3-legged lizards can thrive against all odds, challenging assumptions about how evolution works in the wild

Source: The Conversation – USA – By James T. Stroud, Assistant Professor of Ecology and Evolution, Georgia Institute of Technology

A brown basilisk missing both its entire left forearm and part of its right hind limb. Brian Hillen

We are lizard biologists, and to do our work we need to catch lizards – never an easy task with such fast, agile creatures.

Years ago, one of us was in the Bahamas chasing a typically uncooperative lizard across dense and narrow branches, frustrated that its nimble agility was thwarting efforts to catch it. Only when finally captured did we discover this wily brown anole was missing its entire left hind leg. This astonishing observation set our research down an unexpected path.

That chance encounter led us to collaborate with over 60 colleagues worldwide to document what we suspected might be a broader phenomenon. Our research uncovered 122 cases of limb loss across 58 lizard species and revealed that these “three-legged pirates” – the rare survivors of traumatic injuries – can run just as fast, maintain healthy body weight, reproduce successfully and live surprisingly long lives.

To be clear, most lizards probably do not survive such devastating injuries. What we’re documenting are the exceptional cases that defy our expectations about how natural selection works.

A hefty green lizard with a noticeable mark where it's left 'arm' would have been poses on a tree branch
A four-horned chameleon missing its entire left forelimb in Cameroon appeared healthy when observed in the wild, despite the specialized gripping requirements of chameleons.
Christopher Anderson

This discovery is startling because lizard limbs represent one of biology’s most studied examples of evolutionary adaptation. For decades, scientists have demonstrated that even tiny differences in leg length between individual lizards can mean the difference between life and death – affecting their ability to escape predators, catch prey and find mates.

Since subtle variations matter so much, biologists have long assumed that losing an entire limb should be catastrophic.

Yet our global survey tells a different story about these remarkable survivors. Working with colleagues across six continents, we found limb-damaged lizards across nearly all major lizard families, from tiny geckos to massive iguanas.

These animals had clearly healed from whatever trauma caused their injuries – likely accidents or the failed attempts of a predator to eat them. Perhaps most remarkably, we documented surviving limb loss even in chameleons, tree-climbing specialists whose movements seem to require perfect limb coordination.

Thriving, not just surviving

The body condition of these lizards was most surprising. Rather than appearing malnourished, many limb-damaged lizards were actually heavier than expected for their size, suggesting they were successfully finding food despite their handicap. Some were actively reproducing, with females found carrying eggs and males observed successfully mating.

4 side by side X-ray images in black and white of small lizards each missing a limb
Limb damage can be fairly common in some lizard populations, such as these X-rays of brown anoles (Anolis sagrei) from the Bahamas.
Jason Kolbe/Jonathan Losos

These findings force us to reconsider some basic assumptions about how evolution might work in wild populations. Charles Darwin envisioned natural selection as an omnipresent force, “daily and hourly scrutinizing” every feature.

But perhaps selection is more episodic than constant. Maybe sometimes limb length matters tremendously, while during other times – such as when food is abundant and predators are scarce – limb length matters less and three-legged lizards can flourish.

These lizard survivors showcase the incredible solutions that millions of years of evolution have built into their biology. Rather than being passive victims of their injuries, these lizards may survive by actively choosing safer habitats or hunting strategies, using smart behavior to avoid situations where their disability would be a disadvantage.

Biological engineering in action

Our research combines old-fashioned natural history observations with cutting-edge, biomechanical analysis.

We use high-speed cameras and computer software that can track movement frame by frame to analyze running mechanics invisible to the naked eye. This combination of field biology and laboratory precision allows us to understand not just that these lizards survive, but how they accomplish this remarkable feat.

When we tested the three-legged lizards’ athletic performance, the results defied expectations. Some animals were clearly impaired in their sprinting capabilities, but others actually ran faster than fully-limbed individuals of the same size across a 2-meter dash during our “Lizard Olympics.”

Researchers used computer software that automatically tracks movement patterns to analyze high-speed videos of lizards sprinting, such as this brown anole missing half of its right back leg. Christopher Anderson

High-speed video analysis revealed their secret: The speedy survivors compensate through creative biomechanical solutions. One brown anole missing half its hind limb dramatically increased its body undulation during sprinting, using exaggerated snakelike movements to compensate for the missing leg.

By documenting the unexpected – the seemingly impossible survivors – we’re reminded that nature still holds surprises that can fundamentally change how we think about life itself.

The Conversation

Jonathan Losos receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

James T. Stroud does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 3-legged lizards can thrive against all odds, challenging assumptions about how evolution works in the wild – https://theconversation.com/3-legged-lizards-can-thrive-against-all-odds-challenging-assumptions-about-how-evolution-works-in-the-wild-262467

Far fewer Americans support political violence than recent polls suggest

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ryan Kennedy, Timashev Chair of Data Analytics and Professor of Political Science, The Ohio State University

Some surveys have reported that a large number of Americans are willing to support the use of force for political ends. stellalevi, DigitalVision Vectors/Getty Images

A series of recent events has sparked alarm about rising levels of political violence in the U.S. These episodes include the assassination of political activist Charlie Kirk on Sept. 10, 2025; the murder of a Democratic Minnesota state legislator and her husband in June 2025; and two attempts to kill Donald Trump during the 2024 presidential campaign.

Some surveys have reported that a large number of Americans are willing to support the use of force for political ends, or they believe that political violence may sometimes be justified.

My research is in political science and data analytics. I have conducted surveys for almost 25 years. For the past three years, I have studied new techniques that leverage artificial intelligence to conduct and analyze interviews.

My own recent surveys, which use AI to ask people about why they give their answers, show that the surprisingly high level of support in response to these questions is likely the result of confusion about what these questions are asking, not actual support for political violence.

People in uniforms and others carry a casket out of a church.
Law enforcement officials lead a procession as pallbearers carry caskets after a funeral ceremony for Minnesota state Rep. Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark Hortman, on June 28, 2025, in Minneapolis.
Stephen Maturen/Getty Images

A failure to communicate

Why would multiple surveys get the answers to this important question wrong? I believe the cause is an issue called response error. It means that respondents don’t interpret a question in the way the researcher thinks they will.

As a result, the answers people provide don’t really reflect what the researcher thinks the answers show.

For example, asking whether someone would support the use of force to achieve a political goal raises the question of what the respondent thinks “use of force” means in this context. It could be interpreted as violence, but it could also be interpreted as using legal means to “force” someone to do something.

Such response errors have been a concern for pollsters ever since survey research began. They can affect even seemingly straightforward questions.

What did you mean by that?

To avoid this problem, I used an AI interviewing system developed by CloudResearch, a well-known survey research company, to ask respondents some of the same questions about political violence from previous surveys. Then I used it to ask what they were thinking when they answered those questions. This process is called cognitive interviewing.

I then used AI to go through these interviews and categorize them. Two short reports that summarize this process as applied to both polls are available online. These analyses have not been peer-reviewed, and the results should be considered very preliminary.

Nonetheless, the results clearly demonstrate that respondents interpret these questions in very different ways.

Nuance matters

For example, in my survey, about 33% of Democrats agreed with the statement that “use of force is justified to remove President Trump from office.” However, when asked why they agreed, more than 57% gave responses like this: “I was not thinking physically but more in the sense that he – the president – might need to be ‘fired’ or forced out of office due to rules or laws.” Still others were envisioning future scenarios where a president illegally seizes power in a coup.

Once you account for these different interpretations of the question, the AI only coded about 8% of Democrats as supporting use of force in violent terms under current conditions.

Even here, there was substantial ambiguity – for example, this type of response was not unusual: “The language ‘use of force’ was a bit too broad for me. I could not justify killing Trump, for example, but less extreme uses of force were valid in my eyes.”

Similarly, 29% of Republicans agreed that “use of the military is justified to stop protests against President Trump’s agenda.” However, almost all of the respondents who agreed with this statement envisioned the National Guard interceding nonviolently to stop violent protests and riots. Only about 2.6% of Republicans gave comments supporting use of the military against nonviolent protests.

Almost all those who agreed that use of the military was justified expressed thoughts like this: “I see the military coming and acting as a police force to stop or prevent the demonstrations that become violent. Peaceful protesters must be allowed to exercise their right to free speech.”

When is political violence justified?

Even questions that explicitly ask about political violence are open to wide interpretation. Take, for example, this question: “Do you think it is ever justified for citizens to resort to violence in order to achieve political goals?”

The lack of a specific scenario or location in this question invites respondents to engage in all kinds of philosophical and historical speculation.

In my survey, almost 15% of respondents said violence could sometimes be justified. When asked about the examples they were thinking of, respondents cited the American Revolution, the anti-Nazi French Resistance and many other incidents as a reason for their responses. Only about 3% of respondents said they were thinking about actions in the U.S. at the current time.

Moreover, almost all respondents stated that violence should be a last resort when all other peaceful and legal methods fail.

One respondent illustrated both problems with one sentence: “The (American) colonists tried petitions and negotiations first, but, when those efforts failed, they resorted to armed conflict to gain independence.”

A call for understanding

Even these numbers likely overestimate Americans’ support for political violence. I read the interviews, checking the AI system’s labeling, and concluded that, if anything, it was overestimating support for violence.

Other factors may also be distorting reports of public support for political violence. Many surveys are conducted primarily online. One study estimated that anywhere from 4% to 7% of respondents in online surveys are “bogus respondents” who are selecting arbitrary responses. Another study reported that such respondents dramatically increase positive responses on questions about political violence.

Respondents may also be willing to espouse attitudes anonymously online that they would never say or do in real life. Studies have suggested that “online disinhibition effects” or “survey trolling” can impact survey results.

In sum, my preliminary research suggests that response error is a substantial problem in surveys about political violence.

Americans almost universally condemn the recent political violence they have witnessed. The recent poll results showing otherwise more likely stem from confusion about what the questions are asking than actual support for political violence.

The Conversation

Ryan Kennedy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Far fewer Americans support political violence than recent polls suggest – https://theconversation.com/far-fewer-americans-support-political-violence-than-recent-polls-suggest-266113

How the National Trust’s art collections can shape meadow restoration

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Samuel Shaw, Lecturer in History of Art, The Open University

Ox-eye daises in Ismore meadow, Attingham Park, Shropshire. Samuel Shaw, CC BY-NC-ND

Earlier this year I found myself stood among a sea of swaying ox-eye daises in a floodplain meadow on the Attingham estate in Shropshire, on land owned by the National Trust. I noticed other plants growing here: the sunny yellows of meadow buttercup, the wine-reds of great burnet and the furry seed heads of meadow foxtail. The sounds of birds and insects bubbled in the background.

It felt like a thriving environment, but I knew that this meadow could be so much more. Floodplain meadows are hugely important spaces, supporting rare plant communities and providing food for animals to eat during the winter months.

The soils of floodplain meadows are recognised by scientists as an important carbon store, helping to slow floodwaters and absorb nutrients. Many remaining floodplain meadows have been managed in the same way for more than 1,000 years. However, such sites are rare and most meadows are in serious need of restoration.

The diversity and abundance of the plants and animals I encountered at Attingham did not indicate a flourishing ecosystem. While birds such as lapwing had been seen passing through the site, they not been encouraged to stay and breed. The quality of the soil was improving, but only slowly.

After leaving the meadow, I visited Attingham Park, the large house that lies at the heart of the estate. As an art historian with a keen interest in the history and visual cultures of natural sciences, I was hoping to make connections across the trust’s collections. I wanted to find objects in the house that related to what I had encountered in the meadows.

I wasn’t disappointed. Attingham’s collection is large and deep, encompassing paintings, ceramics, furniture, rare books and much more besides. Some objects relate specifically to the house and to the Berwick family who lived there, while others form part of a broader story.

Evidence of meadows and meadow ecosystems appears everywhere: in the famous paintings of cattle hanging on the walls, in the representation of grasses in an early 20th-century fan, and in the tiny beetles that adorned an Italian paperweight. In the delicate lithographic plates of a 19th-century guide to British birds, compiled by the ornithologist John Gould, I found the lapwings that had thwarted me in the meadow.

painting of lapwing and chicks
Lithograph of a lapwing and chicks by British artist John Gould (1804–81). Estate of Emily Winthrop Miles, 64.98.114.
Brooklyn Museum

Perhaps the most interesting object I saw was the original Attingham Red Book. Created in 1798 by landscape gardener Humphry Repton, this red leather-bound book documented his plans for the estate, via a series of charming and clever before-and-after watercolours. Could Repton’s book help me understand how this meadow has changed over centuries, and how it might change again?

The art of meadow restoration

It can be tempting to divide the National Trust’s holdings and activities into natural heritage on the one hand, and cultural heritage on the other. But the trust’s highly significant art and cultural collections (what is found inside) can be used to draw attention to what is going on in the estates (what is found outside). The trust owns thousands of historic objects that can help engage audiences with the past, present and future of its natural spaces.

Since 2006, my colleagues at the Floodplain Meadows Partnership, an initiative at the Open University, have been working with conservation organisations and landowners to ensure that floodplain meadows are protected, restored and successfully managed. By feeding into government agricultural funding schemes such as the countryside stewardship higher tier, the partnership’s research supports sustainable farming and nature restoration across the UK.

Current partners include the National Trust which, as one of the UK’s largest landowners and with ambitious nature recovery targets, is uniquely placed to lead the way in meadow restoration. Together, we have identified 121 fields at English estates, including Attingham, that could be suitable for floodplain meadow restoration.

The trust’s current emphasis on people and nature, as laid out in its new ten-year strategy, hints at a certain nervousness over how to situate the organisation’s significant holdings of art, design and architecture. Yet there’s a strong argument for bringing cultural and natural heritage closer together. Historic objects, such as those I explored at Attingham, do not stand apart from nature restoration, but can stimulate and shape it.

For example, Repton’s Red Book designs directly tackle issues – such as how to manage rivers and their floodplains – that remain at the heart of the estate’s management. But Repton liked his rivers to be ample and majestic, cutting through the landscape cleanly, rather than meandering messily. This goes against what is needed to create thriving river habitats, such as those envisaged by Attingham’s current nature recovery project.

Looking through the Red Book and the collections at Attingham provides much more than a window into the past. These objects show how the past is still so entwined with the present, and how it may inform what we do in the future.

Samuel Shaw’s film, Inside Out: Restoring floodplain meadows at the National Trust.

My research at Attingham, as highlighted in the short film above, shows how art and visual culture can help us better understand and engage audiences with nature restoration. Art objects offer a fresh perspective on environmental debates, helping people to visualise complex ideas in ways that inspire, surprise and change the direction of conversations.

The restoration of key environments such as floodplain meadows may be led by scientists, but the arts nevertheless have an essential role to play.


Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


The Conversation

Samuel Shaw has received funding from the AHRC in the past

ref. How the National Trust’s art collections can shape meadow restoration – https://theconversation.com/how-the-national-trusts-art-collections-can-shape-meadow-restoration-266395

Diane Keaton pioneered new kinds of complex femininity on screen

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jen Harvie, Professor of Contemporary Theatre and Performance, Queen Mary University of London

American film actress Diane Keaton, who has died aged 79, was an icon of style but also character. She challenged the boundaries and range of what it was possible for women to play and be, especially in American cinema’s new wave of the 1970s and 80s.

Keaton was most famous for her performance as the title character in Woody Allen’s 1977 satirical romantic comedy-drama, Annie Hall. Her Annie could have been the love child of Katharine Hepburn and Charlie Chaplin.

She had Hepburn’s strength, intelligence, hair in a bun, and gender non-conforming trousers and tie; Chaplin’s comedy, goofiness and charm; and the idiosyncrasy of them both. Annie – like many more of Keaton’s characters – was kooky but smart, troubled and flawed, sweet but sensuous. And always endearing and complex.

Keaton won an Oscar for Annie. She physically overshadowed Allen despite being the same height (according to Allen), and her character’s awkward flirtatiousness, delight and curiosity balanced his character’s neurosis. Allen cast Keaton in eight of his movies and described her as, “with the exception of Judy Holliday”, “the finest screen comedienne we’ve ever seen”.

Keaton is better known as a comedian (or, as film critic Peter Bradshaw puts it, “a comic performer of ethereally self-aware genius”). But she had an impressive record in drama as well.

Keaton as Annie Hall.

Five years before Annie Hall, Keaton played the marrying-in outsider Kay to the mob family in Francis Ford Coppola’s The Godfather (1972). She appeared across the trilogy opposite Al Pacino.

Speaking to US broadcaster NPR in 2017, she explained that she drew on her experience as a young woman on The Godfather’s profoundly male-dominated set to understand Kay’s experience in the similarly male mob world.

The same year as Annie Hall, Keaton played Theresa Dunn in the much darker Looking for Mr Goodbar. Theresa leads a double life. By day she’s a Catholic teacher and by night, she cruises bars and discos for casual and sometimes rough sex.

Adapted from Judith Rossner’s 1975 novel, the film has been criticised for crude sensationalism, but Keaton’s portrayal of Theresa’s desire was broadly admired. Sight and Sound, for example, called her performance impressive “mainly because her strength and sensitivity as an actress seem to be operating apart from the underdeveloped character she is playing”.

Keaton also starred alongside Warren Beatty and Jack Nicholson in Reds (1981), Beatty’s epic drama exploring political and personal commitment in the context of journalists’ engagement with the Russian revolution. Keaton played activist Louise Bryant, who leaves her family to join the political struggle and, let’s be honest, handsome journalist Jack Reed (Beatty).

New York Times journalist Alissa Wilkinson wrote of the performance: “We might not all be Reed, the charismatic idealist giving speeches, but we might be Bryant, just trying to catch hold as history barrels past and discovering who we are inside of it.

Keaton’s later career

It is an indictment of Hollywood that, as Keaton aged, her roles and films generally became more conventional and less challenging than some of her earlier work. That said, she admitted that her own confidence affected her career, mistakenly believing that “without a great man writing and directing for me” she was “mediocre”.

Despite this, she did find and create roles that continued to challenge expectations about how women can behave, and she made a series of successful collaborations with director Nancy Meyers.

The trailer for Something’s Gotta Give.

In 1987’s Baby Boom, co-written by Meyers, Keaton played a career-committed businesswoman who inherits a baby that disrupts her life. Not only does she gradually cope, she eventually pulls off the hat-trick of growing her career, keeping the baby and snatching heartthrob Sam Shepard.

Keaton also starred in another tale of mainstream feminism triumphant, Meyers’ romantic comedy-drama Something’s Gotta Give (2003). Turning the tables on sexist stereotypes, Keaton’s successful playwright character “tames” playboy Nicholson while also attracting the much younger Keanu Reeves.

There is a sense that Hollywood couldn’t imagine Keaton’s early frisson in the body of an ageing woman. But she carried on doing what she could from within these more tame and often liberal feminist comedy-dramas, which sought gender equality but never questioned structures that were fundamentally sexist.

Keaton’s legacy persists. Some of the most influential American women television and filmmakers of the 21st century have sought to take up the mantle of her complex characterisations of smart, awkward and unconventional femininity, including Lena Dunham and Greta Gerwig. And we will always have Diane Keaton’s back catalogue to remind us of Hepburn and Chaplin’s strange, poignant, funny love child.


Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


The Conversation

Jen Harvie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Diane Keaton pioneered new kinds of complex femininity on screen – https://theconversation.com/diane-keaton-pioneered-new-kinds-of-complex-femininity-on-screen-267348

The cooking pot that became a symbol of Sweden’s commitment to helping Palestine

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maria Småberg, Senior Lecturer, Peace and Conflict Research, Department of HIstory, Lund University

In the hills of the southern West Bank, a Swedish cooking pot has become a symbol of trust, resilience and forgotten solidarity. Half a century after it was first distributed as emergency aid, the cooking pots still gleam in the kitchens of Beit Awwa – reminding villagers of a time when Sweden stood by them in the aftermath of war.

Today, that legacy stands in stark contrast to Sweden’s current policy: a sharp reduction in aid to Palestine which has been folded into a regional government strategy for all of the Middle East and north Africa region.

The origins of these pots – and the trust they symbolise – were uncovered through research into the history of Swedish civil society organisations in Palestine. In the aftermath of the six-day war in 1967, Beit Awwa was one of several villages destroyed by Israeli forces. Villagers lost their homes, belongings and livelihoods.

Beit Awwa was not alone. In the chaotic aftermath of the six-day war, entire Palestinian villages were razed. Few international observers were present to document what happened. Israeli authorities actively tried to prevent outside scrutiny.

One of the few who bore witness was Sister Marie-Thérèse, a French nun from the Companions of Jesus order, who later wrote about the devastation in her diary. Israeli journalist Amos Kenan also reported on the forced expulsions, describing elderly people and mothers with infants wandering with white flags.

By mid-July 1967, John Reddaway, Unrwa’s deputy commissioner-general, estimated that around 16,000 people had been made homeless by the destruction of villages in the West Bank. Altogether, between 200,000 and 250,000 people from the West Bank went into exile.

Just a week after the war ended, on June 10, representatives from the Swedish organisation Individuell Människohjälp (IM), including the then ambassador, Bo Siegbahn, and consul, Arnold Hjertström, visited the ruins of Beit Awwa and the neighbouring village of Beit Marsam. They witnessed the devastation and appealed for help.

Sweden’s foreign ministry did not respond. But IM acted. With funding from the Norwegian Refugee Council and donations from the Swedish public (raising more than kr544,000 (£343,000) in July alone), IM chartered two planes from Malmö.

They delivered blankets, clothing, 100 tons of wheat flour, powdered milk, food supplies, primus stoves, and kitchen utensils — including the now-legendary Skultuna pots, a brand dating back to 1607.

The village elder, or mukhtar, oversaw the distribution, ensuring that aid was shared fairly. One of the men who proudly showed the pots to a visiting development worker decades later turned out to be the mukhtar’s grandson. IM also set up two tent camps and later sent medical supplies, prosthetics, spectacles and wheelchairs.

Cleaning up

Many years after the humanitarian intervention in 1967, Sweden returned to the Beit Awwa area to help resolve a new and complex problem. Swedish representatives were met with goodwill by the villagers, apparently based on the role Sweden had played decades earlier, even though no one was old enough to have their own clear memories of what had taken place in 1967.

During the 2010s, the Swedish consulate-general in Jerusalem identified a growing environmental crisis in the occupied Palestinian territory. In the villages near Hebron, many families had turned to informal recycling of Israeli electronic waste, a hazardous livelihood born out of economic necessity and political exclusion.

After the second intifada, when Palestinian workers were largely barred from entering Israel, some turned to old contacts among Israeli junk dealers. They began importing discarded electronics, burning them to extract copper and other metals, and selling the materials back through informal networks.

The environmental cost was devastating. Thick black smoke from burning cables choked the air and toxic runoff seeped into the soil and groundwater. The intricacies of the dangerous trade were brought to light by a group of researcher led by Yaakov Garb at Ben-Gurion University. They were able to link the burn sites to rising rates of lymphoma and other illnesses among children in the area.

In response to the crisis, researchers and villagers, supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), developed a pilot project in 2015 to transform the informal recycling into a safer, small-scale industry.

The idea was to replace open-air burning with mechanical cable grinding, decontaminate the burn sites by removing toxic soil, and register the recycling operations as formal businesses with the Palestinian Authority. Local municipalities were also tasked with forming monitoring teams to prevent illegal burning.

The pilot project was a success. A significant area was cleaned, and a volunteer force of 60 people was quickly mobilised to enforce the new regulations. On both sides of the green line, the project earned praise – from Palestinian villagers, Israeli neighbours, and local authorities alike. In the villages, it became known as “the Swedish project”.

One cable-grinding machine remains in operation today – but like many well-intentioned initiatives in Palestine, the project eventually ran into political obstacles. Sustaining the success of the pilot project required a degree of formalised collaboration between Israeli and Palestinian authorities, but agreement on the details proved impossible and the structures of occupation left little room for long-term, trust-based governance.

Events since then, including the Israeli government’s declared intention to annex the West Bank and the trauma of October 7 2023 and its violent aftermath, have made any efforts at aid requiring collaboration between Israeli and Palestinian authorities virtually impossible.

Still, Sweden’s name continues to carry weight in Beit Awwa and beyond. The memory of those aluminium pots – still gleaming after half a century of use – speaks to a legacy of solidarity that transcends politics. As a historian and a development worker, we believe this legacy deserves to be remembered, and reconsidered, in light of today’s shifting aid policies.

Perhaps one day, that legacy will form the foundation for a renewed Swedish contribution to just peace and prosperity in the region.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The cooking pot that became a symbol of Sweden’s commitment to helping Palestine – https://theconversation.com/the-cooking-pot-that-became-a-symbol-of-swedens-commitment-to-helping-palestine-266488

Does resistance training really improve your gut microbiome?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rosie Young, PhD Candidate, Gut Microbes in Health and Disease, Quadram Institute

Burnt Red Hen/Shutterstock.com

Lifting weights just two or three times a week can significantly change the trillions of bacteria living in your gut, and it might happen in as little as eight weeks.

That’s according to a recent study – not yet peer-reviewed – finding that previously inactive people who began resistance training showed notable changes in their gut microbiome, the community of microbes living in the digestive system.

Your gut is home to bacteria, fungi, viruses and other microscopic organisms, most of which live in the large intestine. These microbes help break down food that your body can’t digest on its own, allowing you to access more nutrients and vitamins.

Some bacteria are considered beneficial because they’re often found in people who are healthy, both physically and mentally. They produce compounds that appear to support wellbeing.

The makeup of your gut microbiome isn’t fixed. It changes based on factors such as what you eat, how old you are, how well you sleep – and, as this study shows, whether you exercise.

Researchers at the University of Tübingen in Germany recruited 150 people who didn’t normally exercise and asked them to do resistance training two to three times a week for eight weeks. Participants used either lighter weights with more repetitions (15 to 20) or heavier weights with fewer repetitions (eight to ten).

Both approaches produced similar improvements in strength and body composition. The exercises included chest presses, abdominal work, leg curls, leg presses and back exercises – two sets of each.

The researchers collected stool samples at the start of the programme, after four weeks and after eight weeks to track changes in participants’ gut bacteria.

Some people gained strength much faster than others. The researchers divided participants into “high responders” – the top 20%, who increased their strength by more than 33% on average – and “low responders” – the bottom 20%, who gained less than 12.2%.

The biggest factor determining whether someone was a high or low responder appeared to be their initial strength level.

But the researchers also found something interesting: the people who gained the most strength showed subtle but significant changes in their gut bacteria that the others didn’t.

High responders showed increases in 16 types of bacteria and decreases in 11 others. Two bacteria in particular stood out: Faecalibacterium and Roseburia hominis.

Both produce butyrate, a type of compound called a short-chain fatty acid. These compounds are created when gut bacteria break down fibre, and they serve multiple purposes: they provide energy for the body and help maintain a healthy gut lining, which prevents harmful bacteria from entering the bloodstream.

Similar increases in these bacteria have been found in other studies looking at exercise and the gut. However, in this study, the researchers didn’t find an actual increase in short-chain fatty acids in the stool samples – only more of the bacteria that produce them.

Not that simple

It’s tempting to label certain bacteria as “good” or “bad”, but it’s not that simple. Throughout the study, some bacteria typically associated with good health decreased, while others previously linked to poor health increased.

This highlights an important point: everyone’s microbiome is unique. The same bacteria might perform different roles in different people, depending on the individual and their overall health.

A person holding a paper model of a gut in front of their body.
Everyone’s gut microbiome is unique.
Helena Nechaeva/Shutterstock.com

We also can’t say for certain whether the changes in gut bacteria caused the strength gains, or whether getting stronger caused the bacterial changes. Studies like this can show associations, but they can’t prove cause and effect – the microbiome is influenced by too many factors to control them all.

Diet, for instance, has a major effect on gut bacteria. Participants were told not to change their eating habits during the study, but it’s extremely difficult to accurately track what people eat.

It’s possible that some high responders changed their diet as they became more focused on fitness, and this could have contributed both to their bacterial changes and their strength gains.

What we can say with more confidence is that exercise appears to benefit overall physical and mental health and should be part of a healthy lifestyle regardless of what it does to your gut microbes.

This was a small study that still has to go through the peer-review process of being officially looke at by other scientists. But it has the potential to add to growing evidence that our lifestyle choices, including how much we move, can influence the microscopic world living inside us.

The Conversation

Rosie Young does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Does resistance training really improve your gut microbiome? – https://theconversation.com/does-resistance-training-really-improve-your-gut-microbiome-265221

‘Sex for rent’ is illegal in the UK. Why are thousands of people still affected?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chris Waugh, Lecturer in Sociology and Criminology, Manchester Metropolitan University

WPixz/Shutterstock

When Andrew (not his real name) lost his job during the COVID-19 pandemic, he turned to work as a courier. His days became a slog – cycling for hours in rain or shine, juggling Deliveroo, Uber Eats and JustEat.

Despite the grind, he couldn’t afford to rent even a single room in his city. After months of sofa surfing and crammed bunk-bed accommodation, a friend of a friend offered him a room at a rent he could actually manage.

The catch? He had to have sex with his new, live-in landlady once a week.

This is what’s known as a sex-for-rent arrangement: when someone offers free or discounted accommodation in exchange for sex. I’ve been studying the experiences of people in sex-for-rent arrangements, and will be publishing my findings over the coming year.

While such arrangements might come with a veneer of consent, research from the UK and US shows they are often exploitative and disempowering. They start with a power imbalance, usually economic, that allows one person to exploit another’s desperation for housing.

There is relatively little academic research on sex for rent in the UK. But what we do have so far is deeply concerning. A 2022 survey by campaign group Generation Rent estimated that over 200,000 women may have been offered free or discounted rent in exchange for sexual favours.

These offers sometimes appear on platforms like Craigslist or Facebook Marketplace, often couched in vague, euphemistic language: “reduced rent for suitable female tenant”, or “alternative arrangements can be discussed”.

Investigative journalism has shown that these ads typically target young women – especially students and those in insecure work.

While confirming that young women are heavily targeted, my ongoing research reveals how economically marginalised men are being exploited too. Through qualitative interviews with survivors of sex-for-rent, I am exploring how this exploitative practice occurs, who is targeted and why.

Participants like Andrew often work in the gig economy, where wages are low and unpredictable. Others are migrants with no access to benefits or housing assistance, making it near impossible to access stable accommodation. Their experiences of sex-for-rent are made worse by social stigma, masculine expectations of self-reliance and a lack of tailored support.

What I have found so far supports and expands on findings already established in existing research, which has found how sex-for-rent is advertised to young women online, and becoming a regular part of an insecure housing market.

Survivors told me that landladies as well as landlords were engaging in sexual exploitation via sex-for-rent. Landlords were often aware of participants’ financial struggles and framed the arrangement as “helping them out”. Participants who tried to leave said they were threatened with eviction – both legal and illegal – to trap them.

The 15 men I spoke to reported intense feelings of shame, degradation and emasculation. They were also often unaware of support services that might be able to help them, including housing charities or services for male victims of sexual violence. Many feared legal consequences, wrongly believing they had broken the law by “prostituting themselves” and doubted police would believe them.

The limits of the law

Sex-for-rent is technically illegal under the Sexual Offences Act 2003, which states that sex-for-rent amounts to “controlling or inciting prostitution for gain”. Yet only two successful prosecutions have occurred – Christopher Cox in 2022 and Frederick Allyard in 2024.

It is unclear whether any further attempted prosecutions have occurred. But my research indicates that victims broadly believe that they themselves have committed an offence, rather than their landlords, grounded in the wrongful belief that sex work is a crime – it isn’t a crime to sell sex anywhere in the UK.

What is illegal is soliciting, brothel keeping and pimping, though these concepts are poorly defined in British law.

In 2023, the Home Office launched an open consultation on exchange of sexual relations for accommodation. While this is a welcome recognition of the issue, the consultation largely frames sex-for-rent as a matter of individual criminal landlords. It says little about why such exploitation persists – or how social conditions actively enable it.

A blue To Let sign outside of a terraced house
Rents outpacing wage growth have created conditions for predatory landlords to take advantage of tenants.
William Barton/Shutterstock

Landlords hold far more power than tenants in the UK. Rents are among the highest in Europe, with projections suggesting that 2.2 million working adults could be priced out of the rental market by 2030.

The UK average rent is £1,339 per month, a more than 100% increase compared to ten years ago. People on lower incomes can spend up to 59% of their monthly wages on rent alone.

At the same time, wages have stagnated, housing benefit is inadequate, and those with insecure immigration status are locked out of public support entirely. Tenants begin from a position of reduced power, in a housing system that gives more power to the interests of landlords.

This system can be taken advantage of by predatory landlords, either through exploitation like sex-for-rent, or not keeping properties in liveable conditions.

Even if there were more prosecutions for sex-for-rent, it wouldn’t solve the problem alone. We can’t just focus on individual acts of criminality – sex-for-rent is the outcome of structural inequalities in housing, made possible by policy choices: the erosion of social housing, the deregulation of the private rental sector, the rise of precarious work and punitive immigration controls.

Properly addressing the problem would require more secure, affordable housing, an end to no recourse to public funds conditions and support services for all victims of sexual exploitation, not just women.

Over a decade of austerity has left many of these services hanging on by a thread. The current government could do worse than to reverse these trends. Sex-for-rent is not a fringe issue. It is a symptom of how deeply our housing and welfare systems have failed – and it demands a response as structural as the harm itself.

The Conversation

Chris Waugh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Sex for rent’ is illegal in the UK. Why are thousands of people still affected? – https://theconversation.com/sex-for-rent-is-illegal-in-the-uk-why-are-thousands-of-people-still-affected-255744

Travel between African countries is still hard: fresh ideas to get movement flowing

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Alan Hirsch, Senior Research Fellow New South Institute, Emeritus Professor at The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town

It remains too difficult for Africans to travel between African countries. Africa-wide reforms have failed. The keynote continental agreement, the African Union’s Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, adopted in 2018, still has only four country ratifications from 55 members.

A new report of the African Union bemoans the low (though slightly improved) level of human integration in Africa. It describes the main challenges as legal fragmentation, weak institutional frameworks, security concerns, and limited mutual recognition of documents and qualifications.

Nevertheless, some consolation can be drawn from the fact that African migration governance systems have been moving in the right direction.

We are migration researchers and, as we show in our recent report, there has been some progress. This is evident in improving scores in the annual African Visa Openness Index, which is published by the African Development Bank.

The visa openness index shows that for 28% of country‑to-country travel scenarios within Africa, African citizens do not need a visa to cross the border. This is an improvement from 20% in 2016.

But the pace of change is slow. Given this, and the fact that progress has been driven at bilateral and regional levels, is there still a role for continental initiatives?

Based on our research over the last decade, we argue that incremental reforms at all levels – unilateral, bilateral, regional and continental – can combine to move Africa forward towards free regular movement.

We recognise that the implementation of the African Union Protocol on Free Movement of Persons is still some way off. But there are opportunities to support its aims and intentions through incremental initiatives and reforms. This could include pilot programmes run under the auspices of the African Union and regional bodies that provide for categories of people to travel freely. These categories could include, for example, traders at borders or those with professional skills.

What’s standing in the way

There are many reasons a continental process to reform and align migration governance shouldn’t work.

Firstly, the African Union has an extraordinary number of members (55). The European Union has 27. The large number of countries makes any wholesale continental institutional intervention difficult.

Secondly, there are huge levels of inequality both within and between African countries. The richest country in Africa has an income per person on average – taking costs into account – around 53 times higher than the poorest. Large income differences between countries, sometimes coinciding with better judicial systems and social services, make it likely that, whatever the reality, vulnerable residents in the richer country are likely to fear an uncontrolled influx.

Thirdly, the level of institutional development varies hugely between countries. Population registration is very weak in many African countries. Unicef estimated that in 2022, more than half of the unregistered children in the world were African. The Lancet medical journal estimated that in 2021 only one in three deaths in Africa were registered. Systems for issuing identification documents and passports are imperfect. Confidence in other countries keeping good records of citizens and monitoring criminal and terrorist activity are key ingredients of a good migration partnership.

But Africans cannot afford to allow these and other obstacles to diminish the effort towards a fully integrated continent.

In a world of large, competing power blocs, Africa’s fragmentation puts it at a huge disadvantage. In any case, compared with much of the rest of the world, at least Africa is moving in the right direction. It is mostly opening borders, rather than closing them.

The efforts so far

African initiatives to facilitate easier border crossings have a long history.

In 1991, the Abuja Treaty committed Organisation of African Union member states to

establish a common market and gradually remove obstacles to the free movement of persons, goods, services, and capital and the right of residence and establishment.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights guarantees the right to free movement of persons. The Migration Policy Framework for Africa and Plan of Action (2018–2030) is a detailed plan for implementing the Free Movement of Persons Protocol.

The 2018 protocol itself explained why freer movement would be beneficial for Africa’s social and economic development. It set up a programme of three phases, from visa-free visits to (eventually) rights to settle, work and start a business.

We noted some evidence that citizens of African countries are often more open to freer movement than their governments are.

Unlike the Free Movement of Persons Protocol, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) has been widely ratified and is in the process of implementation. It provides for specific categories of travellers to be allowed free movement in the course of service delivery.

The free movement protocol is, in practice, driven by a few busy staffers in the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, with some kind external assistance. The AfCFTA is driven by a relatively large, dedicated secretariat with wide support within and beyond Africa.

A more practical way forward

One of the conclusions we have drawn from our research is that a varied approach might work better.

For example, migration expert Amanda Bisong has pointed out that the AfCFTA services protocol makes provision for the visa-free movement of certain categories of professional and business persons. If implemented, this would be a significant continental step towards broader reforms.

We noted previously that such “neo-liberal” or “elitist” reforms could pave the way to broader multilateral reforms, as was the case in South America. The term “neo-liberal migration reform” was coined in South America to refer to visa-free travel for elites, but not for lower-skilled people.

Secondly, informal cross-border traders could be included into the ambit of formality within a specific agreement. Or as an extension of the services protocol of the free trade agreement.

Thirdly, such initiatives could be initiated as pilot programmes under the auspices of the AU and some regional blocs. Their purpose would be to support the free trade agreement services protocol commitment and to formalise informal traders.

Such pilot programmes could include:

  • the implementation of regional agreements on mutual recognition of skills

  • special economic zones with freer movement provisions, or

  • harmonised visa policies for specific categories of persons.

If successful, these models could be scaled up to encourage broader adoption of the AU Free Movement of Persons Protocol.

Countries with weaker institutional capacities should not be left behind in integrating mobility into the implementation of the free trade agreement. Capacity-building programmes, including financial and technical assistance, should be provided to states that struggle with border management, migration governance or digital infrastructure.

We also noted that continental and regional forums to exchange views and experiences in migration policy and practice are important. We recommend more frequent and more focused forums to monitor the implementation of migration reform policies and discuss the systematic deepening of reforms.

The Conversation

Alan Hirsch is a Senior Research fellow at the New South Institute which funded the research on which this article is based.

Victor Amadi is an Affiliate Researcher at the New South Institute, which funded the research on which this article is based.

ref. Travel between African countries is still hard: fresh ideas to get movement flowing – https://theconversation.com/travel-between-african-countries-is-still-hard-fresh-ideas-to-get-movement-flowing-266837

Le projet africain de Grande muraille verte peine à verdir au Sénégal

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Annah Lake Zhu, Assistant Professor, Wageningen University

L’une des zones de la Grande muraille verte au Sénégal où les arbres peinent à pousser. Annah Zhu, Fourni par l’auteur

Le projet africain de la Grande muraille verte a débuté comme un plan ambitieux visant à créer une bande d’arbres de 15 kilomètres de large à travers le nord de l’Afrique. L’Union africaine a lancé ce projet en 2007 avec pour objectif de planter des arbres sur 6 000 kilomètres à travers 11 pays du Sahel. Ce projet devait restaurer 100 millions d’hectares de terres du Sénégal à Djibouti et en Éthiopie, avec pour objectif principal d’empêcher l’avancée du désert du Sahara. La Grande muraille verte a également été présentée comme une solution au changement climatique, à la pauvreté et même à l’extrémisme.

Bien qu’il soit l’un des plus petits participants, le Sénégal est l’un des pays les plus actifs dans la mise en œuvre de l’initiative de la Grande Muraille Verte. Il s’est fixé comme objectif de restaurer 817 500 hectares de terre. Les chercheurs en environnement Annah Lake Zhu et Amadou Ndiaye ont fait partie d’une équipe qui a examiné des images satellites d’une partie de la Grande muraille verte dans ce pays. Leur étude a révélé que seul un site sur 36 présentait une végétation plus dense que ce qu’elle aurait été naturellement. Le projet ne consiste pas à planter une véritable muraille d’arbres, mais plutôt en une mosaïque de terres réhabilitées, qui devrait être visible depuis l’espace. Les chercheurs ont également constaté que de nombreux engagements financiers n’avaient pas été tenus, que l’argent n’arrivait pas jusqu’au terrain et que le taux de survie des arbres plantés restait faible.


Peut-on retracer les fonds alloués à ce projet ?

À ce jour, plus de 20 milliards de dollars ont été promis. On peut citer, par exemple les 4 milliards annoncés lors de la conférence de Paris sur le climat en 2015, et les 14,3 milliards lors du One Planet Summit en 2021.

Les promesses faites lors des sommets mondiaux font certes la une des médias, mais ne se concrétisent pas toujours. Souvent, seule une petite partie des fonds promis parvient aux pays cibles, et une partie encore plus infime est effectivement utilisée sur le terrain.

Par exemple, selon une évaluation du financement de la Grande muraille verte réalisée en 2020, les pays de la Grande Muraille Verte ont déclaré n’avoir reçu qu’un total de 149 millions de dollars américains entre 2011 et 2019.

Sur les 14,3 milliards de dollars américains promis en 2021, seuls 2,5 milliards de dollars américains avaient été effectivement versés en mars 2023.

Cet écart s’explique par plusieurs raisons. La plus importante est sans doute la bureaucratie. Chaque projet de la Grande muraille verte qui reçoit un financement de bailleurs de fonds internationaux tels que la Banque mondiale, le Fonds pour l’environnement mondial ou la Banque africaine de développement doit passer par des phases rigoureuses de préparation et d’approbation. Les fonds ne sont pas transférés instantanément : certains pays disposent d’une agence désignée pour recevoir les fonds, d’autres non. Une grande partie du financement est affectée à des projets de développement qui s’alignent sur les objectifs de la Grande Muraille Verte, mais qui ne sont pas nécessairement utilisés directement pour planter des arbres.

Même si l’argent arrivait instantanément, les gouvernements locaux n’auraient pas la capacité de gérer et de distribuer de telles grosses sommes. Les contraintes budgétaires internes peuvent également conduire à la réaffectation des fonds à d’autres secteurs, tels que les infrastructures, l’éducation et la santé.

En outre, de nombreux pays de la Grande muraille verte (Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger) sont désormais gouvernés par des régimes autoritaires qui ne sont plus favorables à l’Occident. La plupart des aides à long terme en matière d’environnement et de développement ont été suspendues. Et les zones où se déroulent les projets sont désormais instables en raison de l’insécurité, liée à l’avancée des groupes djihadistes.

Quels devraient être les résultats visibles sur le terrain à l’heure actuelle ?

Après près de deux décennies, même en tenant compte du fait que tous les fonds promis n’ont pas été versés, les résultats devraient être visibles.

Cependant, les progrès dans la mise en oeuvre du projet de la Grande muraille verte ne se mesure pas avec des images satellites. Ses promoteurs communiquent plutôt sur le nombre d’arbres plantés ou sur la superficie de terres réservées à la régénération naturelle. Des terres qui sont généralement comptabilisées dans l’objectif des 100 millions d’hectares restaurés, même si les arbres ne poussent jamais.

L’Observatoire de la Grande muraille verte, dirigé par l’Europe et l’Afrique, et le Facilitateur Big Data de la Grande muraille verte(une plateforme qui permet aux acteurs de faire le suivi), géré par l’Académie chinoise des sciences en partenariat avec les pays africains participants, s’orientent vers une surveillance par satellite de la croissance des plantes dans l’ensemble de la région. Mais il faudra encore un certain temps avant que ces plateformes soient réellement en mesure de mesurer systématiquement l’impact de la plantation au niveau des sites.

À quoi ressemble aujourd’hui la Grande muraille verte au Sénégal ?

Nous avons visité les sites de la Grande muraille verte au Sénégal et interrogé le personnel du projet et les membres de la communauté où des activités de reboisement ont eu lieu. Notre équipe a également examiné des photos satellites de 36 parcelles couvrant 18 090 hectares de la zone cible de la Grande muraille verte au Sénégal, qui s’étend sur environ 817 500 hectares.

Nos recherches ont montré que la Grande muraille verte génère des emplois dans les nouvelles pépinières, dans la plantation et dans la surveillance des sites de reboisement. La récolte de produits forestiers non ligneux (gomme arabique et dattes du désert) est un autre avantage de la Grande muraille verte, qui fournit également des services sociaux tels que des soins de santé et la construction de pare-feux.

Ces avantages sont tangibles : des emplois dans des régions reculées où il y a très peu de travail. Mais ces emplois sont souvent de courte durée, se limitant principalement à la saison des plantations ou à la création d’une nouvelle parcelle de reboisement.




Read more:
Grâce à la Grande muraille verte, une meilleure qualité de vie dans le Sahel ?


Sur le plan écologique, l’impact est beaucoup moins clair. Notre analyse d’images satellites de 36 parcelles de reboisement au Sénégal a montré que seules deux d’entre elles étaient beaucoup plus vertes depuis la création de la muraille. Et une seule d’entre elles était plus verte qu’elle ne l’aurait été naturellement.

Cela s’explique peut-être par le fait que les nouveaux arbres ne sont pas irrigués. Même si des espèces résistantes à la sécheresse sont plantées, de nombreux arbres meurent si la saison des pluies est modérée. Les arbres sont également piétinés ou mangés par le bétail lorsque les clôtures ne sont pas correctement entretenues.

En examinant les zones spécifiques où des travaux de restauration ont été effectués et en tenant compte du verdissement attendu grâce aux précipitations, notre étude a révélé que, dans l’ensemble, la Grande muraille verte n’a eu pratiquement aucun impact écologique au Sénégal.

Que faut-il faire maintenant ?

On parle le plus souvent de l’argent nécessaire pour un projet. Par exemple, l’ONU estime qu’il faudrait 33 milliards de dollars américains pour la Grande muraille verte. C’est une fiction. Les projets de grande envergure comme celui-ci ont besoin de plus que de l’argent. Ils ont besoin de moyens fiables pour acheminer les fonds jusqu’à la destination. Cette question doit être abordée.

Les évaluations de projets doivent également cesser d’utiliser uniquement les activités (comme le nombre d’arbres plantés) comme critères de réussite. Ce sont plutôt les résultats de ces activités, à savoir l’augmentation de la végétation et la réduction de la dégradation des sols, qui témoignent de la réussite.

Il existe aujourd’hui de puissants outils numériques et de surveillance à distance pour suivre la Grande muraille verte. Ceux-ci n’existaient pas lorsque le projet a démarré. Nous recommandons de les utiliser : fixer des objectifs d’augmentation de la végétation le long du tracé de la muraille, surveiller à distance l’impact du projet et récompenser généreusement les succès. C’est le modèle à suivre pour l’avenir. Il va au-delà des promesses symboliques et met l’accent sur les changements réels sur le terrain.

The Conversation

Annah Lake Zhu reçoit un financement du Conseil néerlandais de la recherche (NWO)

Amadou Ndiaye est enseignant chercheur à l’université Amadou Mahtar Mbow de Dakar.

ref. Le projet africain de Grande muraille verte peine à verdir au Sénégal – https://theconversation.com/le-projet-africain-de-grande-muraille-verte-peine-a-verdir-au-senegal-267237

Un mauvais collègue peut-il devenir un bon manager ? Non, mais oui !

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Isabelle Barth, Secrétaire général, The Conversation France, Université de Strasbourg

Le monde n’est pas toujours juste, et ce ne sont pas toujours les plus compétents qui sont récompensés. Comment faire quand un mauvais collègue est promu ? Est-ce forcément synonyme de catastrophe ? ou bien arrive-t-il que le boulet d’hier se réalise en devenant encadrant ? C’est à toutes ces questions qu’on n’ose pas toujours poser que s’attelle notre experte du management.


Existe-t-il une justice immanente dans le monde du travail qui ferait qu’un collègue qui se comporte mal ne pourra jamais devenir manager ? On aimerait bien… mais il n’en est rien. Et parfois (souvent ?) même, au contraire, ce mauvais comportement peut l’aider à obtenir ce qui est considéré comme une promotion.

Quant à savoir s’il (ou elle) sera un bon manager, la réponse est plus nuancée, mais cela reste du domaine du possible ! C’est parce que cette perspective est dérangeante qu’elle nous fait perdre beaucoup de nos repères. Mais il faut savoir la regarder en face pour affronter, voire déjouer, ces situations qui peuvent être très difficiles.

Le « mauvais collègue » : incompétent et/ou toxique

Un mauvais collègue est quelqu’un qui n’est pas apprécié par l’équipe, et donc pas intégré. Il peut, en revanche, être bien vu par le manager. Les motifs de cette mauvaise appréciation, voire de ce rejet par l’équipe, sont, dans la très grande majorité des cas, liés à deux formes d’incompétences :

  • l’incompétence métier quand le « mauvais collègue » ne fait pas son travail et nuit à la performance du collectif parce qu’il est incompétent (mal recruté, pas formé). Ce collègue peut en revanche être charmant et considéré comme sympathique. Mais, factuellement, c’est un « boulet » qui grève la performance du collectif.

  • l’incompétence relationnelle, quand le collègue possède les compétences du métier mais a un comportement désagréable, voire toxique.

Les deux cas de figure sont bien évidemment cumulables : certains mauvais collègues réussissent à la fois à être incompétent dans leur métier et posséder un relationnel détestable !




À lire aussi :
Devenir manager ne fait plus rêver… sauf les enfants issus d’un milieu populaire


Le premier réflexe serait de recommander de remédier à la situation. Dans un monde parfait, le manager soutenu par les RRH cherche les causes d’une telle situation, trouve des solutions et il devient possible d’imaginer une réintégration dans l’équipe du « mauvais collègue ». Mais si rien n’y fait ? Ou si, on n’a ni le temps ni l’envie de faire évoluer la situation ?

On va alors chercher à se débarrasser du « mauvais collègue ». Il y a bien sûr le licenciement, la rétrogradation, ou bien le changement de poste ou d’équipes. Mais il existe un scénario fréquemment observé de l’évolution vers le management.

Et le « mauvais collègue » devint manager

C’est étonnant, mais finalement assez courant, sans qu’il existe des statistiques sur le sujet. On peut alors identifier au moins trois cas de figure :

  1. Le syndrome de Dilbert a été imaginé par le dessinateur et humoriste Scott Adams qui dit qu’une personne incompétente a toutes les chances d’être promue manager, car c’est là où son incompétence aura le moins d’impact.

C’est mal connaître les dégâts d’un mauvais management, mais c’est un réflexe qu’on observe malheureusement très souvent. Le profil du « mauvais collègue » est alors surévalué par son manager pour se donner toutes les chances que son départ soit rapide !

  1. Le collègue désagréable ou incompétent passe des concours pour devenir manager… et les réussit ! Or, les connaissances ne garantissent en rien la compétence de manager.

  2. Tout le monde le déteste, sauf… le grand patron ! Ils ont fait la même grande école, ils sont cousins, ils jouent au tennis ensemble… Et il est hors de question de le laisser tomber à cause de collègues grincheux.

Le poste de manager : une révélation ?

Une fois qu’il devient manager, le « mauvais collègue » peut-il devenir un bon encadrant ? Mais Qu’entend-on par un « bon manager » ? C’est un professionnel qui possède du leadership et sait motiver ses équipes. Il donne du sens au travail de chacun de ses collaborateurs, il écoute, fait preuve de bienveillance au sens où il ne cherche pas des coupables en cas de problème. Il sait aussi prendre des décisions, être équitable. L’ensemble de ces compétences managériales ne sont pas les mêmes que celles attendues d’un opérationnel.

Il peut arriver qu’évoluant vers un poste de management le « mauvais collègue » révèle des talents cachés ! Après tout, les meilleurs coachs sportifs ne sont pas tous de grands champions (c’est même souvent le contraire !).

Même si c’est loin d’être une règle absolue, on constate deux phénomènes en entreprise qui contribuent à rendre cela possible :

  • « la fonction crée la compétence », et c’est vrai que souvent, on voit des personnes évoluer très positivement à la prise de nouvelles fonctions.

  • l’adéquation entre la personne et le contexte étant incontournable, un changement d’entreprise, de service, de management (N+1 du nouveau manager) peuvent être à l’origine de revirements étonnants.

Pour toutes ces raisons, et sans en faire une généralité ni une règle absolue : un mauvais collègue peut devenir un bon, et, pourquoi pas, un très bon manager ! Pourtant, quelle que soit l’évolution, la « promotion » provoque malaise et perte de repères !

Anticiper les dégâts collatéraux

L’évolution d’un collègue considéré comme « mauvais » vers un poste de manager, sans préjuger de la suite, est profondément perturbante. Elle donne un sentiment d’injustice : « il était mauvais, et il est récompensé ! »

Cela va à rebours de toutes les injonctions entendes depuis la petite enfance : « il faut travailler dur pour avoir de bonnes notes », « il faut avoir de bonnes notes pour passer dans la classe supérieure », « il faut être compétent pour être recruté »…

Lefebvre Dalloz 2025.

La compétence est au cœur de la méritocratie. Et l’incompétent doit être sanctionné, du moins, s’il persiste à l’être. C’est une perte de repères car c’est l’incompétence qui a alors de la valeur !

La trappe de la compétence

À l’inverse, de nombreux hypercompétents témoignent qu’ils ont le sentiment d’être dans une nasse. Ils sont en quelque sorte « collés » à leur poste car, sans eux, le service ne pourrait pas fonctionner ! Cette « trappe de la compétence » est la source d’une grande souffrance et peut amener à du désengagement, et un mal-être profond relevant des risques psycho-sociaux.

Pour éviter ces dérives et ces promotions qui n’ont aucun sens, le manager doit intervenir avant. Il doit affronter le mauvais collègue pour poser avec lui les termes du problème. Pour cela, il est incontournable d’objectiver les situations où des dérives et des dysfonctionnements ont été observés.

Il faut ensuite bien peser les différentes issues, en sachant résister à celle de la promotion qui peut laisser des traces durables dans l’équipe.

Cela demande du temps, car la voie du dialogue est longue. Il faut aussi du courage, car il n’est pas simple de mettre un collaborateur devant ses failles. Entre déni et désir d’évacuer un problème complexe, le non-choix de la promotion vers le management est une voie qu’on retrouve souvent. Le risque est grand de la systématisation. C’est comme cela que naissent les kakistocraties.

The Conversation

Isabelle Barth ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Un mauvais collègue peut-il devenir un bon manager ? Non, mais oui ! – https://theconversation.com/un-mauvais-collegue-peut-il-devenir-un-bon-manager-non-mais-oui-265885