Dynasties still dominate south-east Asian politics – in democracies and more authoritarian systems

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Neil Loughlin, Lecturer in Comparative Politics, City St George’s, University of London

Paetongtarn Shinawatra walks with her father and prominent Thai political figure, Thaksin Shinawatra, before her endorsement as Thailand’s prime minister in 2024. SPhotograph / Shutterstock

Dynasties are central to south-east Asian politics as parties are weak, patronage is entrenched and family names are the most durable political brands. But they also face persistent difficulties. Heirs inherit office without real authority, patriarchs refuse to step aside and rivals – whether other families or powerful institutions – intervene.

With two prominent political families locked in a bitter feud in the Philippines, the Shinawatra clan currently being sidelined in Thailand and the Hun family navigating an uncertain succession in Cambodia, now is the right moment to take stock of how dynastic politics operates throughout south-east Asia.

The Philippines offers perhaps the starkest example of dynastic democracy in south-east Asia. Philippine politics remains structured less by parties or programmes than by family blocs, with the Marcos and Duterte clans foremost among them. Coalitions rest on name recognition and patronage networks that have proved more durable than any formal party institution.

The Philippine system remains fiercely competitive. But dynastic politics there narrows true democratic representation and weakens accountability. It also leaves coalitions prone to fracture. The alliance between the Marcos and Duterte families that swept the 2022 elections, for example, cracked almost immediately.

The current Philippine vice-president, Sara Duterte, is now in open conflict with President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr – the son and namesake of the former Philippine dictator who was ousted in 1986. This rupture has unsettled government.

Sara Duterte has faced impeachment efforts, which have been blocked by a supreme court shaped by the appointees of her father, Rodrigo Duterte, who was president between 2016 and 2022. At the same time, she is positioning herself as a leading contender for the 2028 presidency.

Campaign posters of candidates Ferdinand Marcos Jr and Sara Duterte taped to a corrugated iron sheet wall.
The Marcos-Duterte alliance swept to victory in the 2022 Philippine elections.
CaveDweller99 / Shutterstock

Indonesia’s newer democracy tells another – albeit relatively similar – story. Since democratisation in 1998, decentralisation and local elections have opened routes from local to national office. Families have used party nominations, money, media and entrenched networks to turn those routes into political power. Dynastic manoeuvring now sits at the centre of national and local Indonesian politics.

Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the son of former president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, reached Indonesia’s vice-presidency in 2024 after a controversial constitutional court ruling reduced the age requirement for candidacy. The chief justice at the time was Jokowi’s brother-in-law, Anwar Usman.

Puan Maharani, meanwhile, the daughter of former Indonesian president Megawati Sukarnoputri, continues to climb within the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. Figures linked to the family of Indonesia’s last authoritarian leader, Suharto, have also edged back into parliament.

Public unease with hereditary politics in Indonesia has been visible on the streets. Protests in 2024 and wider demonstrations in 2025 have taken place over lawmakers’ perks, cost-of-living pressures and police violence. Much of this anger reflects the trajectory of post-Suharto Indonesia.

The first democratic generation has given way to heirs and wealthy businessmen, steeped in money politics and dependent on patronage. The result has been a crowded system where multiple families compete for leverage. These rivalries make governing alliances unstable and contribute to recurring unrest.

More authoritarian dynasties

Thailand and Cambodia show how dynasties function under less democratic conditions. In Thailand, parties aligned with the Shinawatra family have played a major role in the country’s politics since 2001. Yet governments linked to the family have been routinely constrained or overturned by Thailand’s conservative royalist-military establishment.

The brief premiership of Paetongtarn Shinawatra underscores this point. She took office in 2024 after Pheu Thai, the party founded by her father Thaksin, struck a governing pact with the establishment. This followed an election the previous year, in which the reformist Move Forward party won the most seats but was blocked from taking power by the military-appointed Senate.

However, Paetongtarn was swiftly removed once her actions touched sensitive power balances. A leaked recording of Paetongtarn’s private conversation with former Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen, where she criticised a senior Thai military general, ultimately proved her downfall. The episode reaffirmed that Thailand’s monarchy-military-judicial alliance ultimately calls the shots.

Cambodia illustrates a different dynamic. Prime minister for decades, Hun Sen built a durable coalition of political, economic and security elites, sustained by the brutal suppression of dissent and generous rewards for loyalists. Now the ageing patriarch is attempting to secure his family’s dominance into the next generation.

He installed his son Hun Manet as prime minister in 2023. At the same time, the children and relatives of other long-serving ministers were also promoted. In some cases they even took over their fathers’ portfolios directly.

In Cambodia, where power has long been concentrated in one leader, any transition of rule is likely to be fraught. In autocratic regimes, handovers can create coordination problems and fears of exclusion or retribution among government, military and religious elites. Dynastic succession can reassure these people.

However, Hun Sen and other patriarchs such as Tea Banh and Sar Kheng are still playing prominent roles even as their heirs occupy formal positions. They continue to issue orders and lead diplomacy, undermining the credibility of their children.

The reemergence of Hun Sen as Cambodia’s decisive political voice during the recent border conflict with Thailand, for example, raises doubts about Manet’s readiness for the top job.

Hun Sen speaks during a press conference.
The recent border crisis with Thailand shows that it is Hun Sen that still calls the shots in Cambodia.
Seth Akmal / Shutterstock

Dynasties endure in south-east Asia because they thrive in environments where institutions are weak, parties are underdeveloped and patronage is the main currency of politics. Family names provide continuity that other political structures often cannot.

But dynasties also struggle. Heirs may lack the authority, charisma or networks of their predecessors. Older patriarchs and matriarchs often remain active, limiting renewal. And rival families compete fiercely for power, which can fragment coalitions and unsettle governments.

In the Philippines and Indonesia, two electoral democracies, politics is shaped by bargains among dominant families. This raises doubts about the depth of democratic competition. In Thailand and Cambodia, politics is more tightly controlled. Dynasties there expose the fragility of succession and the limits imposed by entrenched power centres.

Across south-east Asia, dynasties still shape how power is acquired and passed on. But they do not resolve the uncertainties of rule. The only constant seems to be that authority remains concentrated among elites and shifts only within their ranks.

The Conversation

Neil Loughlin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dynasties still dominate south-east Asian politics – in democracies and more authoritarian systems – https://theconversation.com/dynasties-still-dominate-south-east-asian-politics-in-democracies-and-more-authoritarian-systems-265450

Why we need more Jane Goodalls

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ben Garrod, Professor of Evolutionary Biology and Science Engagement, University of East Anglia

The pant-hoot of a chimpanzee is one of the most visceral sounds in nature – a rolling call that rises to a crescendo. I once heard the call cutting through the heavy silence of the evening air. The cacophony trailed off and ended with the two apes patting one another, in reassurance and reconciliation.

Unlike most chimpanzee hoots performed in dense African forests, the echoes of this one bounced off the towering sandstone pillars of a cathedral. There were no chimpanzees in sight, just two humans in front of an audience of hundreds, at a science festival. As my heart rate returned to normal, I sat back down to resume my interview with the legendary Dr Jane Goodall.

News of her death, at the age of 91, is being felt around the globe. The grief is both personal and collective. For countless biologists, naturalists, conservationists and animal-lovers, she was a constant presence – a guiding light who shifted how we see the natural world and our place in it.




Read more:
‘Only if we help shall all be saved’: Jane Goodall showed we can all be part of the solution


Having progressed from a secretarial course straight into a doctorate at Cambridge, Jane was no stranger to facing challenges head on. She lived in a tent in rural Tanzania, accompanied by her incredibly supportive mother, to study the behaviour of wild chimpanzees.

Her mentor was the renowned anthropologist Louis Leakey, who believed invaluable insights into our own evolutionary history could be gleaned from the study of orangutans, gorillas and chimpanzees. Many doubted her methods, but Jane was the first to record detailed evidence of hunting and even tool use in chimpanzees. Her groundbreaking work paved the way for identifying culture in non-human animals and, more importantly, helped shatter assumptions about the divide between humans and animals.

Following in her footsteps

Jane changed the way we view and understand animals and hundreds, if not thousands, of academics have followed in her footsteps to carry on and further her work. Many of us academics see the world in a laser focus singularity, at times. It’s what we are trained to do and is often seen as a gold standard. But Jane was always a fan of the wider picture, a more holistic approach. She left active academia to focus on protecting her beloved chimpanzees through community-driven conservation and education.

She took on the seemingly impossible task to engage, support and empower children and young people around the world, setting up “Roots & Shoots” programme through the Jane Goodall Institute. It’s now active in more than 100 countries, with millions of young people having taken part. Her aim was simple but radical: to empower the next generation to act with compassion and knowledge, whatever path they chose.

Moving between worlds

What made Jane extraordinary was not just her science, but her voice. She forged a path in that very grey area between high-level science, political discourse and public engagement. She was plain-speaking and never lacked integrity. She was a calm and trusted voice in a clamouring crowd of increasingly lying politicians and clickbait influencers. Jane brought science, conservation and advocacy to the millions.

She made us all part of the dialogue and equipped us, through patient and diligent explanation, to be able to contribute meaningfully. Her work and her approach meant no one was excluded from having a voice or be unable to offer ideas, advice or solutions. We are rarely very good at doing that in science, but Jane made it her modus operandi. Her calm and trusted voice brought often complex and emotive scientific concepts and challenges to a level where we could all become stakeholders. She made us realise that our actions had global impacts and that what happens across the world can affect us all.

The fact she was so at ease being met by world leaders, sitting on the couch on prime time entertainment shows, in academic conferences or in rural schools in the global south, demonstrated a skill and ability to engage with us all. If we had even a few more voices like Jane’s, perhaps there wouldn’t be such a disconnect between science and society.

There will be countless ways we can carry on with Jane’s legacy, but one of the most powerful is to encourage more of us to make science accessible for all of us. One of her most poignant quotes was: “What do you do makes a difference, and you have to decide what kind of difference you want to make.” We can only make the differences we need to make if we are more compassionate and better scientifically informed.

The Conversation

Ben Garrod does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why we need more Jane Goodalls – https://theconversation.com/why-we-need-more-jane-goodalls-266709

Six everyday habits that could be sabotaging your bladder health

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

CGN089/Shutterstock

The bladder is easy to overlook – until it starts causing trouble. This small, balloon-like organ in the lower urinary tract quietly stores and releases urine, helping the body eliminate waste and maintain fluid balance.

But just like your heart or lungs, your bladder needs care. Neglect it and you risk discomfort, urinary tract infections and, in some cases, serious conditions such as incontinence (involuntary leakage of urine) or even cancer.




Read more:
Do women have to pee more often? The answer is surprisingly complex


The good news: many bladder problems are preventable and linked to everyday habits. Here are six common habits that can sabotage bladder health.

1. Holding in urine too long

Delaying a bathroom visit allows urine to build up and stretches the bladder muscles. Over time this can weaken their ability to contract and empty the bladder completely, leading to urinary retention. Research shows that holding urine gives bacteria more time to multiply, raising the risk of urinary tract infections (UTIs).

Experts recommend emptying your bladder every three to four hours. In severe cases, chronic retention can even damage the kidneys. When you do go, relax – women in particular should sit fully on the toilet seat rather than hovering, so the pelvic muscles can release. Take your time and consider double voiding: after you finish, wait 10–20 seconds and try again to ensure the bladder is fully emptied.

2. Not drinking enough water

Dehydration makes urine more concentrated, which irritates the bladder lining and increases infection risk. Aim to drink six-to-eight glasses of water (about 1.5 to 2 litres) a day, more if you’re very active or in hot weather. If you have kidney or liver disease, check with your doctor first.

Too little fluid can also lead to constipation. Hard stools press on the bladder and pelvic floor, making bladder control harder.

3. Too much caffeine and alcohol

Caffeine and alcohol can irritate the bladder and act as mild diuretics, increasing urine production. A study found that people consuming over 450mg of caffeine per day – roughly four cups of coffee – were more likely to experience incontinence than those drinking less than 150mg.




Read more:
Caffeine: here’s how quitting can benefit your health


Another study showed men who drank six-to-ten alcoholic drinks per week were more likely to develop lower urinary tract symptoms than non-drinkers. Heavy alcohol use may also increase bladder cancer risk, although the evidence is mixed. Cutting back can ease bladder symptoms and reduce long-term risk.

4. Smoking

Smoking is a major cause of bladder cancer, responsible for about half of all cases. Smokers are up to four times more likely to develop the disease than non-smokers, especially if they started young or smoked heavily for years – cigars and pipes included.

Tobacco chemicals enter the bloodstream, are filtered by the kidneys and stored in urine. When urine sits in the bladder, these carcinogens, including arylamines, can damage the bladder lining.

5. Poor bathroom hygiene

Improper hygiene can introduce bacteria into the urinary tract. Wiping from back to front, using harsh soaps or neglecting hand-washing can all upset the body’s natural microbiome and increase UTI risk.

Sexual activity can also transfer bacteria from the bowel or vaginal area to the urinary tract. Both men and women can reduce their infection risk by urinating soon after sex.

6. Poor diet and lack of exercise

What you eat and how active you are affects your bladder more than you might expect. Excess weight puts pressure on the bladder and increases the likelihood of leakage. Regular exercise helps maintain a healthy weight and prevents constipation, which otherwise presses on the bladder.




Read more:
Pelvic floor dysfunction: what every woman should know


Certain foods and drinks – including fizzy drinks, spicy meals, citrus fruits and artificial sweeteners – can irritate the bladder and worsen symptoms for those already prone to problems. Aim for a fibre-rich diet with plenty of whole grains, fruit and vegetables to protect both digestive and bladder health.

Bladder health is shaped by everyday choices. Staying well-hydrated, avoiding irritants, practising good hygiene and listening to your body can all help prevent long-term problems. If you notice persistent changes such as frequent urination, difficulty emptying the bladder, pain or burning when you pee, cloudy or smelly urine, or any sign of blood, see a healthcare professional. Your bladder will thank you.

The Conversation

Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Six everyday habits that could be sabotaging your bladder health – https://theconversation.com/six-everyday-habits-that-could-be-sabotaging-your-bladder-health-262899

Book of Kells: exploring the evidence that points to Pictish origins in north-east Scotland

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Moss, Professor in the History of Art and Architecture, Trinity College Dublin

Writing in the early 20th century, the celebrated author James Joyce noted that the Book of Kells – an illuminated manuscript depicting the four gospels of the New Testament in Latin – was “the most purely Irish thing we have”.

By this time, the unique and intricate designs of the approximately 1,200-year-old manuscript were instantly recognisable, having been replicated on everything from embroidered clothing to tea sets coveted by nationalists and the Irish diaspora alike. These designs were deemed symbolic of “pure” Irish visual identity, created before the coming of the Vikings and the Anglo-Normans to Irish shores.

For well over a century, debate has raged as to whether the manuscript was made at Iona on the west coast of Scotland, the northern English monastery of Lindisfarne or indeed a different Columban monastery in Ireland. Now, a new contribution to the debate, The Book of Kells Unlocking the Enigma, soon to be published by archaeologist and art historian Victoria Whitworth, adds further food for thought on the topic.

The manuscript known as the Book of Kells was first referred to as such by the great biblical scholar Bishop James Ussher (1581-1656) to distinguish between two “gospel books of [St] Columcill”, one kept at Kells, county Meath, the other at Durrow in county Offaly.

Land charters transcribed on to the pages of the Kells manuscript prove that it had been there since at least the 11th century, and is therefore likely to be the same “great gospel book of Columcille” recorded as having been stolen and subsequently recovered from the same monastery in 1007.

Although nobody knows exactly when it was made, art historians and paleographers (experts in handwriting and manuscripts) agree that the Book of Kells most likely dates to the late 8th century. And therein lies a problem. The monastery at Kells was not founded until 807, when monks fleeing Viking incursions on the Scottish Hebridean island of Iona were gifted a safer inland site in Ireland to establish a new, ultimately thriving, monastery. So, while we know the manuscript spent at least 650 years at Kells, we do not know where it started its life.

Uncovering new evidence

Between 1994 and 2007, an archaeological excavation at the Pictish monastic site of Portmahomack, Easter Ross in the north-east of Scotland revealed the first-known evidence for the widescale manufacture of parchment in northern Europe.

This was particularly surprising, as no surviving manuscript has previously been identified as coming from this area. In addition to this, Whitworth has identified Pictish stones carved with designs and writing like that found in the Book of Kells. So, does this mean that the most purely Irish thing we have is actually Pictish?

The manuscript was made at a time when Irish churchmen and scholars not only travelled extensively but welcomed people from across Europe to study in its schools. Books also circulated widely at this time, whether as working texts, diplomatic gifts or exemplars distributed to scriptoria (monastery rooms where manuscripts were copied) across Europe.

This cultural mix is evident in the significant range of artistic sources drawn on by the Book of Kells artists. Clearly they had access to designs from contemporary continental gospels, Irish fine metalwork, Byzantine icons and imagery found on Pictish stones. None of the scribes or artists recorded their names, and indeed we don’t even know how many there were, such is the relative consistency of the script.

Non-invasive pigment analysis of the manuscript some years ago revealed the use of pigments typical to manuscript production in Scotland and Ireland during the period, some cleverly blended in such a way as to mimic the precious gold and lapis lazuli that lay beyond their reach.

An estimated 159 calf skins were used to make its surviving pages, some of which were of very poor quality. What we don’t know is whether these animals were reared and processed close to the scriptorium where the manuscript was made, whether they might have been collected up from across the territory of a wealthy donor, or whether they were brought in from a single specialist “processor”, as for example, at Portmahamock. Ultimately, advances in non-invasive DNA testing may provide scientific answers to these questions and reveal much regarding the economy of the period.

While at present it is impossible to prove beyond doubt, Whitworth’s book highlights an important new potential provenance for the Book of Kells. However, it also serves as a timely reminder that our preoccupation with the “nationality” of the manuscript is based on a 19th-century construct, which can distract from other considerations.

Whether based in Pictland, Iona or Ireland, its makers may have come together from a variety of locations, and they certainly had an international outlook. As such, this new research is equally important in considering how these people went about creating an object without borders. In this they were successful, as in 1007 it was deemed “chief relic of the Western World” and two centuries later as “the Work of Angels”.


This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org; if you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from this website The Conversation UK may earn a commission.


Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


The Conversation

Rachel Moss works for Trinity College Dublin. In the past she has received funding from the Irish Research Council and Bank of America Merrill Lynch for research work relevant to this article.

ref. Book of Kells: exploring the evidence that points to Pictish origins in north-east Scotland – https://theconversation.com/book-of-kells-exploring-the-evidence-that-points-to-pictish-origins-in-north-east-scotland-266568

The pre-Raphaelite muse who inspired Taylor Swift’s The Fate of Ophelia

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Serena Trowbridge, Reader in Victorian Literature, Birmingham City University

As a professor of pre-Raphaelite studies, I was excited to see that the track list for Taylor Swift’s 12th album, The Life of a Showgirl includes a song called The Fate of Ophelia. Ahead of the album’s release, fans and art historians speculated that the inspiration could come from John Everett Millais’s painting Ophelia (1851-52), one of the most visited paintings at Tate Britain.

The painting shows Ophelia, the heroine of Shakespeare’s play Hamlet (1623), floating in the river after her doomed relationship had driven her to madness and suicide.

The cover art for The Life of a Showgirl confirms this. It shows Swift wearing a silvery outfit, partially submerged in water with her hands floating palm-up to the surface. So far, so Everett Millais. Though the styling is very different from Millais’s work, the pose, with focus on her hands and face, seemed to give a nod to his Ophelia.

Painting of Ophelia in a river
Ophelia by John Everett Millais (1851-52).
Tate Britain

The model who posed for Millais’s painting, Elizabeth Siddal (who is buried in Highgate, near where Swift once lived) lay in a bathtub while he painted her. When the candles heating the water went out, she stayed there for hours, uncomplaining, until she became ill.

As a muse and model, Siddal exemplifies the woman silenced by and sacrificed to male artistic ambition. Swift’s cover transforms the corpse-like Ophelia into a striking image, with her eyes open and staring, as though a dead woman has come back to life to accuse us. The female figure is no longer a muse (or a showgirl).

Siddal was interested in similar themes. In her poem My Lady’s Soul, she wrote about a woman transformed through death into art:

Low sit I down at my lady’s feet

Gazing through her wild eyes,

Smiling to think how my love will fleet

When their starlike beauty dies

The woman in the poem may be silenced, but her eyes accuse us of objectification.

We know Swift is a reader: she’s referenced Daphne du Maurier’s novel Rebecca, the poet Emily Dickinson, The Great Gatsby and Romeo and Juliet among others, in her music. And the first song on the album, The Fate of Ophelia, references Siddal as well as Shakespeare’s tragic heroine.

The song’s conceit is that a happy relationship has saved the singer from Ophelia’s fate of madness and drowning. Swift has said told interviewers that she prefers a happy ending, having rewritten Romeo and Juliet in Love Story (2008), and The Fate of Ophelia is quite detailed in its references to Hamlet: “The eldest daughter of a nobleman / Ophelia lived in fantasy / But love was a cold bed full of scorpions / The venom stole her sanity.”

The Fate of Ophelia is the first track on Swift’s new album, The Life of a Showgirl.

The chorus goes: “All that time / I sat alone in my tower / You were just honing your powers / Now I can see it all. / Late one night / You dug me out of my grave and / Saved my heart from the fate of Ophelia.”

Alone in a tower, waiting for a prince to come? That sounds like some other Shakespearean or pre-Raphaelite heroines, such as Mariana, from Shakespeare’s play Measure for Measure (1604) who was reinterpreted by the poet Alfred Tennyson in 1832. Millais painted Mariana in 1851. The speaker in Swift’s song, however, has been saved from death: “You dug me out of my grave.”

Black and white photo of Siddal
Elizabeth Siddal (circa 1860).
WikiCommons

There are all kinds of interesting resurrection metaphors in the song: was Swift already dead, then? Is this about Ophelia, buried with partial rites due to the suspicion that she killed herself? Or is this about Siddal, the muse and model whose body was exhumed by her husband?

When Siddal died by overdose of laudanum (an opiate many Victorians were addicted to since it was prescribed for many illnesses) in 1862, she was buried at Highgate cemetery. Her grief-stricken (or guilt-ridden) husband Dante Gabriel Rossetti threw his manuscript poems into her coffin. Seven years later, the coffin was exhumed in order to restore the manuscripts to Rossetti for publication.

The myths exploded from that point. Charles Augustus Howell, the unscrupulous friend of Rossetti who oversaw the exhumation, claimed that Siddel’s body was perfectly preserved, her hair had continued growing in her coffin and – as Rossetti wrote to Swinburne in a letter dated October 16 1869 – he believed that “could she have opened the grave, no other hand would have been needed”.

In her reworking of the Ophelia and Siddal story, Swift undermines the stereotype of the mute, decorative showgirl by overlaying it with her own more triumphant ending.

In isolation, Swift’s conflation of Siddal, Ophelia and her own persona isn’t necessarily that progressive: after all, the song features a woman waiting for someone to save her. However, taken in conjunction with the rest of the album, it’s clear that Swift’s approach is to explore the public face of women, from Elizabeth Taylor (reminiscent of Clara Bow from her last album) to Eldest Daughter, and culminating in the title track, which indicates the pain behind the facade of a public figure, “hidden by the lipstick and lace”.


Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


The Conversation

Serena Trowbridge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The pre-Raphaelite muse who inspired Taylor Swift’s The Fate of Ophelia – https://theconversation.com/the-pre-raphaelite-muse-who-inspired-taylor-swifts-the-fate-of-ophelia-266713

Le Carré, Bacchae and radical feminist punk art – what to see and watch this week

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Naomi Joseph, Arts + Culture Editor, The Conversation

John le Carré was a master of the spy novel – not by glamorising espionage, but by stripping it of illusion. His stories abandoned the trope of the suave, heartless agent in favour of morally complex characters navigating the shadowy ethics of Cold War intelligence. Gritty, ambiguous and deeply human, his thrillers elevated the spy genre to literary art.

Much of that authenticity came from le Carré’s own experience in British counterintelligence with MI5. But as a new exhibition at Oxford’s Bodleian libraries reveals, his success was just as rooted in painstaking research, interviews and relentless editing.

John le Carré: Tradecraft offers a rare look into the creative process behind nine of his novels. On display are early character sketches, field notes, photographs, handwritten drafts and personal correspondence – many shown publicly for the first time.

Though some critics accused le Carré of becoming too political in his later years, the exhibition suggests that conscience was always central to his work. He consistently interrogated the global systems that enable corruption, reward self-interest and erode the freedoms promised by democratic societies.

As co-curator Jessica Douthwaite writes, this exhibition exposes “a worldview borne out in the idiosyncrasies of his factual research, acute observations, obsession with accuracy, compulsion to travel, and interest in the humans behind the news events”.

John le Carré: Tradecraft is open at The Bodleian Libraries in Oxford until April 6 2026.




Read more:
A new exhibition explores John le Carré’s writing process and what it says about his political conscience


Much maligned women

At London’s National Theatre, newly appointed director Indhu Rubasingham launches her tenure with a daring production: Nima Taleghani’s radical reimagining of Euripides’s Bacchae.

The ancient tragedy centres on King Pentheus of Thebes, who is punished by his cousin Dionysus (god of wine, ritual madness and theatre) for denying his divine status. In vengeance, Dionysus drives the women of Thebes, including Pentheus’s own mother, into ecstatic madness. They flee to the mountains to join Dionysus’s followers, the Bacchae, and chaos unfolds as Pentheus attempts to bring them back.

As performing arts critic Will Shüler observes, Greek tragedies have always been a mirror of their times – and this adaptation is no exception. Taleghani weaves in themes of decolonisation, feminism, race, LGBTQ+ identity and war, giving this ancient myth a modern political pulse. While occasionally heavy handed, it’s a bold, imaginative and thought-provoking debut for Rubasingham’s directorship.

Bacchae is at the National Theatre until November 1 2025.




Read more:
Bacchae is bold first choice for National Theatre’s new director


Few historical figures have become so synonymous with Dionysian opulence and excess quite like France’s last queen, Marie Antoinette. Branded “Madame Déficit” and vilified for her extravagant lifestyle, she met a violent end during the French Revolution.

Yet modern research has revealed that much of this reputation was unfairly earned. Still, the myth endures.

A new exhibition at the V&A South Kensington, Marie Antoinette Style, aims to unpack that legacy – reframing the queen not as a frivolous spendthrift, but as a complex cultural icon with a keen eye for art and fashion.

“The exhibition confidently places Marie Antoinette not as an exuberant and frivolous monarch, as she is so often seen, but as an intentional, frequently playful, and decidedly modern patron of the arts,” writes reviewer and fashion historian Serena Dyer.

With most of her wardrobe destroyed by revolutionaries, the exhibition turns to creative means: showcasing dresses, furnishings, and glassware inspired by her influence. A few rare personal items do remain – a delicate shoe, fragments of a torn dress – offering glimpses of the refined taste behind the legend.

Marie Antoinette Style is on at the V&A South Kensington in London until March 2 2026.




Read more:
Marie Antoinette Style at the V&A is a rare opportunity to see what survives of the queen’s closet


Punk and political art

In Edinburgh’s Inverleigh House in the Royal Botanic Garden you can catch the first retrospective of the trailblazing artist, Linder. Spanning 50 years, Danger Came Smiling connects with its location as it dives into her fascination with plants.

The photomontages on show remix images from popular culture, ranging from early pin-up photography to house plants, to invite onlookers to challenge societal norms around gender and sexuality. It is a vibrant and transgressive show that is at once joyful and punk, in true Linder style.

Danger Came Smiling is on at Inverleigh House, the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, until October 19, and then transfers to the Glynn Vivian Art Gallery, Swansea, in November 2025.




Read more:
50 years of Linder’s art – feminism, punk and the power of plants


With rain and gale-force winds sweeping across much of the UK this weekend, staying in might be your best bet. Why not spend it exploring some of the most iconic presidential appearances and opening monologues in American late-night TV history?

The recent cancellation of Jimmy Kimmel Live! — following controversial remarks by Kimmel that reportedly upset the president — has sparked renewed debate around free speech, state interference and censorship in the US. It’s also drawn global attention to the uniquely American tradition of late-night television.

Mocking presidents has long been a hallmark of the genre. In this piece, media expert Faye Davies traces the evolution of the opening monologue as a platform for social commentary and political satire. Many unforgettable moments are available on YouTube – from Richard Nixon’s appearance on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson to Bill Clinton’s saxophone solo on The Arsenio Hall Show, trying hard to sell his cool factor and win votes.




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Late-night TV in the US has a storied history of political commentary and presidential engagement



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The Conversation

ref. Le Carré, Bacchae and radical feminist punk art – what to see and watch this week – https://theconversation.com/le-carre-bacchae-and-radical-feminist-punk-art-what-to-see-and-watch-this-week-266528

Manchester synagogue attack: why so many people in Britain’s Jewish community felt a sense of inevitability that this day would come

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Julian Hargreaves, Senior Lecturer, Department of Sociology and Criminology, City St George’s, University of London

A man believed to be Jihad Al-Shamie, a 35-year-old British citizen born in Syria, has been shot dead by police after launching an attack on a synagogue in Manchester on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar. Melvin Cravitz, 66, and Adrian Daulby, 55, died in the attack – one having been accidentally shot by police trying to stop the suspect.

According to BBC News, a member of the public called the police at 9:31am to report the incident. Greater Manchester Police deployed firearms officers to the scene at 9:34am. At 9:38am officers declared “Operation Plato” – a code word used by UK emergency services for a marauding terrorist attacker. At 9:39am, armed counter terrorism police officers, shot and killed Al-Shamie who died at the scene. Counter terrorism police later confirmed the attacked as a “terrorist incident”.

Within hours, it had become clear that many foresaw such an attack. The Financial Times reported comments from Marc Levy, chief executive of the Jewish Representative Council, a body representing Jewish communities in Greater Manchester. Levy described the events as “an inevitability”.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews, a national body representing Jewish communities across the UK, described the attack as “sadly something we feared was coming”.

The Jewish Chronicle, a Jewish interest newspaper, reported that staff at the London Centre for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism were “shocked but not surprised”.

Recent research by the thinktank Antisemitism Policy Trust analysed demonstrations against the war in Gaza. It found public expressions of anti-Jewish hatred alongside more legitimate pro-Palestinian and anti-Israeli government sentiment, including Arabic chants referencing the massacre of Jews in 628BC.

The Community Security Trust, an organisation serving and protecting Jewish communities, records and reports antisemitic incidents in the UK. In 2023, the CST recorded 4,296 incidents – the largest number in a single year. CST used previous lower annual totals to explain how antisemitism is now fuelled by responses to the October 7 Hamas attacks: 1,684 incidents in 2020, 2,261 in 2021 and 1,662 in 2022.

The CST works carefully to investigate and verify all reports of antisemitism. While their work is entirely robust, it cannot easily reveal whether the dramatic rise in incidents reflects growing antisemitic sentiment, or increases in the reporting of antisemitic incidents to the CST, or both.

According to Home Office figures, religious hate crime against Jewish people more than doubled between the years ending March 2023 to March 2024. In 2022-23, there were 1,543 incidents recorded by the police. In 2023-24, there were 3,282.

While the number of incidents is lower than those against Muslim people – 3,432 in 2022-23 and 3,866 in 2023-24 – Jewish people are more likely to suffer religious hate crime. There were 121 incidents for every 10,000 Jewish in England and Wales compared to 10 incidents for every 10,000 Muslim people.

The same caveats apply here. We cannot know whether these increases represent growing hostility towards Jewish people in the UK or more Jewish people reporting hostility to the police. This issue is further complicated by the fact that police-recorded crime is no longer regarded as meeting the standard required of reliable national statistics due to poorly managed recording practices.

How widespread is antisemitism in the UK?

In 2017, the Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR) published what is arguably the most robust mapping of antisemitism in the UK. It estimated the extent of anti-Jewish attitudes using a nationally representative survey.

The JPR found that around 2% of the UK population might be labelled as “hardcore” antisemites and a further 3% as “softer” antisemites on the basis that both groups hold multiple antisemitic ideas. It also found that at least one more antisemitic idea is held by 30% of British society.

It is difficult to say with clarity whether or not antisemitism is rising in the UK, mainly because police statistics are so unreliable. But when terrorist attacks occur, we seek to understand what has happened and reach for robust information. This creates an urgent need for fresh research with better police data and more recent crime data.

Regardless of all this, findings from the JPR show that while strong antisemitism remains relatively uncommon in the UK, the odds of Jewish people encountering neighbours with at least one antisemitic idea remains worryingly high. Small wonder then that so many felt this attack was just a matter of time.

The Conversation

Julian Hargreaves does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Manchester synagogue attack: why so many people in Britain’s Jewish community felt a sense of inevitability that this day would come – https://theconversation.com/manchester-synagogue-attack-why-so-many-people-in-britains-jewish-community-felt-a-sense-of-inevitability-that-this-day-would-come-266638

Commuters have bemoaned Philly’s public transit for decades − in 1967, a librarian got the city to listen

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Menika Dirkson, Associate Professor of History, Morgan State University

A SEPTA train moves along the Market-Frankford Line in West Philadelphia. AP Photo/Matt Rourke

On April 13, 1967, around 1:30 p.m., Lt. Joseph Larkin of the Philadelphia Police Department’s subway unit visited the Philadelphia High School for Girls to interview the school’s librarian, 61-year-old Miriam S. Axelrod.

Axelrod had written a letter to Mayor James H.J. Tate about poor conditions on Philadelphia’s Broad Street Line subway. In her letter, she stated that the escalators in the subway concourse of the Walnut-Locust station were out of operation for several weeks and requested that they “be put in running order.”

Axelrod also asked that “something be done” about people using the subway stairs “as a latrine.”

As a historian of post-1968 Philadelphia, a proud alumna of Girls’ High and a rider of Philadelphia’s mass transit, Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority – more commonly known as SEPTA – I was thrilled to find Axelrod’s story among 1960s administrative reports to the police commissioner in the city archives.

Axelrod’s story reminds us that for nearly a century, Philadelphia’s mass transit has been plagued by poor conditions and unstable funding. Commuters’ complaints have often convinced government officials to act. However, no effective plan has ever been implemented to definitively solve the city’s transit crises.

SEPTA’s current turmoil

On Sept. 15, 2025, SEPTA fully restored its service, by court order, after implementing 20% service reductions and a 21.5% fare increase due to a US$213 million budget deficit.

Service cuts began on Aug. 24, just one day before public school students returned to classrooms. This left kids, seniors and people from nonwhite, working-class communities with few alternative routes. Riders faced lengthy travel times or were even stranded on their daily commute.

Passengers board a red, white and blue city bus
Passengers at Olney Transportation Center in North Philadelphia board a SEPTA bus on Aug. 25, 2025, a day after major service cuts went into effect.
AP Photo/Matt Rourke

Over 600,000 people travel on SEPTA’s 172 routes each day. For weeks, state legislators could not agree on how to fund SEPTA within the state budget. City officials, transit executives and tourism experts advocated for a bailout because Pennsylvania will reap tax revenue when Philly hosts millions of tourists in 2026 for America’s 250th birthday, the FIFA World Cup and the Major League Baseball All-Star Game.

Ultimately, Gov. Josh Shapiro authorized the use of the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation’s capital funds to finance SEPTA’s operations through June 2027.

Some lawmakers have argued that SEPTA is guilty of mismanaging funds, since the agency already received over $1 billion in state subsidies last year for operating assistance and asset improvement.

Public transport in the 1920s

As a longtime Philadelphian who lived in Center City, Miriam Axelrod was familiar with the strengths and shortcomings of public transportation.

At the age of 4, her family emigrated from Russia to Carmel, New Jersey. By 1920, they made Philadelphia their home just as the city’s Russian community became the largest immigrant group due to Jewish people escaping pogroms in Europe. Axelrod grew up living in South and North Philadelphia.

At that time, dozens of private transit companies operated in Philly.

Southern Penn operated city buses. Red Arrow provided suburban trolley service. Pennsylvania and Reading railroads offered high-speed rail lines. The Philadelphia Rapid Transit Co. alone brokered deals with 64 underlying companies to annually rent their services under 999-year leases. Fiscal responsibility for quality transportation was complicated and often dependent on public funding.

During PRT’s early years, it paid the city $15,000 annually for snow removal. In return, the city spent $2 million for street paving and bridge repairs.

By 1922, the PRT and the city had built and unified two elevated train routes – with assistance from the Union Traction Co. and the Market Street Elevated Passenger Railway Co. – to create the Market-Frankford Elevated Train Line.

A page from a high school yearbook with photos of three young women
Classmates at William Penn remembered Miriam Axelrod’s ‘remarkable capacity for starting arguments.’
Ancestry.com, U.S. School Yearbooks, 1900-2016

That was the same year Axelrod graduated from William Penn High School for Girls. Her classmates keenly noted in their yearbook that she had a “remarkable capacity for starting arguments” in which “any debatable subject will do.”

Six years later, the first segment of the Broad Street Subway traveling from Olney Station in North Philadelphia to City Hall opened to the public. Unlike the bus, trolley and railways systems, the city owned the El, short for elevated, line and subway. The city leased both systems to PRT and made the transit company responsible for their maintenance.

Sepia-toned photo of busy street in a commercial area of a city circa 1930s
Buses and trolley cars drive down Market Street in Philadelphia in the 1930s.
Charles Phelps Cushing/ClassicStock via Getty Images

The Depression years

Philadelphia first witnessed underfunded mass transit during the Great Depression.

In 1934, PRT faced a budget deficit when it was unable to pay the $7.1 million annual rentals to the underliers. PRT later went to court to request a consolidation plan. To make matters worse, PRT had spent approximately $230 million from 1902 through 1939, but that didn’t include spending to modernize old transit equipment.

On Jan. 1, 1940, the Philadelphia Transportation Co., a private company with a 21-member board of directors that included five city representatives including the mayor, Robert E. Lamberton, merged the transit companies and took over PRT’s operations. PTC became responsible for 10,000 employees and providing transportation for 2 million passengers a day.

PTC also acquired extensive financial responsibilities. Payroll expenses cost $327,000 each week. The annual rate for leasing the subway and El was roughly $3 million. PTC had to provide its 25,000 bondholders an annual income of at least $959,207 while also fulfilling its promise to offer modern transit vehicles.

Overcrowding and frequent fare increases

During the 1940s through the 1960s, Axelrod took public transportation to her job as a librarian at Central High School and later Frankford High School.

Meanwhile, PTC made good on its promise to provide better transit service. In its first eight years of operation, PTC spent $22.8 million to purchase 1,506 new streetcars, buses and trackless trolleys while also improving terminal and plant facilities. The company even purchased advertisements in The Philadelphia Inquirer to highlight its achievements. PTC extended 38 existing routes and created 18 new routes that serviced old residential and industrial areas, along with newly developed neighborhoods.

By 1949, however, many of PTC’s 3.2 million daily riders were complaining about overcrowded subways, the end of free exchanges between popular routes and frequent fare increases.

Black and white photo of men and women, some reading newspapers, in a subway car
Passengers ride a subway car in Philadelphia on Feb. 15, 1946.
AP Photo

Both PTC and the city faced scrutiny for these issues, although each party had distinct transit obligations outlined in their joint contract. PTC had to provide “safe and adequate service” that included spending on maintenance and replacement of transit equipment. The city was responsible for police and fire services on mass transit along with auditing PTC’s records. Both parties had to agree on fare changes under the state Public Utility Commission’s supervision.

Nevertheless, when issues on mass transit occurred, the city could persuade PTC to improve conditions, but the city was only required to offer emergency services to commuters.

When Larkin personally addressed Axelrod’s 1967 complaint about the subway, he informed her that the United Elevator Co. was repairing the escalators. He also assured her that the subway unit arrested 45 to 50 intoxicated people each month because they were at risk of falling onto the subway tracks. In “isolated cases,” Larkin explained, police arrested people for public urination and defecation.

Larkin reassured Axelrod that PTC could keep subway conditions clean and under control. In reality, PTC was underwater in responsibilities and debt.

On Sept. 30, 1968, SEPTA, a state agency formed five years earlier, took over PTC and managed transportation for the city and its surrounding areas. SEPTA bought PTC for approximately $47.9 million, settling the company’s debt, accepting its pension liability and buying out the institution’s roughly 1.7 million shareholders. Now federal and state funding rather than fare revenue largely determined the quality of the city’s public transit.

Decades of unpredictable funding

Since the 1960s, annual government funding to SEPTA has been unpredictable. White flight, deindustrialization and job flight have contributed to depopulation, a declining tax base and government defunding of social programs in Philadelphia. These socioeconomic shifts continue to affect Philadelphia’s budget for education, public housing and recreation as well as SEPTA’s $2.743 billion budget as a public transit agency.

Five counties in Greater Philadelphia contribute subsidies to SEPTA in exchange for transit service. Philadelphia alone contributes $110 million. State subsidies also help finance SEPTA’s $1.74 billion operating budget, while federal subsidies support SEPTA’s $1 billion capital budget to pay for major repairs and new equipment. State politicians annually vote on funding for SEPTA, but there has not been a concrete solution to the funding crisis.

For years, politicians have proposed using county sales and gas taxes along with business licensing fees to fund mass transit, without success. Additionally, since 2008 rising rates of car ownership have also led to fewer commuters and reduced fare revenues for SEPTA.

However, Philadelphians never ceased to demand better transit service. During the 1980s, the Pennsylvania Public Interest Coalition established the Transit Riders Action Campaign, also known as TRAC, which advocated that SEPTA have better safety, funding, accountability, service and stable fares. The Transport Workers Union Local 234 advised TRAC, while several organizations partnered with them: the Action Alliance of Senior Citizens, the Clean Air Council, Disabled in Action and the Delaware Valley Interfaith Coalition.

Even today, local groups such as Save the Train with outspoken commuters – like Axelrod was in her day – have launched campaigns to halt service cutbacks and encourage residents to write and telephone legislators who can vote to fund SEPTA. Residents have consistently united to advocate for quality mass transit. All that remains is an agreement among lawmakers to make it possible.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter on Substack.

The Conversation

Menika Dirkson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Commuters have bemoaned Philly’s public transit for decades − in 1967, a librarian got the city to listen – https://theconversation.com/commuters-have-bemoaned-phillys-public-transit-for-decades-in-1967-a-librarian-got-the-city-to-listen-264860

Qu’est-ce que l’espace-temps, exactement ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Daryl Janzen, Observatory Manager and Instructor, Astronomy, University of Saskatchewan

Peu d’idées dans la science moderne ont autant bouleversé notre compréhension de la réalité que l’espace-temps, cette trame entrelacée d’espace et de temps qui est au cœur de la théorie de la relativité d’Albert Einstein. L’espace-temps est souvent décrit comme le « tissu de la réalité ».

Dans certains récits, cette trame est qualifiée d’« univers-bloc » fixe et quadridimensionnel, une carte complète de tous les événements, passés, présents et futurs. Dans d’autres, il s’agit d’un champ dynamique qui se courbe et se déforme en réponse à la gravité.

Mais que signifie réellement dire que l’espace-temps existe ? De quel type de chose s’agit-il ? L’espace-temps est-il une structure, une substance ou une métaphore ?

Le cœur de la physique moderne

Ces questions ne sont pas seulement philosophiques. Elles sont au cœur de notre interprétation de la physique moderne et façonnent discrètement de multiples enjeux, de notre compréhension de la relativité générale à notre conception du voyage dans le temps, et jusqu’aux multivers et à nos origines.

Ces questions éclairent l’émergence de l’espace-temps lui-même et de nouvelles propositions radicales qui le traitent comme la mémoire de l’univers. Et pourtant, le langage que nous utilisons pour décrire l’espace-temps est souvent vague, métaphorique et profondément incohérent.

Le philosophe austro-britannique Ludwig Wittgenstein a un jour averti que les problèmes philosophiques surgissent lorsque « le langage part en vacances ». Il s’avère que la physique en est peut-être un bon exemple.

Au cours du siècle dernier, des mots usuels tels que « temps », « exister » et « intemporel » ont été réutilisés dans des contextes techniques sans que l’on examine le sens qu’ils ont dans le langage courant.

Cela a conduit à une confusion généralisée quant à la signification réelle de ces termes.

Le problème du langage

En philosophie de la physique, en particulier dans une approche connue sous le nom d’éternalisme, le mot « intemporel » est utilisé au sens littéral. L’éternalisme est l’idée que le temps ne s’écoule pas et ne passe pas, que tous les événements à travers le temps sont également réels dans une structure à quatre dimensions connue sous le nom d’« univers-bloc ».

rangées de blocs
L’éternalisme considère que tout existe de manière atemporelle et simultanée.
(Rick Rothenberg/Unsplash), CC BY

Selon cette vision, toute l’histoire de l’univers est déjà écrite, de manière intemporelle, dans la structure de l’espace-temps. Dans ce contexte, « intemporel » signifie que l’univers lui-même ne perdure ni ne se déploie dans un sens réel. Il n’y a pas de devenir. Il n’y a pas de changement. Il n’y a qu’un bloc, et toute l’éternité existe de manière intemporelle à l’intérieur de celui-ci.

Mais cela conduit à un problème plus profond. Si tout ce qui se produit à travers l’éternité est également réel, et que tous les événements sont déjà là, que signifie réellement le fait que l’espace-temps existe ?

Un éléphant dans la pièce

Il existe une différence structurelle entre l’existence et l’occurrence. L’une est un mode d’être, l’autre, un mode d’arriver.

Imaginez qu’un éléphant se tienne à côté de vous. Vous diriez probablement : « Cet éléphant existe. » Vous pourriez le décrire comme un objet tridimensionnel, mais surtout, c’est un « objet tridimensionnel qui existe ».

En revanche, imaginez un éléphant purement tridimensionnel qui apparaît dans la pièce pendant un instant : un moment transversal dans la vie d’un éléphant existant, apparaissant et disparaissant comme un fantôme. Cet éléphant n’existe pas vraiment au sens ordinaire du terme. Il se produit. Il apparaît.

Un éléphant existant perdure dans le temps, et l’espace-temps catalogue chaque instant de son existence sous la forme d’une ligne mondiale en quatre dimensions – le parcours d’un objet dans l’espace et le temps tout au long de son existence. L’« éléphant qui apparaît » imaginaire n’est qu’une tranche spatiale du tube, un instant en trois dimensions.

Appliquons maintenant cette distinction à l’espace-temps lui-même. Que signifie l’existence d’un espace-temps à quatre dimensions au sens où l’éléphant existe ? L’espace-temps perdure-t-il dans le même sens ? L’espace-temps a-t-il son propre ensemble de moments « présents » ? Ou bien l’espace-temps – l’ensemble de tous les événements qui se produisent à travers l’éternité – est-il simplement quelque chose qui se produit ? L’espace-temps est-il simplement un cadre descriptif permettant de relier ces événements ?


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L’éternalisme brouille cette distinction. Il traite toute l’éternité – c’est-à-dire tout l’espace-temps – comme une structure existante, et considère le passage du temps comme une illusion. Mais cette illusion est impossible si tout l’espace-temps se produit en un clin d’œil.

Pour retrouver l’illusion que le temps passe dans ce cadre, l’espace-temps à quatre dimensions doit exister d’une manière plus proche de l’éléphant à trois dimensions existant, dont l’existence est décrite par l’espace-temps à une dimension.

Chaque événement

Poussons cette réflexion un peu plus loin.

Si nous imaginons que chaque événement de l’histoire de l’univers « existe » dans l’univers-bloc, alors nous pourrions nous demander : quand le bloc lui-même existe-t-il ? S’il ne se déroule pas et ne change pas, existe-t-il hors du temps ? Si tel est le cas, alors nous ajoutons une autre dimension temporelle à quelque chose qui est censé être intemporel au sens littéral.

Pour donner un sens à cela, nous pourrions construire un cadre à cinq dimensions, en utilisant trois dimensions spatiales et deux dimensions temporelles. Le deuxième axe temporel nous permettrait de dire que l’espace-temps à quatre dimensions existe exactement de la même manière que nous considérons généralement qu’un éléphant dans une pièce existe dans les trois dimensions spatiales qui nous entourent, les événements que nous classons comme espace-temps à quatre dimensions.

À ce stade, nous sortons du cadre de la physique établie, qui décrit l’espace-temps à travers quatre dimensions seulement. Mais cela révèle un problème profond : nous n’avons aucun moyen cohérent de parler de ce que signifie l’existence de l’espace-temps sans réintroduire accidentellement le temps à travers une dimension supplémentaire qui ne fait pas partie de la physique.

C’est comme essayer de décrire une chanson qui existe à un moment donné, sans être jouée, entendue ou dévoilée.

De la physique à la fiction

Cette confusion façonne notre conception du temps dans la fiction et la science populaire.

Dans le film de James Cameron de 1984, The Terminator, tous les événements sont considérés comme fixes. Le voyage dans le temps est possible, mais la chronologie ne peut être modifiée. Tout existe déjà dans un état fixe et intemporel.

Dans le quatrième film de la franchise Avengers, Avengers : Endgame (2019), le voyage dans le temps permet aux personnages de modifier les événements passés et de remodeler la ligne temporelle, suggérant un univers en bloc qui existe et change à la fois.

Ce changement ne peut se produire que si la ligne temporelle à quatre dimensions existe de la même manière que notre monde à trois dimensions.

Mais indépendamment de la possibilité d’un tel changement, les deux scénarios supposent que le passé et l’avenir sont là et prêts à être parcourus. Cependant, aucun des deux ne s’intéresse à la nature de l’existence que cela implique, ni à la manière dont l’espace-temps diffère d’une carte des événements.

Comprendre la réalité

Lorsque les physiciens affirment que l’espace-temps « existe », ils travaillent souvent dans un cadre qui a discrètement brouillé la frontière entre existence et occurrence. Il en résulte un modèle métaphysique qui, au mieux, manque de clarté et, au pire, obscurcit la nature même de la réalité.

Rien de tout cela ne remet en cause la théorie mathématique de la relativité ou la science empirique qui la confirme. Les équations d’Einstein fonctionnent toujours. Mais la manière dont nous interprétons ces équations est importante, en particulier lorsqu’elle influence la façon dont nous parlons de la réalité et dont nous abordons les problèmes plus profonds de la physique.

Ces compréhensions incluent des tentatives de réconciliation de la relativité générale avec la théorie quantique – un défi exploré à la fois dans la philosophie et les débats scientifiques populaires.

Définir l’espace-temps est plus qu’un débat technique : il s’agit de déterminer dans quel type de monde nous pensons vivre.

La Conversation Canada

Daryl Janzen ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Qu’est-ce que l’espace-temps, exactement ? – https://theconversation.com/quest-ce-que-lespace-temps-exactement-264101

Deepfakes et élections en Afrique : la prochaine grande menace démocratique ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Fabrice Lollia, Docteur en sciences de l’information et de la communication, chercheur associé laboratoire DICEN Ile de France, Université Gustave Eiffel

Les élections africaines, déjà marquées par des tensions récurrentes autour de la transparence et de la désinformation, pourraient bientôt entrer dans une nouvelle ère, celle des deepfakes. Ces vidéos et audios générés par intelligence artificielle, capables d’imiter la voix, le visage et les gestes d’une personne avec un réalisme troublant, déplacent la frontière de la manipulation politique.

S’ils prêtent parfois à sourire lorsqu’ils mettent en scène des célébrités dans des détournements humoristiques, leur usage en période électorale représente une menace sérieuse pour la stabilité démocratique. Aux États-Unis, en Inde ou encore en Slovaquie, les deepfakes ont déjà été mobilisés pour influencer l’opinion publique. La question centrale est donc très simple : l’Afrique est-elle prête à affronter ce nouvel outil de manipulation électorale ?

Chercheur en sciences de l’information et de la communication, j’étudie la circulation de l’information, la désinformation et les vulnérabilités communicationnelles en contexte de crise. L’émergence des deepfakes illustre ces tensions. En Afrique, où la jeunesse hyperconnectée domine l’électorat mais où la culture numérique reste inégale, le risque est particulièrement élevé. J’en propose ici une lecture info-communicationnelle appliquée aux élections africaines

Des précédents inquiétants à l’échelle mondiale

Les deepfakes ne sont plus une hypothèse futuriste. Ils ont déjà marqué des épisodes électoraux clés, offrant des leçons pour les pays africains.
En 2023, en Slovaquie, quelques jours avant les législatives, un deepfake audio circulant sur Facebook et Telegram attribuait à Michal Simecka, chef du parti pro-occidental progressiste slovaque, une conversation où il planifiait de ruser le scrutin. Ce contenu a semé le doute au profit du camp populiste de Robert Fico. Il s’agit du premier cas documenté en Europe où un deepfake aurait pesé sur un scrutin national.

En 2024 aux États unis lors de la primaire démocrate du New Hampshire, des électeurs reçurent un appel téléphonique deepfake imitant la voix de Joe Biden et incident à l’abstention. Ce qui illustre l’usage des deepfakes pour dissuader la participation électorale, ce qui constitue une attaque frontale contre la démocratie.

En 2024 en Inde, les élections générales de 2024 ont été marquées par une explosion de deepfakes. Ces vidéos et sons générés par intelligence artificielle (IA) ont été diffusés massivement par les réseaux sociaux. Des acteurs de Bollywood ou même des personnalités politiques décédées ont été mis en scène pour soutenir ou attaquer les candidats.

Ces cas montrent que les deepfakes ne visent pas seulement à convaincre, mais surtout à introduire le doute, brouiller les repères et miner la confiance.

Un terrain fertile en Afrique

Le continent africain compte aujourd’hui plus de 670 millions d’internautes, majoritairement jeunes. Whatsapp, Facebook et TikTok sont devenus les principales sources d’information politique. Dans ce contexte, plusieurs facteurs accentuent la vulnérabilité face aux deepfakes :

• Une faible culture de vérification : beaucoup d’utilisateurs partagent sans contrôler l’origine des contenus;

• Une viralité extrême : les messages et vidéos circulent rapidement dans les groupes fermés et sont difficiles à surveiller;

• Les institutions électorales sont contestées : la confiance citoyenne est fragile, ce qui confère une crédibilité accrue aux fausses informations.

Des signaux faibles apparaissent déjà :

Au Nigéria, en 2023, des inquiétudes ont émergé concernant la circulation de vidéos manipulées lors de la présidentielle.

Au Kenya, en 2022, TikTok et Facebook ont hébergé de nombreux contenus politiques manipulés, certains proches de techniques de falsification, dans le cadre de campagnes de désinformation.

L’Afrique se trouve donc dans une phase de vulnérabilité latente, réunissant tous les ingrédients pour que les deepfakes deviennent rapidement une arme politique.
À la différence des « fake news » classiques, les deepfakes tirent leur force de la synergie image/son créant une illusion sensorielle difficile à contester. Leur efficacité ne repose pas seulement sur la capacité à tromper, mais sur leur pouvoir de déstabilisation symbolique.

Ils peuvent ainsi créer un scandale contre un candidat, amplifier des clivages ethniques ou religieux et semer la confusion.

Cette érosion du contrat de vérité constitue une crise communicationnelle majeure qui fragilise les démocraties africaines déjà confrontées à des équilibres institutionnels précaires.

Une lecture info-communicationnelle

Les SIC permettent d’analyser ce phénomène sous un angle élargi. Trois axes sont particulièrement pertinents :

  • Tout d’abord, en termes de médiologie et de circulation des rumeurs, les deepfakes s’inscrivent dans une longue histoire des technologies de communication comme instruments de pouvoir. L’incertitude, le manque de transparence et l’opacité de certaines sphères d’information favorisent la prolifération de rumeurs, en particulier dans les contextes électoraux ou politiques.Les deepfakes ajoutent une couche technologique qui donne un vernis de crédibilité à la rumeur.

  • Ensuite, dans le cadre des logiques sociotechniques des plateformes, les algorithmes comme celui de TikTok privilégient les contenus sensationnels et polarisants. Dans ce système le deepfake devient une arme algorithmique amplifiée par l’économie de l’attention.

  • Enfin, on constate que dans un contexte africain marqué par des fractures linguistiques, éducatives et technologiques, la réception des deepfakes varie fortement. La culture numérique inégale favorise des appropriations différenciées, accentuant les asymétries de compréhension.

De nombreuses pistent émergent, mais leur mise en œuvre reste complexe :
Google, Meta ou Microsoft développent des outils capables d’identifier les contenus synthétiques. Mais ces technologies de détection restent coûteuses et rarement accessibles aux médias africains.

Des initiatives comme Africa Check jouent un rôle crucial en terme de médias et fact-checking, mais elles sont sous-dimensionnées face à la masse d’informations manipulées.

D’un point de vue juridique, certains pays africains légifèrent contre les fake news comme le Ghana ou l’Ouganda, mais il est à craindre que ces lois, dont l’encadrement est discutable, risquent de servir la censure politique plutôt que la protection citoyenne. Une approche panafricaine via l’Union Africaine ou les communautés régionales offrirait plus de crédibilité.

Former les jeunes et les moins jeunes à repérer, vérifier et questionner les contenus constitue un investissement démocratique stratégique. Les programmes scolaires universitaires, l’éducation aux médias, qui sont les leviers à long terme doivent intégrer la littérature numérique et médiatique comme compétences civiques.

Vers une souveraineté numérique africaine ?

La menace des deepfakes invite aussi à réfléchir à une souveraineté numérique africaine. L’Afrique ne peut pas dépendre uniquement des géants technologiques occidentaux pour sécuriser son espace informationnel. Le développement de laboratoires panafricains de recherche et de détection associés à des initiatives de société civile pourrait constituer une réponse endogène.

En outre, la coopération Sud-Sud ( par exemple entre l’Inde et certains pays africains) pourrait favoriser l’échange de solutions techniques et pédagogiques. Car il ne s’agit pas seulement de contrer la manipulation, mais aussi de bâtir une culture numérique partagée, capable de redonner confiance aux citoyens.

Les cas en Slovaquie, en Inde, aux États-Unis montrent que les deepfakes sont déjà une arme électorale redoutable. En Afrique, leur introduction dans le jeu politique n’est plus qu’une question de temps.

Mais la menace ne se réduit pas à une technologie. Elle révèle une vulnérabilité communicationnelle plus profonde qui se caractérise par une crise de confiance minant la légitimité démocratique. L’enjeu n’est donc pas uniquement de détecter les deepfakes, mais bien de reconstruire un rapport de vérité entre gouvernés et gouvernants.

Former les citoyens, renforcer les médias, développer une recherche locale et promouvoir une régulation panafricaine sont autant de pistes pour affronter ce défi. Car au-delà de la technique, c’est la capacité de l’Afrique à protéger l’intégrité de ses choix démocratiques qui est en jeu.

The Conversation

Fabrice Lollia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Deepfakes et élections en Afrique : la prochaine grande menace démocratique ? – https://theconversation.com/deepfakes-et-elections-en-afrique-la-prochaine-grande-menace-democratique-266266