairement non blanc sans son concours, ce qui crée un déséquilibre de pouvoir. Un biais inhérent à l’expédition existait donc dès la conception de la METEI.

Par ailleurs, plusieurs des hypothèses de départ avaient été formulées sur des bases erronées. D’une part, les chercheurs supposaient que les habitants de Rapa Nui avaient été relativement isolés du reste du monde, alors qu’il existait en réalité une longue histoire d’interactions avec des pays extérieurs, comme en témoignaient divers récits dont les plus anciens remontaient au début du XVIIIe siècle, et dont les publications s’étalaient jusqu’à la fin du XIXe siècle.

D’autre part, les organisateurs de la METEI partaient du postulat que le bagage génétique de la population de Rapa Nui était homogène, sans tenir compte de la complexe histoire de l’île en matière de migrations, d’esclavage et de maladies (certains habitants étaient en effet les descendants de survivants de la traite des esclaves africains qui furent renvoyés sur l’île et y apportèrent certaines maladies, dont la variole). La population moderne de Rapa Nui est en réalité métissée, issue à la fois d’ancêtres polynésiens, sud-américains, voire africains.

Cette erreur d’appréciation a sapé l’un des objectifs clés du METEI : évaluer l’influence de la génétique sur le risque de maladie. Si l’équipe a publié un certain nombre d’études décrivant la faune associée à Rapa Nui, son incapacité à établir une base de référence est probablement l’une des raisons pour lesquelles aucune étude de suivi n’a été menée après l’achèvement de l’aéroport de l’île de Pâques en 1967.

Rendre crédit à qui de droit

Les omissions qui existent dans les récits sur les origines de la rapamycine sont le reflet d’angles morts éthiques fréquemment présents dans la manière dont on se souvient des découvertes scientifiques.

Georges Nogrady rapporta de Rapa Nui des échantillons de sol, dont l’un parvint à Ayerst Research Laboratories. Là, Surendra Sehgal et son équipe isolèrent ce qui fut nommé rapamycine, qu’ils finirent par commercialiser à la fin des années 1990 en tant qu’immunosuppresseur, sous le nom Rapamune. Si l’on connaît bien l’obstination de Sehgal, qui fut déterminante pour mener à bien le projet en dépit des bouleversements qui agitaient à cette époque la société pharmaceutique pour laquelle il travaillait – il alla même jusqu’à dissimuler une culture de bactéries chez lui – ni Nogrady ni la METEI ne furent jamais crédités dans les principaux articles scientifiques qu’il publia.

Bien que la rapamycine ait généré des milliards de dollars de revenus, le peuple de Rapa Nui n’en a tiré aucun bénéfice financier à ce jour. Cela soulève des questions sur les droits des peuples autochtones ainsi que sur la biopiraterie (qui peut être définie comme « l’appropriation illégitime par un sujet, notamment par voie de propriété intellectuelle, parfois de façon illicite, de ressources naturelles, et/ou éventuellement de ressources culturelles en lien avec elles, au détriment d’un autre sujet », ndlr), autrement dit dans ce contexte la commercialisation de connaissances autochtones sans contrepartie.

Des accords tels que la Convention des Nations unies de 1992 sur la diversité biologique et la Déclaration de 2007 sur les droits des peuples autochtones visent à protéger les revendications autochtones sur les ressources biologiques, en incitant tous les pays à obtenir le consentement et la participation des populations concernées, et à prévoir des réparations pour les préjudices potentiels avant d’entreprendre des projets.

Ces principes n’étaient cependant pas en vigueur à l’époque du METEI.

Gros plans de visages alignés portant des couronnes de fleurs dans une pièce sombre
Les habitants de Rapa Nui n’ont reçu que peu ou pas de reconnaissance pour leur rôle dans la découverte de la rapamycine.
Esteban Felix/AP Photo

Certaines personnes soutiennent que, puisque la bactérie productrice de rapamycine a été trouvée ailleurs que dans le sol de l’île de Pâques, ce dernier n’était ni unique ni essentiel à la découverte du médicament. D’autres avancent aussi qu’étant donné que les insulaires n’utilisaient pas la rapamycine et n’en connaissaient pas l’existence sur leur île, cette molécule ne constituait pas une ressource susceptible d’être « volée ».

Cependant, la découverte de la rapamycine à Rapa Nui a jeté les bases de l’ensemble des recherches et de la commercialisation ultérieures autour de cette molécule. Cela n’a été possible que parce que la population a été l’objet de l’étude montée par l’équipe canadienne. La reconnaissance formelle du rôle essentiel joué par les habitants de Rapa Nui dans la découverte de la rapamycine, ainsi que la sensibilisation du public à ce sujet, sont essentielles pour les indemniser à hauteur de leur contribution.

Ces dernières années, l’industrie pharmaceutique a commencé à reconnaître l’importance d’indemniser équitablement les contributions autochtones. Certaines sociétés se sont engagées à réinvestir dans les communautés d’où proviennent les précieux produits naturels qu’elles exploitent.

Toutefois, s’agissant des Rapa Nui, les entreprises qui ont directement tiré profit de la rapamycine n’ont pas encore fait un tel geste.

Si la découverte de la rapamycine a sans conteste transformé la médecine, il est plus complexe d’évaluer les conséquences pour le peuple de Rapa Nui de l’expédition METEI. En définitive, son histoire est à la fois celle d’un triomphe scientifique et d’ambiguïtés sociales.

Je suis convaincu que les questions qu’elle soulève (consentement biomédical, colonialisme scientifique et occultation de certaines contributions) doivent nous faire prendre conscience qu’il est nécessaire d’examiner de façon plus critique qu’ils ne l’ont été jusqu’à présent les héritages des découvertes scientifiques majeures.

The Conversation

Ted Powers ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Comment un médicament à un milliard de dollars a été découvert dans le sol de l’Île de Pâques (et ce que les scientifiques et l’industrie doivent aux peuples autochtones) – https://theconversation.com/comment-un-medicament-a-un-milliard-de-dollars-a-ete-decouvert-dans-le-sol-de-lile-de-paques-et-ce-que-les-scientifiques-et-lindustrie-doivent-aux-peuples-autochtones-266381

Why coral reefs damaged by blast fishing struggle to recover — even after decades

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Satrio Hani Samudra, Data Manager, UCL

When we think about rapid decline in coral reefs, climate change often first that comes to mind — bringing heatwaves, bleaching events, and intensified cyclones.

But in parts of Indonesia, an old, lasting wound still lingers beneath the waves — inflicted not just by warming seas, but also by explosives.

Blast fishing — where fishers hurl homemade bombs made from fertiliser and kerosene into the sea — is still being used.

This illegal fishing method kills fish instantly for easy collection. As an shattering coral reefs into rubble and wiping out entire reef communities within seconds.

Unlike a fallen tree that can grow back, our research shows that a reef shattered into fragments usually cannot — and may remain damaged for decades.

Rubble that refuses to rest

At first glance, rubble might seem like a natural stage of reef recovery. Storms and cyclones can also break corals into fragments that sometimes stabilise and form a foundation for new coral growth. But rubble from blast fishing is different.

The explosions break corals into much smaller pieces — usually less than 10 cm long. These fragments are light, unstable, and easily swept around by everyday waves and currents. It’s like trying to build a house on marbles instead of bricks: every time you add a piece, the foundation shifts beneath it.

In our surveys across Bunaken National Park in North Sulawesi, we found fewer than 10% of coral fragments stable. Even organisms that typically help “glue” rubble together, such as coralline algae and sponges, were rare. Without stability, young corals struggle to survive — often buried, overturned, or scraped away.

Mixed outcomes from early restoration efforts

One of our study sites underwent “restoration” back in 2003, using ceramic dome-like structures known as EcoReefs. These modules were designed to mimic coral branches, slow currents, and give rubble a chance to stabilise.

Two decades later, the results were underwhelming. Many modules had been overturned or buried, and although some supported coral growth, overall coral cover remained extremely low. In fact, the restored site fared no better than nearby unrestored areas.

Elsewhere in Indonesia, newer methods such as Mars’s “reef stars” have shown faster recovery. These structures are more effective at stabilising rubble, but they still depend heavily on regular maintenance and monitoring.

When restoration falls short of expectations

Blast fishing is not just a relic of the past. Despite being banned for decades, it still takes place illegally in parts of Indonesia.

Moreover, the legacy of past blasting is immense — vast stretches of reef reduced to rubble, showing no sign of natural recovery.

Our research underscores three key lessons:

  • Not all rubble is the same. Storm-generated rubble is usually larger and more stable, allowing recovery to occur, whereas blast-generated rubble remains persistently unstable.

  • Size matters: longer coral fragments are more likely to stay in place, bind together, and support young corals — whereas blasts mostly produce small pieces that shift too easily.

  • Restoration requires care: structures alone won’t save a reef — interventions must be adapted to local conditions and sustained with ongoing maintenance.

Supporting reef recovery

We found that rubble from blast fishing remains unstable even after decades, with small fragments constantly shifting and preventing young corals from settling and growing. In contrast, larger pieces were more likely to stay in place, bind together, and support new coral recruits.

Our findings suggest that blast-fished reefs are unlikely to recover naturally without human intervention. Restoration must prioritise stabilising the rubble bed and employing structures suited to the site’s specific rubble characteristics. Success depends not only on installing these structures but also on maintaining them over time.

Reef managers should also identify and assess the origin of rubble, characterise the fields and fragments, and select suitable intervention methods before taking action, as we did in our study.

Coral reefs require long-term care to survive, thrive, and keep providing food, coastal protection, and tourism opportunities for millions of people. Successful restoration depends not only on the interventions themselves but also on sustained monitoring and responsible stewardship of the broader environment.

Restoration and responsible stewardship can safeguard the ecological and social benefits of coral reefs. Ultimately, giving degraded reefs a second chance is vital both for the communities that depend on them and for the biodiversity that makes them extraordinary.

The Conversation

Para penulis tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi di luar afiliasi akademis yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. Why coral reefs damaged by blast fishing struggle to recover — even after decades – https://theconversation.com/why-coral-reefs-damaged-by-blast-fishing-struggle-to-recover-even-after-decades-265733

Around the world, migrants are being deported at alarming rates – how did this become normalised?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Andonea Jon Dickson, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Edinburgh

Under President Donald Trump, the United States is expanding its efforts to detain and deport non-citizens at an alarming rate. In recent months, the Trump administration made deals with a number of third states to receive deported non-citizens.

In Australia, the Labor government has similarly established new powers to deport non-citizens to third states. The government signed a secretive deal with Nauru in September, guaranteeing the small Micronesian island A$2.5 billion over the next three decades to accommodate the first cohort of deportees.

In both countries, migrants can now be banished to states to which they have no prior connection.

Last year in the United Kingdom, Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s Labour party promised that the previous Conservative government’s plan to deport people to Rwanda was “dead and buried”. Yet, Labour removed close to 35,000 people in 2024, an increase of 25% over the previous year.

Starmer has also proposed establishing “return hubs” in third countries for people with rejected asylum claims.

Meanwhile, the far-right Reform Party has put forward a “mass deportation” plan involving the use of military bases to detain and deport hundreds of thousands of people, if it wins power in the next general election.

Similar policies may soon come to Europe, too. In May, the European Commission published a proposal that would allow EU member states to deport people seeking asylum to third countries where they have no previous connection.

The deportation of populations deemed problematic is not a new practice. For centuries, states have used forms of deportation to forcibly remove people, as Australia’s own history as a British penal colony illustrates.

Today, deportations are a staple of migration governance around the world. However, the recent expansion of detention and deportations reflects an accelerated criminalisation and punishment of non-citizens, tied to a rising authoritarianism across purportedly liberal Western countries.

Criminalising movement

The expansion and outsourcing of deportation is underpinned by long histories of criminalising migration.

Over the past three decades, legal obstacles and securitised borders have increasingly forced those fleeing war, persecution and insecurity to rely on unauthorised routes to seek refuge.

Governments have simultaneously reframed the act of seeking asylum from a human right to a criminal act, brandishing those on the move as “illegal” as a way of justifying onshore and offshore immigration detention.

Racialised people living in the community have also been subject to increased policing, regardless of their migration status.

In the US, UK and Australia, this criminalising language, once the preserve of the right-wing press, is now echoed by politicians across the political spectrum and enshrined in legislation. This has accelerated what migration expert Alison Mountz has termed “the death of asylum”, and normalising deportations.

In Australia, for example, the government lowered the threshold for visa cancellations in 2014, resulting in people with minor offences being detained and scheduled for deportation. Those who could not be returned to their home countries continued to languish in detention until a 2023 high court ruling mandated their release.

Despite having served their sentences, in addition to protracted periods in immigration detention, a media frenzy framed these people as a major threat to the community. The Labor government then legislated to deport them, in addition to thousands of others on precarious visas, to a third country.

Deportations have also been a central facet of US immigration enforcement for many years.

Former President Barack Obama was branded “Deporter in Chief” for achieving a record three million deportations while in office.

While Obama focused on “felons not families”, Trump has equated migration itself with crime and insecurity. His administration has cast a much wider net, rounding up those with and without criminal convictions, including citizens.

Detentions and deportations have also been used to suppress political dissent on issues, such as the genocide in Gaza.

To expedite his pledge to deport one million people in his first year, the Trump administration hastily set up detention centres in former prisons and military bases, including at Guantánamo Bay.

Reports suggest the government has also approached 58 third countries to accept deported non-nationals. Countries that have agreed, or already received people, are shown in the map below.

In many cases, people are then re-detained on arrival in hotels, prisons and camps, with some subject to further deportation.

Rising authoritarianism

These recent developments reveal an explicit authoritarianism in which deportations are achieved through the elimination of procedural fairness. Reducing notice periods, the ability to appeal decisions, and access to legal counsel allows for rushed and opaque procedures.

In June, eight people were deported from the US to South Sudan without the chance to contest their removal. After a failed court intervention, the three liberal US Supreme Court justices stated:

The government has made clear in word and deed that it feels itself unconstrained by law, free to deport anyone, anywhere without notice or an opportunity to be heard.

In the UK, the Labour party expanded the “Deport Now Appeal Later” scheme in August, extending the countries to which people can be deported without appeal rights from eight to 23.

And this month in Australia, the Migration Act was amended to expunge the rules of natural justice for people scheduled for deportation.

Across all three countries, the rapid expansion of detention and deportation practices terrorise those targeted, leaving whole communities living in fear. Australian human rights lawyer Alison Battisson described deportation as “a creeping death to the individuals and their families”.

These policies have also legitimised and emboldened far-right, neo-Nazi groups, who have taken to the streets in both the UK and Australia in recent weeks calling for an end to migration. In both countries, the effects of decades of neoliberal policies, such as a lack of affordable housing, jobs, and health care, are redefined as a problem of migration.

How communities are responding

Communities are now organising and making the case for a different sort of politics.

In Los Angeles, for example, grassroots organisations mobilised earlier this year to counter escalating raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents. Networks also began providing information and support to those targeted by ICE arrests. In July, Detention Watch Network relaunched the Communities Not Cages coalition of grassroots campaigns against detention.

In the UK, far-right rallies at asylum hotels have been met by counter demonstrations, with people insisting on a politics of welcome and unity.

But the challenge remains how to turn local and national opposition into a coalition capable of confronting this rise in authoritarian politics of exclusion and expulsion.

The Conversation

Ċetta Mainwaring is currently funded by a UKRI Future Leaders Fellowship.

Andonea Jon Dickson and Thom Tyerman do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Around the world, migrants are being deported at alarming rates – how did this become normalised? – https://theconversation.com/around-the-world-migrants-are-being-deported-at-alarming-rates-how-did-this-become-normalised-264790

Taylor Swift has branded herself a showgirl. These hardworking women have a long and bejewelled history

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Emily Brayshaw, Honorary Research Fellow, School of Design, University of Technology Sydney

Taylor Swift/Instagram

The iconic feathered showgirl was born amid the chaos of the first world war, when the wealthy, global French superstar Gaby Deslys entertained Parisians and Allied soldiers in a 1917 show called Laissez-les tombe! (Let Them Fall), a dazzling spectacle of ostrich feathers, rhinestones and beauty.

Although showgirls first appeared in late-19th century music halls, the red, white and blue feathered costumes in Deslys’ revue offered Paris something new and triumphal. The massed plumes, wild dancing and bodily displays celebrated French aesthetics and extravagance and communicated that France and her allies would not bow to Germany.

Gaby Deslys, resplendent in ostrich plumes and jewels, photographed in 1919 by Henri Manuel.
Wikimedia

Prior to 1914 Deslys’s expensive jewellery, haute couture and expansive feathered hats – along with her affairs with powerful men such as department store magnate Harry Selfridge and King Manuel II of Portugal – created countless headlines.

But she was also outspoken about a woman’s right to support herself financially and worked tirelessly during the war raising funds for the Allies. Deslys was so passionate about aiding the devastated Parisian nightlife that she paid for all the costumes in Laissez-les tombe! herself.

Deslys’s cultural impact has inextricably linked feathers, high fashion, celebrity and showgirls ever since.

From France to Broadway

Feathered showgirl revues were so popular that they quickly went global. In 1920s New York, impresarios such as Florenz Ziegfeld staged luxurious Broadway productions that glorified the American showgirl.

But he made exceptions to American women. One of Ziegfeld’s most famous showgirls, Dolores, was born into poverty in London’s East End as Kathleen Mary Rose. She rose to become a supermodel who walked for the couturier Lady Duff-Gordon, known professionally as Lucile.

Ziegfeld considered Dolores one of the world’s most beautiful women. Tall, slender and graceful, she drove audiences wild when she glided across Ziegfeld’s stage and posed in opulent costumes.

The famous haute couture model and showgirl known as ‘Dolores’ posing as the White Peacock in Ziegfeld’s Midnight Frolics (1919).
Wikimedia Commons

On becoming a showgirl, Dolores used her modelling ability to make her fortune, earning today’s equivalent of US$10,000 a week by 1923.

Other performers harnessed the feathered showgirl aesthetic, including the celebrated twins Jenny and Rosie Dolly, who came from humble origins and used their beauty, talent and hard work to dominate American and European stages in the 1910s and 1920s.

Ziegfeld paid the Dollys the equivalent of US$64,000 weekly in 1915. Like Deslys, they became notorious for their consumption of fashion and affairs with famous men.

Two women wearing sequinned, feathered headdresses.
The Dolly Sisters, famous performers in the Ziegfeld Follies of the 1910s and 1920s.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art

However, stage revues became unpopular around 1930 due to their vast expense and the rise of cinema – so the showgirl travelled to Hollywood.

There, she was celebrated in biopics such as The Great Ziegfeld (1936) with its glittering, feathered costumes by the designer Adrian.

In the second world war, showgirls boosted troop morale, like Deslys did in 1917.

Hollywood made feel-good films including the biopic The Dolly Sisters (1945), which reimagined the brunette twins as all-American blondes by casting 1940s pinup stars Betty Grable and June Haver.

From Hollywood to Vegas

From there, the American showgirl arrived in Las Vegas, performing in every hotel and casino on the strip during the 1950s and 1960s.

Like the showgirls of yore, these performers’ allure was their grace, beauty, and extravagant, expensive costumes, produced by the world’s leading designers.

Showgirls remained a fixture of Las Vegas entertainment throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Choreographers including Donn Arden and Madame Bluebell (who also worked in the Parisian revues) created hallmark, visual spectacles featuring costumes by Bob Mackie.

Jubilee!, which opened at the old MGM Grand casino in 1981, was one such revue. In addition to the vast volume of plumes, it was claimed the show had caused a global shortage of Swarovski crystals because the costumes had used them all.

In 1986 the old MGM Grand became Bally’s Casino, but Jubilee! stayed. The costumes, some of which cost more than US$7,000 each (roughly US$25,000 today), were used six nights a year for 35 years and maintained by 18 wardrobe staffers.

Jubilee! closed in 2016, but its costumes live on as valuable cultural artefacts that celebrities borrow to reinterpret the American showgirl for 21st-century audiences.

This includes demonstrating that showgirls are independent, hardworking and talented women.

From Vegas to Taylor Swift

Burlesque performer Dita Von Teese draws on the American showgirls’ legacy by wearing costumes from Jubilee! in her Las Vegas cabaret, and called the 1945 Dolly Sisters film one of her inspirations.

Pamela Anderson wore Jubilee! costumes in The Last Showgirl (2024), a film that highlights the sacrifices female performers often have to make to pursue their dreams.

Taylor Swift is the latest superstar to harness showgirl iconography.
Photographs from her new album show Swift wearing the Jubilee! “Diamond” and “Disco” costumes by Mackie.

Another photograph shows Swift in a cloud of ostrich plumes and rhinestones wearing a dark, bobbed wig: a direct reference to 1920s American showgirls and performers such as the Dolly Sisters.

Swift’s stage costumes are by the world’s leading fashion designers, while her songs often reference historical celebrities to critique how the entertainment and media industry treat female performers.

Choosing Mackie’s Jubilee! costumes allows Swift to become the American showgirl (Taylor’s Version), by tapping into a century of glamour and signalling that she too has worked hard and made sacrifices to reach the top.

The Conversation

Emily Brayshaw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Taylor Swift has branded herself a showgirl. These hardworking women have a long and bejewelled history – https://theconversation.com/taylor-swift-has-branded-herself-a-showgirl-these-hardworking-women-have-a-long-and-bejewelled-history-263188

The Michigan church shooting sits within a long history of hatred against Mormons in America

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By David Smith, Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

On Sunday, a gunman launched a horrifying attack on people at a Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Grand Blanc, Michigan.

Thomas Jacob Sanford allegedly rammed his pickup truck, adorned with American flags, into the doors of the chapel as a service was taking place. Authorities stated he shot at worshippers with an assault weapon, then set fire to the building. Four people died, and police killed Sanford at the scene shortly afterwards.

Media reports and government spokespeople suggest Sanford was motivated by a pronounced hatred of followers of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS), widely known as Mormons.

According to a childhood friend, Peter Tersigni, Sanford became fixated with the church when he started dating one of its members while living in Utah:

He started dating this girl and then investigated and learned about Mormons because she was a Mormon. And I know that also, he got into meth really hardcore. It messed his life up and it messed his head up. And it just happened to be at the time he was around Mormons.

The language Sanford is reported to have used to describe Mormons – calling them “the antichrist” and saying “they are going to take over the world” – taps into a conspiracist suspicion of Mormons that has existed in America since the LDS church was founded in 1830, and which is still widespread in some subcultures today.

Anti-Mormonism in American history

Joseph Smith, the founder of Mormonism, had enemies from the beginning. New Christian sects were proliferating in America, but Smith went further than most. He declared himself a “prophet” and claimed to have a new religious scripture that was equal to the Bible.

Many denounced Smith as a fraud, and his neighbours feared the political power he wielded over his growing community of followers. After the Mormons were forced out of Missouri by a state Extermination Order and a subsequent massacre, Smith was assassinated by an anti-Mormon militia in Illinois in 1844.

The Mormons fled to Utah in 1847 under the leadership of Brigham Young. There they endured decades of federal government pressure to abandon the practice of polygamy and submit to the authority of the United States, which sometimes brought in armed forces.

This may seem like remote history, but to this day many evangelical Christians fear the fast-growing but “false religion” of Mormonism will lure people away from true Christianity. There is a cottage industry of YouTubers, some of them ex-Mormons, dedicated to disproving the teachings of Joseph Smith.

Nor has the violent past been forgotten. Earlier this year Netflix released a series depicting the Mountain Meadows Massacre, perpetrated by a Mormon militia in 1857.

Jon Krakauer’s 2003 bestselling book, Under the Banner of Heaven, also made into a streaming series, explored 1980s murders in a Mormon splinter sect. The book emphasised the prevalence of violence in early LDS history.

Anti-Mormonism today

Anti-Mormon violence is relatively rare in America today, but aversion to Mormons is not.

A 2022 YouGov poll of Americans found 39% of respondents held unfavourable views of Mormons, compared to just 17% with favourable views. This net negative approval was comparable to American attitudes towards Muslims, and more negative than American attitudes towards atheists.

I argued in a 2014 study that Mormons face hostility from both sides of America’s culture wars. Many conservative Christians believe Mormons are not real Christians. At the same time, many liberal and secular-minded people associate Mormons with the Christian-right.

In 2012, the high-profile Mormon Mitt Romney became the Republican candidate for the presidential election. The number of liberal and non-religious people who said they would not vote for a Mormon for president increased significantly between 2007 and 2012, despite the fact Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid was also a Mormon.

The LDS church was also prominent in campaigns against same-sex marriage in western states in the late 2000s. This led to protests and some acts of vandalism at LDS houses of worship, prompting expressions of solidarity by other conservative religious groups.

The bipartisan nature of anti-Mormonism arguably makes it one of the more socially acceptable biases in the US. But there is a world of difference between not wanting a Mormon president, or enjoying such mockery as the Book of Mormon musical, and physically attacking Mormons.

From prejudice to violence

Between 2015 and 2024, the FBI counted 160 hate crimes reported against LDS victims. These included 63 acts of vandalism and property destruction and 29 assaults. The states with the most incidents were Utah (25), California (23), Washington (14), Tennessee (12), Georgia (10) and Nevada (10).

A 2019 report in the LDS-owned Deseret News expressed concern over rising anti-Mormon hate crimes. But it pointed out this was part of a larger trend of rising hate crime in the US, and that anti-LDS incidents were dwarfed by hate crimes targeting Jews and Muslims during the same period.

Immediately after the Grand Blanc killings, President Donald Trump called the incident “yet another targeted attack on Christians in the United States of America”.

This fits his culture-war framing of Christians being under constant attack. But it glosses over the specific animus Mormons face in American society, often from other Christians and conservatives (the alleged Grand Blanc shooter wore a Trump 2020 shirt in a social media post).

Since 2000, there have been nearly 500 homicides in American places of worship, three quarters of them by firearm. This is a bigger problem than the violence facing any one religious group.

The Conversation

David Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Michigan church shooting sits within a long history of hatred against Mormons in America – https://theconversation.com/the-michigan-church-shooting-sits-within-a-long-history-of-hatred-against-mormons-in-america-266481